Wesley Corpus

4. The Second inference, is, let none rest in any supposed fruit of the Spirit without the witness. There may be foretastes of the Spirit without the witness. There may be foretastes of joy, of peace, of love, and those not delusive, but really from God, long before we have the witness in ourselves; before the Spirit of God witnesses with our spirits that we have "redemption in the blood of Jesus, even the forgiveness of sins." Yea, there may be a degree of long-suffering, of gentleness, of fidelity, meekness, temperance, (not a shadow thereof, but a real degree, by the preventing grace of God,) before we "are accepted in the Beloved," and, consequently, before we have a testimony of our acceptance: But it is by no means advisable to rest here; it is at the peril of our souls if we do. If we are wise, we shall be continually crying to God, until his Spirit cry in our heart, "Abba, Father!" This is the privilege of all the children of God, and without this we can never be assured that we are his children. Without this we cannot retain a steady peace, nor avoid perplexing doubts and fears. But when we have once received this Spirit of adoption, this "peace which passeth all understanding," and which expels all painful doubt and fear, will "keep our hearts and minds in Christ Jesus." And when this has brought forth its genuine fruit, all inward and outward holiness, it is undoubtedly the will of Him that calleth us, to give us always what he has once given; so that there is no need that we should ever more be deprived of either the testimony of God's Spirit, or the testimony of our own, the consciousness of our walking in all righteousness and true holiness. Newry, April 4, 1767.

8. Indeed some have supposed that before the fullness of the Gentiles shall come in the scandal of the cross will cease; that God will cause Christians to be esteemed and loved, even by those who are as yet in their sins. Yea, and sure it is, that even now he at some times suspends the contempt as well as the fierceness of men; "he makes a man's enemies to be at peace with him for a season, and gives him favour with his bitterest persecutors. But setting aside this exempt case, the scandal of the cross is not yet ceased; but a man may say still, "If I please men, I am not the servant of Christ. Let no man therefore regard that pleasing suggestion (pleasing doubtless to flesh and blood,) that bad men only pretend to hate and despise them that are good, but do indeed love and esteem them in their hearts." Not so: They may employ them sometimes; but it is for their own profit. They may put confidence in them; for they know their ways are not like other men's. But still they love them not; unless so far as the Spirit of God may be striving with them. Our Saviour's words are express: "If ye were of the world, the world would love its own; but because ye are not of the world, therefore the world hateth you." Yea, (setting aside what exceptions may be made by the preventing grace or the peculiar providence, of God,) it hateth them as cordially and sincerely as ever it did their Master. 9. It remains only to inquire, How are the children of God to behave with regard to persecution And, First, they ought not knowingly or designedly to bring it upon themselves. This is contrary, both to the example and advice of our Lord and all his Apostles; who teach us not only not to seek, but to avoid it, as far as we can, without injuring our conscience; without giving up any part of that righteousness which we are to prefer before life itself. So our Lord expressly, "When they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another," which is indeed, when it can be taken, the most unexceptionable way of avoiding persecution.

Yea, that blessings are to be obtained in the use of this means, which are no otherwise attainable, our Lord expressly declares in his answer to his disciples, asking, "Why could not we cast him out Jesus said unto them, Because of your unbelief: For verily I say unto you, If ye have faith as a grain of mustard-seed, ye shall say unto this mountain, Remove hence to yonder place; and it shall remove; and nothing shall be impossible unto you. Howbeit, this kind" of devils "goeth not out but by prayer and fasting:" (Matt. 17:19, &c.:) -- These being the appointed means of attaining that faith whereby the very devils are subject unto you. 11. These were the appointed means: For it was not merely by the light of reason, or of natural conscience, as it is called, that the people of God have been, in all ages, directed to use fasting as a means to these ends; but they have been, from time to time, taught it of God himself, by clear and open revelations of his will. Such is that remarkable one by the Prophet Joel: "Therefore saith the Lord, Turn you to me with all your heart, and with fasting, and with weeping, and with mourning: -- Who knoweth if he will return and repent, and leave a blessing behind him Blow the trumpet in Zion, sanctify a fast, call a solemn assembly: -- Then will the Lord be jealous over his land, and will pity his people. Yea, I will send you corn, and wine, and oil: -- I will no more make you a reproach among the Heathen." (Joel 2.12. &c.)

2. It was easy to foresee an objection which might be made, and which has in fact been made in all ages; namely, that to say we are justified without the works of the law, is to abolish the law. The Apostle, without entering into a formal dispute, simply denies the charge. "Do we then," says he, "make void the law through faith God forbid! Yea, we establish the law." 3. The strange imagination of some, that St. Paul, when he says, "A man is justified without the works of the law," means only ceremonial law, is abundantly confuted by these very words. For did St. Paul establish the ceremonial law It is evident he did not. He did make void that law through faith, and openly avowed his doing so. It was the moral law only, of which he might truly say, We do not make void, but establish this through faith. 4. But all men are not herein of his mind. Many there are who will not agree to this. Many in all ages of the Church, even among those who bore the name of Christians, have contended, that "the faith once delivered to the saints" was designed to make void the whole law. They would no more spare the moral than the ceremonial law, but were for "hewing," as it were, "both in pieces before the Lord; "vehemently maintaining, "If you establish any law, Christ shall profit you nothing; Christ is become of no effect to you; ye are fallen from grace." 5. But is the zeal of these men according to knowledge Have they observed the connexion between the law and faith and that, considering the close connexion between them, to destroy one is indeed to destroy both -- that, to abolish the moral law, is, in truth, to abolish faith and the law together as leaving no proper means, either of bringing us to faith, or of stirring up that gift of God in our soul. 6. It therefore behoves all who desire either to come to Christ, or to walk in him whom they have received, to take heed how they "make void the law through faith;" to secure us effectually against which, let us inquire, First, Which are the most usual ways of making "void the law through faith" And, Secondly, how we may follow the Apostle, and by faith "establish the law."

9. As gross and palpable are the works of the devil among many (if not all) the modern heathens. The natural religion of the Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws, and all other Indians bordering on our southern settlements (not of a few single men, but of entire nations), is to torture all their prisoners from morning till night, till at length they roast them to death; and upon the slightest undesigned provocation, to come behind and shoot any of their own countrymen! Yea, it is a common thing among them, for the son, if he thinks his father lives too long, to knock out his brains; and for mother, if she is tired of her children, to fasten stones about their necks, and throw three or four of them into the river, one after another! 10. It were to be wished, that none but heathens had practised such gross, palpable works of the devil. But we dare not say so. Even in cruelty and bloodshed, how little have the Christians come behind them! And not the Spaniards or Portuguese alone, butchering thousands in South America: not the Dutch only in the East Indies, or the French in North America, following the Spaniards step by step: our own countrymen, too, have wantoned in blood, and exterminated whole nations; plainly proving thereby what spirit it is that dwells and works in the children of disobedience. 11. These monsters might almost make us overlook the works of the devil that are wrought in our own country. But, alas! we cannot open our eyes even here, without seeing them on every side. Is it a small proof of his power, that common swearers, drunkards, whoremongers, adulterers, thieves, robbers, sodomites, murderers, are still found in every part of our land How triumphant does the prince of this world reign in all these children of disobedience! 12. He less openly, but no less effectually, works in dissemblers, tale-bearers, liars, slanderers; in oppressors and extortioners, in the perjured, the seller of his friend, his honour, his conscience, his country. And yet these may talk of religion or conscience still; of honour, virtue, and public spirit! But they can no more deceive Satan than they can God. He likewise knows those that are his: and a great multitude they are, out of every nation and people, of whom he has full possession at this day.

1. I. And, first, let us inquire, What is salvation The salvation which is here spoken of is not what is frequently understood by that word, the going to heaven, eternal happiness. It is not the soul's going to paradise, termed by our Lord, "Abraham's bosom." It is not a blessing which lies on the other side death; or, as we usually speak, in the other world. The very words of the text itself put this beyond all question: "Ye are saved." It is not something at a distance: it is a present thing; a blessing which, through the free mercy of God, ye are now in possession of. Nay, the words may be rendered, and that with equal propriety, "Ye have been saved": so that the salvation which is here spoken of might be extended to the entire work of God, from the first dawning of grace in the soul, till it is consummated in glory. 2. If we take this in its utmost extent, it will include all that is wrought in the soul by what is frequently termed "natural conscience," but more properly, "preventing grace"; --all the drawings of the Father; the desires after God, which, if we yield to them, increase more and more; --all that light wherewith the Son of God "enlighteneth every one that cometh into the world;" showing every man "to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with his God"; --all the convictions which His Spirit, from time to time, works in every child of man--although it is true, the generality of men stifle them as soon as possible, and after a while forget, or at least deny, that they ever had them at all. 3. But we are at present concerned only with that salvation which the Apostle is directly speaking of. And this consists of two general parts, justification and sanctification.

A considerable difference indeed, it must be allowed, there is between man and man, arising (beside that wrought by preventing grace) from difference of constitution and of education. But, notwithstanding this, who, that is not utterly ignorant of himself, can here cast the first stone at another Who can abide the test of our blessed Lord's comment on the Seventh Commandment: "He that looketh on a woman to lust after her hath committed adultery with her already in his heart" So that one knows not which to wonder at most, the ignorance or the insolence of those men who speak with such disdain of them that are overcome by desires which every man has felt in his own breast; the desire of every pleasure of sense, innocent or not, being natural to every child of man. 10. And so is "the desire of the eye;" the desire of the pleasures of the imagination. These arise either from great, or beautiful, or uncommon objects; -- if the two former do not coincide with the latter; for perhaps it would appear, upon a diligent inquiry, that neither grand nor beautiful objects please any longer than they are new; that when the novelty of them is over, the greatest part, at least, of the pleasure they give is over; and in the same proportion as they become familiar, they become flat and insipid. But let us experience this ever so often, the same desire will remain still. The inbred thirst continues fixed in the soul; nay, the more it is indulged, the more it increases, and incites us to follow after another, and yet another object; although we leave every one with an abortive hope, and a deluded expectation. Yea, The hoary fool, who many days Has struggled with continued sorrow, Renews his hope, and fondly lays The desperate bet upon tomorrow! To-morrow comes! 'Tis noon! 'Tis night! This day, like all the former, flies: Yet on he goes, to seek delight To-morrow, till to-night he dies!

11. A third symptom of this fatal disease, the love of the world, which is so deeply rooted in our nature, is "the pride of life;" the desire of praise, of the honour that cometh of men. This the greatest admirers of human nature allow to be strictly natural; as natural as the sight, or hearing, or any other of the external senses. And are they ashamed of it, even men of letters, men of refined and improved understanding So far from it that they glory therein! They applaud themselves for their love of applause! Yea, eminent Christians, so called, make no difficulty of adopting the saying of the old, vain Heathen, Animi dissoluti est et nequam negligere quid de se homines sentiant: "Not to regard what men think of us is the mark of a wicked and abandoned mind." So that to go calm and unmoved through honour and dishonour, through evil report and good report, is with them a sign of one that is, indeed, not fit to live: " Away with such a flow from the earth!" But would one imagine that these men had ever heard of Jesus Christ or his Apostles; or that they knew who it was that said, "How can ye believe who receive honour one of another, and seek not the honour which cometh of God only" But if this is really so, if it be impossible to believe, and consequently to please God, so long as we receive or seek honour one of another, and seek not the honour which cometh of God only; then in what a condition are all mankind! the Christians as well as Heathens! since they all seek honour one of another! since it is as natural for them so to do, themselves being the judges, as it is to see the light which strikes upon their eye, or to hear the sound which enters their ear; yea, since they account it a sign of a virtuous mind, to seek the praise of men, and of a vicious one, to be content with the honour that cometh of God only!

IV. 1. From these plain considerations we may learn, First, How important is this short, uncertain day of life! How precious, above all utterance, above all conception, is every portion of it! The least of these a serious care demands; For though they're little, they are golden sands! How deeply does it concern every child of man, to let none of these run to waste; but to improve them all to the noblest purposes, as long as the breath of God is in his nostrils! 2. We learn from hence, Secondly, that there is no employment of our time, no action or conversation, that is purely indifferent. All is good or bad, because all our time, as everything we have, is not our own. All these are, as our Lord speaks, ta allotria -- the property of another; of God our Creator. Now, these either are or are not employed according to his will. If they are so employed, all is good; if they are not, all is evil. Again: it is His will, that we should continually grow in grace, and in the living knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ. Consequently, every thought, word, and work, whereby this knowledge is increased, whereby we grow in grace, is good; and every one whereby this knowledge is not increased, is truly and properly evil. 3. We learn from hence, Thirdly, that there are no works of supererogation; that we can never do more than our duty; seeing all we have is not our own, but God's; all we can do is due to Him. We have not received this or that, or many things only, but everything from Him: therefore, everything is His due. He that gives us all, must needs have a right to all: so that if we pay Him anything less than all, we cannot be faithful stewards. And considering, "every man shall receive his own reward, according to his own labour," we cannot be wise stewards unless we labour to the uttermost of our power; not leaving anything undone which we possibly can do, but putting forth all our strength.

I. 1. Let us consider, First, What is the duty that is here enjoined What is it we are to rebuke or reprove And what is it to reprove What is it to reprove To tell anyone of his faults; as clearly appears from the following words: "Thou shalt not suffer sin upon him." Sin is therefore the thing we are called to reprove, or rather him that commits sin. We are to do all that in us lies to convince him of his fault, and lead him into the right way. 2. Love indeed requires us to warn him, not only of sin, (although of this chiefly,) but likewise of any error which, if it were persisted in, would naturally lead to sin. If we do not "hate him in our heart," if we love our neighbour as ourselves, this will be our constant endeavour; to warn him of every evil way, and of every mistake which tends to evil. 3. But if we desire not to lose our labour, we should rarely reprove anyone for anything that is of a disputable nature, that will bear much to be said on both sides. A thing may possibly appear evil to me; therefore I scruple the doing of it; and if I were to do it while that scruple remains, I should be a sinner before God. But another is not to be judged by my conscience: To his own master he standeth or falleth. Therefore I would not reprove him, but for what is clearly and undeniably evil. Such, for instance, is profane cursing and swearing; which even those who practise it most will not often venture to defend, if one mildly expostulates with them. Such is drunkenness, which even a habitual drunkard will condemn when he is sober. And such, in the account of the generality of people, is the profaning of the Lord's day. And if any which are guilty of these sins for a while attempt to defend them, very few will persist to do it, if you look them steadily in the face, and appeal to their own conscience in the sight of God.

17. Yet it may be admitted, that He takes more immediate care of those that are comprised in the second, the smaller circle; which includes all that are called Christians, all that profess to believe in Christ. We may reasonably think that these, in some degree, honor him, at least more than the Heathens do: God does, likewise, in some measure, honor them, and has a nearer concern for them. By many instances it appears, that the prince of this world has not so full power over these as over the Heathens. The God whom they even profess to serve, does, in some measure, maintain his own cause; so that the spirits of darkness do not reign so uncontrolled over them as they do over the heathen world. 18. Within the third, the innermost circle, are contained only the real Christians; those that worship God, not in form only, but in spirit and in truth. Herein are comprised all that love God, or, at least, truly fear God and work righteousness; all in whom is the mind which was in Christ, and who walk as Christ also walked. The words of our Lord above recited peculiarly refer to these. It is to these in particular that he says, "Even the very hairs of your head are all numbered." He sees their souls and their bodies; he takes particular notice of all their tempers, desires, and thoughts, all their words and actions. He marks all their sufferings, inward and outward, and the source whence they arise; so that we may well say, Thou know'st thy pains thy servants feel, Thou hear'st thy children's cry; And their best wishes to fulfil, Thy grace is ever nigh. Nothing relative to these is too great, nothing too little, for His attention. He has his eye continually, as upon every individual person that is a member of this his family, so upon every circumstance that relates either to their souls or bodies; either to their inward or outward state; wherein either their present or eternal happiness in is any degree concerned.

5. I would particularly remark, (what perhaps has not been sufficiently observed,) that he is the true Author of all the motion that is in the universe. To spirits, indeed, he has given a small degree of self-moving power, but not to matter. All matter, of whatever kind it be, is absolutely and totally inert. It does not, cannot, in any case, move itself; and whenever any part of it seems to move, it is in reality moved by something else. See that log, which, vulgarly speaking, moves on the sea! It is in reality moved by the water. The water is moved by the wind; that is, a current of air. And the air itself owes all its motion to the ethereal fire, a particle of which is attached to every particle of it. Deprive it of that fire, and it moves no longer; it is fixed: It is as inert as sand. Remove fluidity (owing to the ethereal fire intermixed with it) from water, and it has no more motion than the log. Impact fire into iron, by hammering it when red hot, and it has no more motion than fixed air, or frozen water. But when it is unfixed, when it is in its most active state, what gives motion to fire The very Heathen will tell you. It is, Totam Mens agitans molem, et magno se corpore miscens. ["The general soul Lives in the parts, and agitates the whole." -- Edit.] 6. To pursue this a little farther: We say, the moon moves round the earth; the earth and the other planets move round the sun; the sun moves round its own axis. But these are only vulgar expressions: For, if we speak the truth, neither the sun, moon, nor stars move. None of these move themselves: They are all moved every moment by the almighty hand that made them.

17. To which of the preceding heads is the love of money to be referred Perhaps sometimes to one, and sometimes to another; as it is a means of procuring gratifications, either for "the desire of the flesh," for "the desire of the eyes," or for "the pride of life." In any of these cases, money is only pursued in order to a farther end. But it is sometimes pursued for its own sake, without any farther view. One who is properly a miser loves and seeks money for its own sake. He looks no farther, but places his happiness in the acquiring or the possessing of it. And this is a species of idolatry distinct from all the preceding; and indeed, the lowest, basest idolatry of which the human soul is capable. To seek happiness either in gratifying this or any other of the desires above mentioned, is effectually to renounce the true God, and to set up an idol in his place. In a word, so many objects as there are in the world, wherein men seek happiness instead of seeking it in God, so many idols they set up in their hearts, so many species of idolatry they practise.

On Dissipation "This I speak -- that ye may attend upon the Lord without distraction." 1 Cor. 7:35. 1. Almost in every part of our nation, more especially in the large and populous towns, we hear a general complaint among sensible persons, of the still increasing dissipation. It is observed to diffuse itself more and more, in the court, the city, and the country. From the continual mention which is made of this, and the continual declamations against it, one would naturally imagine that a word so commonly used was perfectly understood. Yet it may be doubted whether it be or no. Nay, we may very safely affirm that few of those who frequently use the term understand what it means. One reason of this is, that, although the thing has been long among us, especially since the time of King Charles the Second (one of the most dissipated mortals that ever breathed,) yet the word is not of long standing. It was hardly heard of fifty years ago; and not much before the present reign. So lately has it been imported: And yet it is so in every one's mouth, that it is already worn threadbare; being one of the cant words of the day. 2. Another reason why it is so little understood may be, that among the numberless writers that swarm about us, there is not one (at least whom I have seen) that has published so much as a sixpenny pamphlet concerning it. We have, indeed, one short Essay upon the subject: But exceeding few have seen it, as it stands in the midst of a volume of Essays, the author of which is little known in the world. And even this is so far from going to the bottom of the subject that it only slightly glances over it; and does not so much as give us one definition of dissipation (which I looked narrowly for) from the beginning to the end. 3. We are accustomed to speak of dissipation, as having respect chiefly, if not wholly, to the outward behaviour; to the manner of life. But it is within before it appears without: It is in the heart, before it is seen in the outward conversation. There must be a dissipated spirit, before there is a dissipated manner of life. But what is dissipation of spirit This is the first and the grand inquiry.

22. We may, Lastly, learn hence, what judgment to form of what is frequently urged in favour of the English nation, and of the present age; namely, that, in other respects, England stands on a level with other nations, and the present age stands upon a level with any of the preceding: Only it is allowed we are more dissipated than our neighbours; and this age is more dissipated than the preceding ages. Nay, if this is allowed, all is allowed. It is allowed that this nation is worse than any of the neighbouring nations; and that this age is worse, essentially worse, than any of the preceding ages. For as dissipation or ungodliness is the parent of all sin; of all unrighteousness; of unmercifulness, injustice, fraud, perfidy; of every possible evil temper, evil word, or evil action; so it, in effect, comprises them all. Whatsoever things are impure, whatsoever things are of evil report, whatsoever things are unholy; if there be any vice; all these are included in ungodliness, usually termed dissipation. Let not, therefore, any lover of virtue and truth say one word in favour of this monster: Let no lover of mankind once open his mouth to extenuate the guilt of it. Abhor it, as you would abhor the devil, whose offspring and likeness it is! Abhor it, as you would abhor the extinction of all virtue, and the universal prevalence of an earthly, sensual, devilish spirit; and flee from it as you would flee (if you saw it open before you) from the lake of fire burning with brimstone!

II. 1. Proceed we now to the Second point: If God worketh in you, then work out your own salvation. The original word rendered, work out, implies the doing a thing thoroughly. Your own; for you yourselves must do this, or it will be left undone forever. Your own salvation: Salvation begins with what is usually termed (and very properly) preventing grace; including the first wish to please God, the first dawn of light concerning his will, and the first slight transient conviction of having sinned against him. All these imply some tendency toward life; some degree of salvation; the beginning of a deliverance from a blind, unfeeling heart, quite insensible of God and the things of God. Salvation is carried on by convincing grace, usually in Scripture termed repentance; which brings a larger measure of self-knowledge, and a farther deliverance from the heart of stone. Afterwards we experience the proper Christian salvation; whereby, "through grace," we "are saved by faith;" consisting of those two grand branches, justification and sanctification. By justification we are saved from the guilt of sin, and restored to the favour of God; by sanctification we are saved from the power and root of sin, and restored to the image of God. All experience, as well as Scripture, shows this salvation to be both instantaneous and gradual. It begins the moment we are justified, in the holy, humble, gentle, patient love of God and man. It gradually increases from that moment, as "a grain of mustard-seed, which, at first, is the least of all seeds," but afterwards puts forth large branches, and becomes a great tree; till, in another instant, the heart is cleansed, from all sin, and filled with pure love to God and man. But even that love increases more and more, till we "grow up in all things into him that is our Head;" till we attain "the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ."

4. Yet this is no excuse for those who continue in sin, and lay the blame upon their Maker, by saying, "It is God only that must quicken us; for we cannot quicken our own souls." For allowing that all the souls of men are dead in sin by nature, this excuses none, seeing there is no man that is in a state of mere nature; there is no man, unless he has quenched the Spirit, that is wholly void of the grace of God. No man living is entirely destitute of what is vulgarly called natural conscience. But this is not natural: It is more properly termed preventing grace. Every man has a greater or less measure of this, which waiteth not for the call of man. Every one has, sooner or later, good desires; although the generality of men stifle them before they can strike deep root, or produce any considerable fruit. Everyone has some measure of that light, some faint glimmering ray, which, sooner or later, more or less, enlightens every man that cometh into the world. And every one, unless he be one of the small number whose conscience is seared as with a hot iron, feels more or less uneasy when he acts contrary to the light of his own conscience. So that no man sins because he has not grace, but because he does not use the grace which he hath. 5. Therefore inasmuch as God works in you, you are now able to work out your own salvation. Since he worketh in you of his own good pleasure, without any merit of yours, both to will and to do, it is possible for you to fulfil all righteousness. It is possible for you to "love God, because he hath first loved us;" and to "walk in love," after the pattern of our great Master. We know, indeed, that word of his to be absolutely true: "Without me ye can do nothing." But on the other hand, we know, every believer can say "I can do all things through Christ that strengtheneth me."

2. But is it not possible to distinguish right zeal from wrong Undoubtedly it is possible. But it is difficult; such is the deceitfulness of the human heart; so skilfully do the passions justify themselves. And there are exceeding few treatises on the subject; at least, in the English language. To this day I have seen or heard of only one sermon; and that was wrote above a hundred years ago, by Dr. Sprat, then Bishop of Rochester; so that it is now exceeding scarce. 3. I would gladly cast in my mite, by God's assistance toward the clearing up this important question, in order to enable well-meaning men, who are desirous of pleasing God, to distinguish true Christian zeal from its various counterfeits. And this is more necessary at this time than it has been for many years. Sixty years ago there seemed to be scarce any such thing as religious zeal left in the nation. People in general were wonderfully cool and undisturbed about that trifle, religion. But since then, it is easy to observe, there has been a very considerable alteration. Many thousands, almost in every part of the nation, have felt a real desire to save their souls. And I am persuaded there is at this day more religious zeal in England, than there has been for a century past. 4. But has this zeal been of the right or the wrong kind Probably both the one and the other. Let us see if we cannot separate these, that we may avoid the latter, and cleave to the former. In order to this. I would first inquire, I. What is the nature of true Christian zeal II. What are the properties of it And, III. Draw some practical inferences. I. And, First, What is the nature of zeal in general, and of true Christian zeal in particular

3. First. It is free in all to whom it is given. It does not depend on any power or merit in man; no, not in any degree, neither in whole, nor in part. It does not in anywise depend either on the good works or righteousness of the receiver; not on anything he has done, or anything he is. It does not depend on his endeavors. It does not depend on his good tempers, or good desires, or good purposes and intentions; for all these flow from the free grace of God; they are the streams only, not the fountain. They are the fruits of free grace, and not the root. They are not the cause, but the effects of it. Whatsoever good is in man, or is done by man, God is the author and doer of it. Thus is his grace free in all; that is, no way depending on any power or merit in man, but on God alone, who freely gave us his own Son, and "with him freely giveth us all things." 4. But it is free for ALL, as well as IN ALL. To this some have answered, "No: It is free only for those whom God hath ordained to life; and they are but a little flock. The greater part of God hath ordained to death; and it is not free for them. Them God hateth; and, therefore, before they were born, decreed they should die eternally. And this he absolutely decreed; because so was his good pleasure; because it was his sovereign will. Accordingly, they are born for this, -- to be destroyed body and soul in hell. And they grow up under the irrevocable curse of God, without any possibility of redemption; for what grace God gives. he gives only for this, to increase, not prevent, their damnation."

And all my sickness cure. 7 Perfect, then, the work begun, And make the sinner whole ; All thy will on me be done, My body, spirit, soul : Convinced of Sin. Wo Still preserve me safe from harms, And kindly for thy patient care ; Take me, Jesus, to thine arms, And keep me ever there. OTHOU, whom fain my soul would love, Whom I would gladly die to know ; This veil of unbelief remove, And show me, all thy goodness show : Jesus, thyself in me reveal, Tell me thy name, thy nature tell. Hast thou, been with me, Lord, so long, Yet thee, my Lord, have I not known ? I claim thee with a faltering tongue ; I pray thee, in a feeble groan, Tell me, O tell me, who thou art, And speak thy name into my heart ! If now thou talkest by the way With such an abject worm as me, Thy mystery of grace display ; Open mine eyes that I may see ; That I may understand thy word, And now cry out, -- " It is the Lord ! " 1 TESUS, in whom the weary find ** Their late, but permanent repose, Physician of the sin-sick mind, Relieve my wants, assuage my woes; And let my soul on thee be cast, Till life's fierce tyranny be past. 114 For Mourners 2 Loosed from my God, and far removed, Long have 1 wander' d to and fro ; O'er earth in endless circles roved, Nor found whereon to rest below : Back to my God at last I fly, For O, the waters still are high ! 3 Selfish pursuits, and nature's maze, The things of earth, for thee I leave : Put forth thy hand, thy hand of grace ; Into the ark of love receive ! Take this poor fluttering soul to rest, And lodge it, Saviour, in thy breast ! 4 Fill with inviolable peace, 'Stablish and keep my settled heart ; In thee may all my wanderings cease, From thee no more may 1 depart ; Thy utmost goodness call'd to prove, Loved with an everlasting love ! HYMN 115. jr'«£6'f. 1 T ET the world their virtue boast, J-- ' Their works of righteousness ; I, a wretch undone and lost, Am freely saved by grace : Other title I disclaim ;

This, only this, is all my plea : I the chief of sinners am, But Jesus died for me. 2 Happy they whose joys abound, Like Jordan's swelling stream, Who their heaven in Christ have found, And give the praise to him : Meanest follower of the Lamb, His steps I at a distance see ; I the chief of sinners am, But Jesus died for me. Co n v in ced of Sin. 1 1 0 3 I, like Gideon's fleece, am found Unwater'd still, and dry, While the dew on all around Falls plenteous from the sky : Yet my Lord I cannot blame, The Saviour's grace for all is free ; I the chief of sinners am, But Jesus died for me. Surely he will lift me up, For I of him have need ; I cannot give up my hope, Though I am cold and dead : To bring fire on earth he came ; O that it now might kindled be ! I the chief of sinners am, But Jesus died for me. Jesus, thou for me hast died, And thou in me wilt live ; I shall feel thy death applied, I shall thy life receive : Yet, when melted in the flame Of love, this shall be all my plea : I the chief of sinners am, But Jesus died for me. HYMN 116. 6-7' s. SAVIOUR, cast a pitying eye, Bid my sins and sorrows end : Whither should a sinner fly ? Art not thou the sinner's Friend ? Rest in thee I gasp to find, Wretched I, and poor, and blind. 116 For Mourners 2 Didst thou ever see a soul More in need of help than mine ? Then refuse to make me whole ; Then withhold the halm divine : But if I do want thee most, Come, and seek, and save the lost. 3 Haste, O haste, to my relief; From the iron furnace take ; Rid me of my sin and grief, For thy love and mercy's sake ; Set my heart at liherty, Show forth all thy power in me. 4 Me, the vilest of the race, Most unholy, most unclean ; Me, -- the farthest from thy face, Full of misery and sin ; Me with arms of love receive, Me, of sinners chief, forgive. 5 Jesus, on thine only name

True Witness of mercy divine, And make me thy permanent home, And seal me eternally thine ! HYMN 166. 7's$G*. The Pool of Bethesda. John v. 2 -- 9< 1 TESUS, take my sins away, ** And make me know thy name ! Thou art now as yesterday, And evermore the same : Thou my true Bethesda be ; I know within thine arms is room : All the world may unto thee, Their House of Mercy, come. 2 See me lying at the pool, And waiting for thy grace ; O come down into my soul, Disclose thy angel -face ! If to me thy bowels move, If now thou dost my sickness feel, Con i nn ced of Sin . 1 63 Let the Spirit of thy Love The helpless sinner heal. 3 Persons thou dost not respect ; Whoe'er for mercy call, Thou in no wise wilt reject ; Thy mercy is for all : Thou would'st freely all restore, Would all the gracious season find, Fill with goodness, love, and power, And with a healthful mind. 4 Mercy then there is for me, (Away my doubts and fears !) Plagued with an infirmity For many tedious years. Jesus, cast a pitying eye ! Thou long hast known my desperate case : Poor and helpless here I lie, And wait the healing grace. 5 Long hath thy good Spirit strove With my distemper'd soul ; But I still refused thy love, And would not be made whole : Hardly now at last I yield, I yield with all my sins to part ; Let my soul be fully heal'd, And throughly cleansed my heart, 6 Pain, and sickness, at thy word, And sin, and sorrow flies : Speak to me, Almighty Lord, And bid my spirit rise ; Bid me bear the hallow' d cross, Which thou, my Lord, hast borne before ; Walk in all thy righteous laws. And go and sin no more. 164 For Mourners, Sfc. HYMN 167. J'sfyG's. 1 AMB of God, for sinners slain, -■-- ' To thee I feebly pray : Heal me of my grief and pain, O take my sins away ! From this bondage, Lord, release ; No longer let me be opprest : Jesus, Master, seal my peace, And take me to thy breast ! 2 Wilt thou cast a sinner out,

The love that all heaven's host inspires ; That all my powers, with all their might, In thy sole glory may unite. 7 Thee will I love, my joy, my crown, Thee will I love, my Lord, my God ; Thee will I love, beneath thy frown, Or smile, -- thy sceptre, or thy rod : What though my flesh and heart decay, Thee shall I love in endless day ! HYMN 211. lO'jS-ir*. 1 ET all men rejoice, By Jesus restored : J-^ We lift up our voice, And call him oar Lord : His joy is to bless us, And free us from thrall ; From all that oppress us, He rescues us all. Him Prophet, and King, And Priest we proclaim ; We triumph and sing Of Jesus's Name : Poor idiots he teaches To show forth his praise, And tell of the riches Of Jesus's grace. 201) For Believers Rejoicing. 3 No matter how dull The seholar whom He Takes into his school, And gives him to see ; A wonderful fashion Of teaching he hath, And wise to salvation He makes us thro' faith. 4 The way-faring men, Though fools, shall not stray, His method so plain, So easy the way : The simplest believer His promise may prove, And drink of the river Of Jesus's love. 5 Poor outcasts of men, Whosesouls were despised, And left with disdain, By Jesus are prized ; His gracious creation In us he makes known, And brings us salvation, And calls us his own. 1 ~\ /FY brethren beloved, Your calling ye see ; l-'-t. In Jesus approved, No goodness have we; No riches or merit, No wisdom or might : But all things inherit Through Jesus's right. 2 Yet not many wise His summons obey ; And great ones despise So vulgar a way ; And strong ones will never Their helplessness own, Or stoop to find favour Through mercy alone. 3 And therefore our God The outcasts hath chose, His righteousness show'd To Heathens like us : When wise ones rejected His offers of grace, His goodness elected The foolish and base. 4 To baffle the wise, And noble, and strong, He bade us arise, An impotent throng ; Poor ignorant wretches, We gladly embrace A Prophet who teaches Salvation by grace.

5 The things that were not, His mercy bids live ; His mercy un bought We freely receive ; His gracious compassion We thankfully prove, And all our salvation Ascribe to his love. For Believers Hejoicing. Mi * HYMN 213. c. m. 1 A/fY God, the spring of all my joys, .It A The life of my delights, The glory of my brightest days, And comfort of my nights ! 2 In darkest shades, if thou appear, My dawning is begun : Thou art my soul's bright morning star, And thou my rising sun. 3 The op'ning heavens around me shine, With beams of sacred bliss, If Jesus shows his mercy mine, And whispers I am his. 4 My soul would leave this heavy clay At that transporting word ; Run up with joy the shining way, To see and praise my Lord. 5 Fearless of hell and ghastly death, I 'd break through every foe ; The wings of love, and arms of faith, Would bear me conqu'ror through. HYMN 214. c. m. 1 HPALK with us, Lord, thyself reveal, -*- While here o'er earth we rove ; Speak to our hearts, and let us feel The kindling of thy love. 2 With thee conversing, we forget All time, and toil, and care ; Labour is rest, and pain is sweet, If thou, my God, art here. 3 Here then, my God, vouchsafe to stay, And bid my heart rejoice ; 20b For Relievers Rejoicing. My bounding heart shall own thy sway And echo to thy voice. 4 Thou callest me to seek thy face ; 'Tis all I wish to seek ; To' attend the whispers of thy grace, And hear thee inly speak 5 Let this my every hour employ, Till I thy glory see ; Enter into my Master's joy, And find my heaven in thee. HYMN 215. Ts$&s. 1 /~* LORIOUS Saviour of my soul, ^J I lift it up to thee ; Thou hast made the sinner whole, Hast set the captive free ! Thou my debt of death hast paid ; Thou hast raised me from my fall ; Thou hast full atonement made : My Saviour died for all. 2 What could my Redeemer move To leave his Father's breast ? Pity drew him from above, And would not let him rest : Swift to succour sinking man,

2 I have long withstood His grace, long provoked Him to His face; would not hearken to His calls, grieved Him by a thousand falls.

4 For Thee delightfully employ what e'er Thy bounteous grace hath giv'n; and run my course with even joy, and closely walk with Thee to heav'n.

11. And suppose, after you have done this, after you have taught you children from their early infancy, in the plainest manner you could, omitting no opportunity, and persevering therein, you did not presently see any fruit of your labour, you must not conclude that there will be none. Possibly the "bread" which you have "cast upon the waters" may be "found after many days." The seed which has long remained in the ground may, at length, spring up into a plentiful harvest. Especially if you do not restrain prayer before God, if you continue instant herein with all supplication. Meantime, whatever the effect of this be upon others, your reward is with the Most High. 12. Many parents, on the other hand, presently see the fruit of the seed they have sown, and have the comfort of observing that their children grow in grace in the same proportion as they grow in years. Yet they have not done all. They have still upon their hands another task, sometimes of no small difficulty. Their children are now old enough to go to school. But to what school is it advisable to send them 13. Let it be remembered, that I do not speak to the wild, giddy, thoughtless world, but to those that fear God. I ask, then, for what end do you send you children to school "Why, that they may be fit to live in the world." In which world do you mean, -- this or the next Perhaps you thought of this world only; and had forgot that there is a world to come; yea, and one that will last for ever! Pray take this into your account, and send them to such masters as will keep it always before their eyes. Otherwise, to send them to school (permit me to speak plainly) is little better than sending them to the devil. At all events, then, send your boys, if you have any concern for their souls, not to any of the large public schools, (for they are nurseries of all manner of wickedness,) but private school, kept by some pious man, who endeavours to instruct a small number of children in religion and learning together.

And yet none of their spirits were so broken, as to unfit them for any of the offices of life." This, therefore, may be done by any woman of sense, who may thereby save herself abundance of trouble, and prevent that disagreeable noise, the squalling of young children, from being heard under her roof. But I allow, none but a woman of sense will be able to effect this; yea, and a woman of such patience and resolution as only the grace of God can give. However, this is doubtless the more excellent way: and she that is able to receive it, let her receive it! 17. It is hard to say whether self-will or pride be the more fatal distemper. It was chiefly pride that threw down so many of the stars of heaven, and turned angels into devils. But what can parents do in order to check this until it can be radically cured

19. Next to self-will and pride, the most fatal disease with which we are born, is "love of the world." But how studiously do the generality of parents cherish this in its several branches! They cherish "the desire of the flesh," that is, the tendency to seek happiness in pleasing the outward senses, by studying to enlarge the pleasure of tasting in their children to the uttermost; not only giving them before they are weaned other things beside milk, the natural food of children; but giving them, both before and after, any sort of meat or drink that they will take. Yea, they entice them, long before nature requires it, to take wine or strong drink; and provide them with comfits, gingerbread, raisins, and whatever fruit they have a mind to. They feed in them "the desire of the eves," the propensity to seek happiness in pleasing the imagination, by giving them pretty playthings, glittering toys, shining buckles or buttons, fine clothes, red shoes, laced hats, needless ornaments, as ribbons, necklaces, ruffles; yea, and by proposing any of these as rewards for doing their duty, which is stamping a great value upon them. With equal care and attention they cherish in them the Third branch of the love of the world, "the pride of life;" the propensity to seek their happiness in "the honour that cometh of men." Nor is the love of money forgotten; many an exhortation do they hear on securing the main chance; many a lecture, exactly agreeing with that of the old Heathen, _____ "Get money, honestly if you can; but if not, get money." And they are carefully taught to look on riches and honour as the reward of all their labours.

5. I cannot dismiss this subject yet. I am pained continually at seeing religious parents suffer their children to run into the same folly of dress, as if they had no religion at all. In God's name, why do you suffer them to vary a hair's breadth from your example "Why, they will do it" They will! Whose fault is that Why did not you break their will from their infancy At least do it now; better late than never. It should have been done before they were two years old: It may be done at eight or ten, though with far more difficulty. However, do it now; and accept that difficulty as the just reward for your past neglect. Now, at least carry your point, whatever it costs. Be not mealy-mouthed; say not, like foolish Eli, "Nay, my children, it is no good report which I hear of you," instead of restraining them with a strong hand; but speak (though as calmly as possible, yet) firmly and peremptorily, "I will have it so;" and do as you say. Instil diligently into them the love of plain dress, and hatred of finery. Show them the reason of your own plainness of dress, and show it is equally reasonable for them. Bid defiance to indolence, to cowardice, to foolish fondness, and at all events carry your point; if you love their souls, make and keep them just as plain as yourselves. And I charge you, grandmothers before God, do not hinder your daughters herein. Do not dare to give the child anything which the mother denies. Never take the part of the children against their parent; never blame her before them. If you do not strengthen her authority, as you ought to do, at least do not weaken it; but if you have either sense or piety left, help her on in the work of real kindness

Hence, near a thousand years before him, Homer tells us of one of his heroes throwing a stone which hardly ten men could lift, -- oioi nun brotoi, -- such as men are now. We allow, indeed, there have been giants in all ages, in various parts of the world. Whether the antediluians mentioned in Genesis were such or no, (which many have questioned,) we cannot doubt but Og the King of Bashan was such, as well as Goliath of Gath. Such also were many of the children (or descendants) of Anak. But it does not appear that in any age or nation men in general were larger than they are now. We are very sure they were not for many centuries past, by the tombs and coffins that have been discovered, which are exactly of the same size with those that are now in use. And in the catacombs at Rome, the niches for the dead bodies which were hewn in the rock sixteen hundred years ago are none of them six feet in length, and some a little under. Above all, the Pyramids of Egypt (that of King Cheops in particular) have, beyond all reasonable doubt, remained at least three thousand years. Yet none of the mummies (embalmed bodies) brought therefrom are above five feet ten inches long.

14. Was the last century more religious than this In the former part of it there was much of the form of religion; and some undoubtedly experienced the power thereof. But how soon did the fine gold become dim! How soon was it so mingled with worldly design, and with a total contempt both of truth, justice, and mercy, as brought that scandal upon all religion which is hardly removed to this day. Was there more true religion in the preceding century, the age of the Reformation There was doubtless in many countries a considerable reformation of religious opinions; yea, and modes of worship, which were much changed for the better, both in Germany and several other places. But it is well known that Luther himself complained with his dying breath, "The people that are called by my name (though I wish they were only called by the name of Christ) are reformed as to their opinions and modes of worship; but their tempers and lives are the same they were before." Even then both justice and mercy were so shamelessly trodden under foot that an eminent writer computes the number of those that were slaughtered, during those religious contests, to have been no less than forty millions, within the compass of forty years! 15. We may step back above a thousand years from this, without finding any better time. No historian gives us the least intimation of any such, till we come to the age of Constantine the Great. Of this period several writers have given us most magnificent accounts. Yea, one eminent author, no less a man than Dr. Newton, the late Bishop of Bristol, has been at no small pains to show, that the conversion of Constantine to Christianity, and the emoluments which he bestowed upon the Church with an unsparing hand, were the event which is signified in the Revelation by "the new Jerusalem coming down from heaven!"

18. Yea, and before this, even in the first century, even in the apostolic age, what account does St. John give of several of the churches which he himself had planted in Asia How little were those congregations better than many in Europe at this day Nay, forty or fifty years before that, within thirty years of the descent of the Holy Ghost, were there not such abominations in the church of Corinth as were "not even named among the Heathens" So early did "the mystery of iniquity" begin to work in the Christian church! So little reason have we to appeal to "the former days," as though they were "better than these!" 19. To affirm this, therefore, as commonly as it is done, is not only contrary to truth, but is an instance of black ingratitude to God, and a grievous affront to his blessed Spirit. For whoever makes a fair and candid inquiry, will easily perceive that true religion has in no wise decreased, but greatly increased, in the present century. To instance in one capital branch of religion, the love of our neighbour. Is not persecution well nigh vanished from the face of the earth In what age did Christians of various denominations show such forbearance toward each other When before was such lenity shown by governors toward their respective subjects not only in Great Britain and Ireland, but in France and Germany; yea, every part of Europe Nothing like this has been seen since the time of Constantine; no, not since the time of the Apostles.

2. Now, what a poor pittance of duration is this, compared to the life of Methuselah! "And Methuselah lived nine hundred and sixty and nine years." But what are these nine hundred and sixty and nine years to the duration of an angel, which began "or ever the mountains were brought forth," or the foundations of the earth were laid And what is the duration which has passed since the creation of angels, that which passed before they were created, to unbeginning eternity -- to that half of eternity (if one may so speak) which had then elapsed And what are threescore years and ten to this 3. Indeed, what proportion can there possibly be between any finite and infinite duration What proportion is there between a thousand or ten thousand years, or ten thousand time ten thousand ages, and eternity I know not that the inexpressible disproportion between any conceivable part of time and eternity can be illustrated in a more striking manner than it is in the well-known passage of St. Cyprian: "Suppose there was a ball of sand as large as the globe of earth, and suppose one grain of this were to be annihilated in a thousand years; yet that whole space of time wherein this ball would be annihilating, at the rate of one grain in a thousand years, would bear less, yea, unspeakably, infinitely less, proportion to eternity, than a single grain of sand would bear to that whole mass." What, then, are the seventy years of human life, in comparison of eternity In what terms can the proportion between these be expressed It is nothing, yea, infinitely less than nothing!

27. But the grand reason which many give for separating from the Church, namely, that the Ministers are unholy men, is founded on this assertion: That the ministration of evil men can do no good; that we may call the sacraments means of grace; but men who do not receive the grace of God themselves cannot convey that grace to others. So that we can never expect to receive the blessing of God through the servants of the devil. This argument is extremely plausible, and is indeed the strongest that can be urged. Yet before you allow it to be conclusive, you should consider a few things. 28. Consider, First, Did the Jewish sacraments convey no saving grace to the hearers, because they were administered by unholy men If so, none of the Israelites were saved from the time of Eli to the coming of Christ. For their Priests were not a whit better than ours, if they were not much worse. But who will dare to affirm this which is no less, in effect, than to affirm, that all the children of Israel went to hell for eleven or twelve hundred years together! 29. Did the ordinances, administered in the time of our blessed Lord, convey no grace to those that attended them Surely then the Holy Ghost would not have commended Zacharias and Elizabeth for walking in these ordinances! If the ministrations of wicked men did no good, would our Lord have commanded his followers (so far from forbidding them) to attend those of the Scribes and Pharisees Observe, again, the remarkable words: (Matt. 23:1, &c.:) "Then spake Jesus to the multitude, and to his disciples, saying, The scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses' seat," -- are your appointed teachers; "all, therefore, whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe and do." Now, what were these Scribes and Pharisees Were they not the vilest of men Yet these very men he commands them to hear. This command is plainly implied in those words, "Whatsoever they command you to observe, that observe and do." For unless they heard what they said, they could not do it.

8. But to all that is or can be said of the omnipresence of God, the world has one grand objection: They cannot see him. And this is really at the root of all their other objections. This our blessed Lord observed long ago: "Whom the world cannot receive, because they see him not." But is it not easy to reply, "Can you see the wind" You cannot. But do you therefore deny its existence, or its presence You say, "No; for I can perceive it by my other senses." But by which of your senses do you perceive your soul Surely you do not deny either the existence or the presence of this! And yet it is not the object of your sight, or of any of your other senses. Suffice it then to consider that God is a Spirit, as is our soul also. Consequently, "him no man hath seen, or can see," with eyes of flesh and blood. III. 1. But allowing that God is here, as in every place, that he is "about our bed, and about our path;" that he "besets us behind and before, and lays his hand upon us;" what inference should we draw from hence What use should we make of this awful consideration Is it not meet and right to humble ourselves before the eyes of his Majesty Should we not labour continually to acknowledge his presence, "with reverence and godly fear" not indeed with the fear of devils, that believe and tremble, but with fear of angels, with something similar to that which is felt by the inhabitants of heaven, when Dark with excessive bright his skirts appear, Yet dazzles heaven, that brightest seraphim Approach not, but with both wings veil their eyes.

4. Are any of you that are called Methodists thus merciful to your children Seeking to marry them well (as the cant phrase is;) that is, to sell them to some purchaser that has much money, but little or no religion Is then the light that is in you also darkness Are ye, too, regarding God less than mammon Are ye also without understanding Have ye profited no more by all ye have heard Man, woman, think what you are about! Dare you also sell your child to the devil You undoubtedly do this (as far as in you lies) when you marry a son or a daughter to a child of the devil; though it be one that wallows in gold and silver. O take warning in time! Beware of the gilded bait! Death and hell are hid beneath. Prefer grace before gold and precious stones; glory in heaven, to riches on earth! If you do not, you are worse than the very Canaanites. They only made their children pass "through the fire" to Moloch. You make yours pass into the fire that never shall be quenched, and to stay in it for ever! O how great is the darkness that causes you, after you have done this, to "wipe your mouth, and say you have done no evil!"

9. Who then knoweth the hearts of all men Surely none but He that made them. Who knoweth his own heart Who can tell the depth of its enmity against God Who knoweth how deeply it is sunk into the nature of Satan III. 1. From the preceding considerations, may we not learn, First, "He that trusteth in his own heart is a fool" For who that is wise would trust one whom he knows to be "desperately wicked" especially, whom he hath known, by a thousand experiments, to be "deceitful above all things" What can we expect, if we still trust a known liar and deceiver, but to be deceived and cheated to the end 2. We may hence, in the Second place, infer the truth of that other reflection of Solomon: "Seest thou a man that is wise in his own eyes there is more hope of a fool than of him." For at what a distance from wisdom must that man be who never suspected his want of it And will not his thinking so well of himself prevent his receiving instruction from others Will he no be apt to be displeased at admonition, and to construe reproof into reproach Will he not therefore be less ready to receive instruction than even one that has little natural understanding Surely no fool is so incapable of amendment as one that imagines himself to be wise. He that supposes himself not to need a physician, will hardly profit by his advice. 3. May we not learn hence, Thirdly, the wisdom of that caution, "Let him who thinketh he standeth take heed lest he fall" Or, to render the text more properly,) "Let him that assuredly standeth take heed lest he fall." How firmly soever he may stand, he has still a deceitful heart. In how many instances has he been deceived already! And so he may again. Suppose he be not deceived now, does it follow that he never will Does he not stand upon slippery ground And is he not surrounded with snares Into which he may fall and rise no more

On The Danger Of Increasing Riches "If riches increase, set not thine heart upon them." Ps. 62:10. 1. From that express declaration of our Lord, "It is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven," we may easily learn, that none can have riches without being greatly endangered by them. But if the danger of barely having them is so great, how much greater is the danger of increasing them! This danger is great even to those who receive what is transmitted to them by their forefathers; but it is abundantly greater to those who acquire them by their skill and industry. Therefore, nothing can be more prudent than this caution: "If riches increase, set not thine heart upon them." 2. It is true, riches, and the increase of them, are the gift of God. Yet great care is to be taken, that what is intended for a blessing, do not turn into a curse. To prevent which, it is highly expedient to consider seriously, I. What is meant by riches; and when they may be said to increase. II. What is implied in setting our hearts upon them; and how we may avoid it.

National Sins And Miseries Preached at St. Matthew's, Bethnal-Green on Sunday, November 12, 1775 for the benefit of the widows and orphans of the soldiers who lately fell, near Boston, in New-England. "Lo, I have sinned, and I have done wickedly: But these sheep, what have they done" 2 Sam. 24:17. 1. The chapter begins, "And again the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he moved David against them to say, Go, number Israel and Judah." "Again;" -- it had been kindled against them but a few years before; in consequence of which "there had been a famine in the land three years, year after year," (2 Sam. 21:1,) till David inquired of the Lord, and was taught the way of appeasing it. We are not informed, in what particular manner Israel had now offended God; by what particular cause his anger was kindled, but barely with the effect. "He moved David against them to say, Go, number Israel and Judah." "He," -- not God! Beware how you impute this to the fountain of love and holiness! It was not God, but Satan, who thus moved David. So the parallel Scripture expressly declares: "And Satan stood up against Israel, and provoked David to number Israel." (1 Chron. 21:1.) Satan stood before God, to accuse David and Israel, and to beg God's permission to tempt David. Standing is properly the accuser's posture before the tribunals of men; and therefore the Scripture, which uses to speak of the things of God after the manner of men, represents Satan as appearing in this posture before the tribunal of God. "And David said to Joab, and to the rulers of the people, Go, number Israel, from Beersheba even to Dan; and bring the number of them to me, that I may know it." (2 Sam. 23:2.)

8. Now let each of us lay his hand upon his heart and say, "`Lord, is it I' Have I added to this flood of unrighteousness and ungodliness, and thereby to the misery of my countrymen Am not I guilty in any of the preceding respects And do not they suffer because I have sinned" If we have any tenderness of heart, any bowels of mercies, any sympathy with the afflicted, let us pursue this thought till we are deeply sensible of our sins, as one great cause of their sufferings.

1. In the year 1736 it pleased God to begin a work of grace in the newly planted colony of Georgia, then the southernmost of our settlements on the continent of America. To those English who had settled there the year before, were then added a body of Moravians, so called; and a larger body who had been expelled from Germany by the Archbishop of Salzburg. These were men truly fearing God and working righteousness. At the same time there began an awakening among the English, both at Savannah and Frederica; many inquiring what they must do to be saved, and "bringing forth fruits meet for repentance." 2. In the same year there broke out a wonderful work of God in several parts of New-England. It began in Northampton, and in a little time appeared in the adjoining towns. A particular and beautiful account of this was published by Mr. Edwards, Minister of Northampton. Many sinners were deeply convinced of sin, and many truly converted to God. I suppose there had been no instance in America of so swift and deep a work of grace, for an hundred years before; nay, nor perhaps since the English settled there. 3. The following year, the work of God spread by degrees from New-England towards the south. At the same time it advanced by slow degrees, from Georgia towards the north. In a few souls it deepened likewise; and some of them witnessed a good confession, both in life and in death. 4. In the year 1738 Mr. Whitefield came over to Georgia, with a design to assist me in preaching, either to the English or the Indians. But as I was embarked for England before he arrived, he preached to the English altogether, first in Georgia, to which his chief service was due, then in South and North Carolina, and afterwards in the intermediate provinces, till he came to New-England. And all men owned that God was with him, wheresoever he went; giving a general call to high and low, rich and poor, to "repent, and believe the gospel." Many were not disobedient to the heavenly calling: They did repent and believe the gospel. And by his ministry a line of communication was formed, quite from Georgia to New-England.

9. We have seen, how by the breaking out of this spirit, in open defiance of the British Government, an effectual check was given to the trade of those colonies. They themselves, by a wonderful stroke of policy, threw up the whole trade of their mother-country, and all its dependencies; made an Act, that no British ship should enter into any of their harbours; nay, they fitted out numberless privateers, which seized upon all the British ships they could find. The King's ships seized an equal number of theirs. So their foreign trade too was brought almost to nothing. Their riches died away with their trade, especially as they had no internal resources; the flower of their youth, before employed in husbandry, being now drawn off into their armies, so that the most fruitful lands were of no use, none being left to till the ground. And when wealth fled away, (as was before observed,) so did plenty too; -- abundance of all things being succeeded by scarcity of all things. 10. The wheel now began to move within the wheel. The trade and wealth of the Americans failing, the grand incentives of pride failed also; for few admire or flatter the poor. And, being deserted by most of their admirers, they did not altogether so much admire themselves; especially when they found, upon the trial, that they had grievously miscalculated their own strength; which they had made no doubt would be sufficient to carry all before it. It is true, many of them still exalted themselves; but others were truly and deeply humbled. 11. Poverty, and scarcity consequent upon it, struck still more directly at the root of their luxury. There was no place now for that immoderate superfluity either of food or apparel. They sought no more, and could seldom obtain, so much as plain food, sufficient to sustain nature. And they were content if they could procure coarse apparel, to keep them clean and warm. Thus they were reduced to the same condition their forefathers were in when the providence of God brought them into this country. They were nearly in the same outward circumstances. Happy, if they were likewise in the same spirit!

On the Death of Rev. Mr. John Fletcher PREACHED ON THE OCCASION OF THE DEATH OF THE REV. MR. JOHN FLETCHER VICAR OF MADELEY, SHROPSHIRE TO THE READER It was a consciousness of my own inability to describe in a manner worthy of the subject such a person as Mr. Fletcher, which was one great reason of my not writing this sooner. I judged only an Apelles was proper to paint an Alexander. But I at length submitted to importunity, and hastily put together some memorials of this great man; intending, if God permit, when I have more leisure and more materials, to write a fuller account of his life. London, Nov. 9, 1785 John Wesley "Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright: For the end of that man is peace." Ps. 37:37. In the preceding verses, taken together with this, there is a beautiful contrast between the death of a wicked and that of a good man. "I myself," says the Psalmist, "have seen the ungodly in great power, and flourishing like a green bay tree. I went by and lo, he was gone: I sought him, but his place could nowhere be found." Dost thou desire to be found happy, both in life and in death Then "keep innocency, and take heed unto the thing that is right; for that shall bring a man peace at the last." The words are rendered in the new translation, with far more force and elegance: "Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright: For the end of that man is peace." It is not improbable that David, while he uttered these words, had a particular instance before his eyes. Such an instance was that of the great and good man whom God has not long ago taken to himself. In discoursing on these words I purpose, First, briefly to inquire, Who is the person that is here spoken of, "the perfect, the upright man." I will endeavour, Secondly, to explain the promise, "That shall bring a man peace at the last;" or, as it is expressed in the other version, "The end of that man is peace." I will then, with the divine assistance, show a little more at large, in how glorious a manner it was fulfilled in the end of that "perfect and upright man" who has been lately removed from us.

3. But it may be said, "We have public prayers both morning and evening in all our Colleges." It is true; and it were to be wished that all the members thereof; more especially the elder, those of note and character, would, by constantly attending them, show how sensible they are of the invaluable privilege. But have all who attend them the form of godliness Before those solemn addresses to God begin, does the behaviour of all who are present show that they know before whom they stand What impression appears to be left on their minds when those holy offices are ended And even during their continuance, can it be reasonably inferred from the tenor of their outward behaviour, that their hearts are earnestly fixed on Him who standeth in the midst of them I much fear, were a Heathen, who understood not our tongue, to come into one of these our assemblies, he would suspect nothing less than that we were pouring out our hearts before the Majesty of heaven and earth. What then shall we say, (if indeed "God is not mocked,") but, "What a man soweth, that also shall he reap" 4. "On Sundays, however," say some, "it cannot be denied that we have the form of godliness, having sermons preached both morning and afternoon, over and above the morning and evening Service." But do we keep the rest of the Sabbath-day holy Is there no needless visiting upon it no trifling, no impertinence of conversation Do neither you yourself do any unnecessary work upon it, nor suffer others over whom you have any power, to break the laws of God and man herein If you do, even in this you have nothing whereof to boast. But herein also you are guilty before God. 5. But if we have the form of godliness on one day in a week, is there not on other days what is quite contrary thereto Are not the best of our conversing hours spent in foolish talking and jesting, which are not convenient nay, perhaps, in wanton talking too; such as modest ears could not hear Are there not many among us found to eat and drink with the drunken And if so, what marvel is it that our profaneness should also go up into the heavens, and our oaths and curses into the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth

"To what end," saith the resigned mourner, "should I fast, now the child is dead Why should I add grief to grief; which, being a volunteer, increases the affliction I already sustain Would it not be equally useless to him and me Have my tears or complaints the power to refix his soul in her decayed and forsaken mansion Or, indeed, would he wish to change, though the power were in his hands, the happy regions of which lie is now possessed, for this land of care, pain, and misery O vain thought! Never can he, never will he, return to me: Be it my comfort, my constant comfort, when my sorrows bear hard upon me, that I shall shortly, very shortly, go to him! that I shall soon awake from this tedious dream of life, which will soon be at an end; and then shall I gaze upon him; then shall I behold him again, and behold him with that perfect love, that sincere and elevated affection, to which even the heart of a parent is here a stranger! when the Lord God shall wipe away all tears from my eyes; and the least part of my happiness shall be that the sorrow of absence shall flee away!" The unprofitable and bad consequences, the sinful nature, of profuse sorrowing for the dead, are easily deduced from the former part of this reflection; in the latter, we have the strongest motives to enforce our striving against it, -- a remedy exactly suited to the disease, -- a consideration which, duly applied, will not fail, either to prevent this sorrow, or rescue us from this real misfortune. Grief, in general, is the parent of so much evil, and the occasion of so little good to mankind, that it may be justly wondered how it found a place in our nature. It was, indeed, of man's own, not of God's creation; who may permit, but never was the author of, evil. The same hour gave birth to grief and sin, as the same moment will deliver us from both. For neither did exist before human nature was corrupted, nor will it continue when that is restored to its ancient perfection.

[I. 1.] The First and great mark of one who corrupts the word of God, is, introducing into it human mixtures; either the errors [heresies] of others, or the fancies of his own brain. To do this, is to corrupt it in the highest degree; to blend with the oracles of God, impure dreams, fit only for the mouth of the devil! And yet it has been so frequently done, that scarce ever was any erroneous [heretical] opinion either invented or received, but Scripture was quoted to defend it. [2.] And when the imposture was too bare-faced, and the text cited for it appeared too plainly either to make against it, or to be nothing to the purpose, then recourse has usually been had to a Second method of corrupting it, by mixing it with false interpretations. And this is done, sometimes by repeating the words wrong; and sometimes by repeating them right, but putting a wrong sense upon them; one that is either strained and unnatural, or foreign to the writer's intention in the place from whence they are taken; perhaps contrary either to his intention in that very place, or to what he says in some other part of his writings. And this is easily effected: Any passage is easily perverted, by being recited singly, without any of the preceding or following verses. By this means it may often seem to have one sense, when it will be plain, by observing what goes before and what follows after, that it really has the direct contrary: For want of observing which, unwary souls are liable to be tossed about with every wind of doctrine, whenever they fall into the hand of those who have enough of wickedness and cunning, thus to adulterate what they preach, and to add now and then a plausible comment to make it go down the more easily.

On The Resurrection Of The Dead "But some man will say, how are the dead raised up and with what body do they come" 1 Cor. 15:35. [This Sermon was originally written by Benjamin Calamy, D.D., Vicar of St. Lawrence, Jewry, London. It occurs, p. 275, in a volume of Sermons which bears his name, published in 1704; and is here abridged and revised by Mr. Wesley. -- EDIT.] The Apostle having, in the beginning of this chapter, firmly settled the truth of our Saviour's resurrection, adds, "Now if Christ be preached that he rose from the dead, how say some among you, that there is no resurrection of the dead" It cannot now any longer seem impossible to you that God should raise the dead; since you have so plain an example of it in our Lord, who was dead and is alive; and the same power which raised Christ must also be able to quicken our mortal bodies.

I. I shall show, that the resurrection of the self-same body that died and was buried, contains nothing in it incredible or impossible. II. I shall describe the difference which the Scripture makes between the qualities of a glorified and a mortal body. III. I shall draw some inferences from the whole. I. I shall show, that the resurrection of the self-same body that died, contains nothing in it incredible or impossible. But before I do this, it may be proper to mention some of the reasons upon which this article of our faith is built. And, 1. The plain notion of a resurrection requires, that the self-same body that died should rise again. Nothing can be said to be raised again, but that very body that died. If God give to our souls at the last day a new body, this cannot be called the resurrection of our body; because that word plainly implies the fresh production of what was before. 2. There are many places of Scripture that plainly declare it. St. Paul, in the 53d verse of this chapter, tells us that "this corruptible must put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on immortality." [1 Cor. 15:53] Now, by this mortal, and this corruptible, can only be meant, that body which we now carry about with us, and shall one day lay down in the dust.

"But," say they, "it may sometimes happen that several men's bodies may consist of the self-same matter. For the bodies of men are often devoured by other animals, which are eaten by other men. Nay, there are nations which feed upon human flesh; consequently, they borrow a great part of their bodies from other men. And if that which was part of one man's body becomes afterwards part of another man's, how can both rise at the last day with the same bodies they had before" To this it may easily be replied, that a very small part of what is eaten turns to nourishment, the far greater part goes away according to the order of nature. So that it is not at all impossible for God, who watches over and governs all this, so to order things, that what is part of one man's body, though eaten by another, shall never turn to his nourishment; or, if it does, that it shall wear off again, and, some time before his death, be separated from him, so that it may remain in a capacity of being restored at the last day to its former owner.

2. God can form this dust, so gathered together, into the same body it was before. And that it is possible, all must own who believe that God made Adam out of the dust of the earth. Therefore, the bodies of men being dust after death, it is no other than it was before; and the same power that at the first made it of dust, may as easily re-make it, when it is turned into dust again. Nay, it is no more wonderful than the forming a human body in the womb, which is a thing we have daily experience of; and is doubtless as strange an instance of divine power as the resurrection of it can possibly be. And were it not so common a thing, we should be as hardly brought to think it possible that such a beautiful fabric as the body of man is, with nerves and bones, flesh and veins, blood, and the several other parts whereof it consists, should be formed as we know it is; as now we are, that hereafter it should be rebuilt when it has been crumbled into dust. Had we only heard of the wonderful production of the bodies of men, we should have been as ready to ask, "How are men made, and with what bodies are they born" as now, when we hear of the resurrection, "How are the dead raised up, and with what bodies do they come" 3. When God hath raised this body, he can enliven it with the same soul that inhabited it before. And his we cannot pretend to say is impossible to be done; for it has been done already. Our Saviour himself was dead, rose again, and appeared alive to his disciples and others, who had lived with him many years, and were then fully convinced that he was the same person they had seen die upon the cross.

Let us consider, First, how God hath blown his trumpet among us of this place. And that it might never be forgotten, it were much to be wished, not only that parents would tell their children, to the intent that their posterity might know it, and the children that are yet unborn; but also, that it were written in our public register, for a standing memorial to all generations; that in the very week, and on the very day, when that diversion which hath had a considerable share in turning the Christian world upside down, was to have been brought in hither also, such a fire broke out, as neither we nor our fathers had seen in this place; a fire which soon spread itself not over one only, but over several dwelling-houses; which so went forth in the fury of its strength, that it soon prevailed over the weak resistance made against it, and left only so much standing of most of those buildings over which it prevailed, as might serve to quicken our remembrance of it. Let it be told, that those who came prepared for another prospect, were entertained with that of devouring flames! a prospect which continued during the whole time of the intended diversion, and which was but too plainly to be seen, together with the fiery pillars of smoke which increased its horror, from the very place which had been pitched upon for the scene of this diversion.

10. I next considered how to procure proper scholars; not any that came to hand, but, if possible, such as had some thoughts of God, and some desire of saving their souls; and such whose parents desired they should not be almost, but altogether, Christians. This was proposed to them before their children came; and, to prevent future misunderstandings, they were desired attentively to read, and seriously to consider, the rules of the school; being assured they would be punctually observed, without any favour or affection. One of these rules was, that "no child shall be admitted after he is twelve years old." The ground of this rule was, a child could not well before that age be rooted either in bad habits or ill principles. But, notwithstanding the strictness of the rules, I had soon as many scholars as I desired; nay, considerably more; for I was afraid of having too many at once, knowing how difficult it was to govern a large number; children being so apt, when many of them are together, to hinder and corrupt one another. 11. Having procured proper Masters, and a sufficient number of children, most of whom were as well inclined as could be expected, our first point was, to answer the design of Christian education, by forming their minds, through the help of God, to wisdom and holiness, by instilling the principles of true religion, speculative and practical, and training them up in the ancient way, that they might be rational, scriptural Christians. This design was expressly mentioned in the "Short Account of the School in Kingswood, near Bristol : "- " It is our particular desire, that all who are educated here may be brought up in the fear of God, and at the utmost distance, as from vice in general, so in particular from softness and effeminacy. The children therefore of tender parents, so called, have no business here; for the rules will not be broken in favour of any

In November, 1729, at which time I came to reside at Oxford, your son, my brother, myself, and one more, agreed to spend three or four _ evenings in a week tcgether. Our design was to read over the classics, which we had before read in private, on common nights, and on Sunday some book in divinity. In the summer following, Mr. M. told me he had called at the gaol, to see a man who was condemned for killing his wife ; and that, from the talk he had with one of the debtors, he verily believed it would do much good, if any one would be at the pains of now and then speaking with them. ‘This he so frequently repeated, that on the 24th of August, 1730, my brother and I walked with him to the castle. We were so well satisfied with our conversation there, that we agreed to go thither once or twice a week ; which we had not done long, before he desired me to go with him to see a poor woman in the town, who was sick. In this employment too, when we came to reflect upon it, we believed it would be worth while to spend an hour or two in a week ; provided the minister of the parish, in which any such person was, were not against it. But that we might not depend wholly on our own judgments, I wrote an account to my father of our whole design; withal begging that he, who had lived seventy years in the world, and seen as much of it as most private men have ever done, would advise us whether we had yet gone too far, and whether we should now stand still, or go forward.

The two points whereunto, by the blessing of God and your son’s help, we had before attained, we endeavoured to hold fast : I mean, the doing what good we can ; and, in order thereto, communicating as often as we have opportunity. To these, by the advice of Mr. Clayton, we have added a third,--the observing the fasts of the Church ; the general neglect of which we caii by no means apprehend to be a lawful excuse for neglecting them. And in the resolution to adhere to these and all things else which we are convinced God requires at our hands, we trus* we shall persevere till he calls us to give an account of our stewardship. As for the names of Methodists, Supererogation-men, and so on, with which some of our neighbours are pleased to compliment us, we do not conceive ourselves to be under any obligation to regard them, much less to take them for arguments. ‘ T’o the law and to the testimony” we appeal, whereby we ought to be judged. If by these it can be proved we are in an error, we will immediately and gladly retract it : if not, we “ have not so learned Christ,” as to renounce any part of his service, though men should “ say all manner of evil against us,” with more judgment and as little truth as hitherto. We do, indeed, use all the lawful means we know, to prevent “ the good which is in us” from being “ evil spoken of;” but if the neglect of known duties be the one condition of securing our reputation, why fare it well ;--we know whom we have believed, and what we thus lay out He will pay us again. Your son already stands before the judgment seat of Him who judges righteous judgment ; at the brightness of whose presence the clouds remove : His eyes are open, and he sees clearly whether it was “blind zeal, and a thorough mistake of true religion, that hurried him on in the error of his way ;” or whether he acted like a faithful and wise servant, who, from a just sense that his time was short, made haste to finish his work before his Lord’s coming, that “ when laid in the balance” he might not “ be found wanting.”

I have now largely and plainly laid before you the real ground of all the strange outcry you have heard; and am not without hope that by this fairer representation of it than you probably ever received before, both you and the clergyman you formerly mentioned may have a more favourable opinion of a good cause, though under an ill name. Whether you have or no, I shall ever acknowledge my best services to be due to yourself and your family, both for the generous assistance you have given my father, and for the invaluable advantages your scn has (under God) bestowed on, Sir, Your ever obliged and most obedient servant We fools counted his life madness. Ir aught beneath them happy souls attend Let Morgan hear the triumph of a friend, And hear well pleased. Let libertines so gay With careless indolence despise the lay ; Let critic wits, and fools for laughter born, Their verdict pass with supercilious scorn ; Let jovial crowds, by wine their senses drown’d, Stammer out censure in their frantic round ; Let yawning sluggards faint dislike display, Who, while they trust to-morrow, lose to-day ;-- Let such as these the sacred strains condemn ; For ’tis true glory to be hiss’d by them.

Tues. 21.--We sailed from Gravesend. When we were past about half the Goodwin Sands, the wind suddenly failed. Had the calm continued till ebb, the ship had probably been lost. But the gale sprung up again in an hour, and carried us into the Downs. We now began to be a little regular. Our common way of living was this :--From four in the morning till five, each of us used private prayer. From five to seven we read the Bible together, carefully comparing it (that we might not lean to our own understandings) with the writings of the earliest ages. At seven we breakfasted. At eight were the public prayers. From nine to twelve I usually learned German, and Mr. Delamotte, Greek. My brother writ sermons, and Mr. Ingham instructed the children. At twelve we met to give an account to one another what we had done since our last meeting, and what we designed to do before our next. About one we dined. The time from dinner to four, we spent in reading to those whom each of us had taken in charge, or in speaking to them severally, as need required. At four were the Evening Prayers ; when either the Second Lesson was explained, (as it always wasinthe morning,) or the children were catechised, and instructed before the congregation. From five Dec 1735.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 15 t¢ six we again used private prayer. From six to seven I read in our cabin to two or three of the passengers, (of whom there were about eighty English on board,) and each of my brethren to a few more in theirs. At seven I joined with the Germans in their public service ; while Mr. Ingham was reading between the decks, to as many as desired to hear. At eight we met again, to exhort and instruct one another. Between nine and ten we went to bed, where neither the roaring of the sea, nor the motion of the ship, could take away -he refreshing sleep which God gave us.

Sun. 23.--At night [was waked by the tossing of the ship and roaring of the wind, and plainly showed I was unfit, for I was unwilling to die. Tues. Dec. 2.--I had much satisfaction in conversing with one that was very ill and very serious. But in a few days she recovered from her sickness and from her seriousness together. 16 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. |Jan. 1736. Sun. '7.--Finding nature did not require so frequent supplies as we had been accustomed to, we agreed to leave off suppers; from doing which, we have hitherto found no inconvenience. Wed. 10.--We sailed from Cowes, and in the afternoon passed the Needles. Here the ragged rocks, with the waves dashing and foaming at the foot of them, and the white side of the island rising to such a height, perpendicular from the beach, gave a strong idea of “ Him that spanneth the heavens, and holdeth the waters in the hollow of his hand!” To-day I spoke closely on the head of religion, to one I had talked with once or twice before. Afterward she said, with many tears, “ My mother died when I was but ten years old. Some of her last words were, ‘Child, fear God; and though you lose me, you shall never want a friend.’ I have now found a friend when I most wanted and least expected one.” From this day to the fourteenth, being in the Bay of Biscay, the sea was very rough. Mr. Delamotte and many others were more sick than ever; Mr. Ingham, a little; I, not at all. But the fourteenth being a calm day, most of the sick were cured at once. Thur. 18.--One who was big with child, in a high fever, and almost wasted away with a violent cough, desired to receive the holy communion before she died. At the hour of her receiving she began to recover, and in a few days was entirely out of danger. Sun. 21.--We had fifteen communicants, which was our usual number on Sundays: on Christmas day we had nineteen; put or New Year’s day fifteen only.

Thur. Jan. 15, 1736.--Complaint being made to Mr. Oglethorpe, of the unequal distribution of the water among the passengers, he appointed new officers to take charge of it. At this the old ones and their friends were highly exasperated against us, to whom they imputed the change. But “ the fierceness of man shall turn to thy praise.” Sat. 17.--Many people were very impatient at the contrary wind. At seven in the evening they were quieted by astorm. It rose higher and higher till nine. About nine the sea broke over us from stem to stern; burst through the windows of the state cabin, where three o1 four of us were, and covered us all over, though a bureau sheltered me from the main shock. About eleven I lay down in the great cabin, and in a short time fell asleep, though very uncertain whether I should wake alive, and much ashamed of my unwillingness to die. O how pure in heart must he be, who would rejoice to appear before God at a moment’s warning! ‘Toward morning, “ He rebuked the winds and the sea, and there was a great calm.” Sun. 18.--We returned God thanks for our daliversnes! of which a few appeared duly sensible. But the rest (among whom were most of the sailors) denied we had been in any danger. I could not have believed that so little good would have been done by the terror they were in before. But it cannot be that they should long obey God from fear, who are deaf to the motives of love. Fri. 23.--Iin the evening another storm began. In the morning it increased, so that they were forced to let the ship drive. I could not but say to myself, “ How is it that thou hast no faith?” being still unwilling to die. About one in the afternoon, almost as soon as I had stepped out of the great cabin door, the sea did not break as usual, bu- Jan. 1736. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 17? came with a full smooth tide over the side of the ship. I was vaulted over with water in a moment, and so stunned, that I scarce expected to lift up my head again, till the sea should give up her dead. But thanks be to God, I received no hurt at all. About midnight the storm ceased.

Sun. 45.--At noon our third storm began. At four it was more violent than before. Now, indeed, we could say, “* The waves of the sea were mighty, and raged horribly. They rose up to the heavens above, and” clave “ down to hell beneath.” The winds roared round about us, and (what I never heard before) whistled as distinctly as if it had been a human voice. The ship not only rocked to and fro with the utmost violence, but shook and jarred with so unequal, grating a motion, that one could not but with great difficulty keep one’s hold of any thing, nor stand a moment without it. Every ten minutes came a shock against the stern or side of the ship, which one would think should dash the planks in pieces. At this time a child, privately baptized before, was brought to be received into the church. It put me in mind of Jeremiah’s buying the field, when the Chaldeans were on the point of destroying Jerusalem, and seemed a pledge of the mercy God designed to show us, even in the land of the living. We spent two or three hours after prayers, in conversing suitably to ' the occasion, confirming one another in a calm submission to the wise, holy, gracious will of God. And now a storm did not appear so terrible as before. Blessed be the God of all consolation !

A. Yes, but we know not if he will. We have now so many enemies round about us, that I think of nothing but death. And if I am to die, I shall die, and I will die like a man. But if he will have me to live, I shall live. ‘Though I had ever so many enemies, he can destroy them all. Q. How do you know that? A. From what I have seen. When our enemies came against us before, then the beloved clouds came for us. And often much rain, and sometimes hail, has come upon them; and that in a very hot day. And I saw, when many French, and Choctaws, and other nations, came against one of our towns; and the ground made a noise under them, and the beloved ones in the air behind them; and they were afraid, and went away, and left their meat and drink, and their guns. I tell no lie. All these saw it too. . Have you heard such noises at other times ? . Yes, often; before and after almost every battle. . What sort of noises were they? . Like the noise of drums, and guns, and shouting. Have you heard any such lately? Yes ; four days after our last battle with the French. Then you heard nothing before it ? . The night before, I dreamed I heard many drums up there; and many trumpets there, and much stamping of feet and shouting. Till then I thought we should all die. But then I thought the beloved ones were come to help us. And the next day I heard above a hundred guns go off before the fight began; and I said, “* When the sun is there, the beloved ones will help us; and we shall conquer our enemies.” And we did so. Q. Do you often think and talk of the beloved ones? A. We think of them always, wherever we are. We talk of them, and to them, at home and abroad; in peace, in war, before and after we fight; and, indeed, whenever and wherever we meet together. Q. Where do you think your souls go after death?

Tues. Noy. 23.--Mr. Oglethorpe sailed for England, leaving Mr. Ingham, Mr. Delamotte, and me, at Savannah ; but with less prospect of preaching to the Indians than we had the first day we set foot in America. Whenever I mentioned it, it was immediately replied, “ You cannot leave Savannah without a minister.” ‘'T'o this indeed my plain answer was, “ I know not that I am under any obligation to the contrary. [ never promised to stay here one month. I openly declared both before, at, and ever since my coming hither, that I neither wouid nor could take charge of the English any longer than till I could go among the Indians.” If it was said, “ But did not the Trustees of Georgia appoint vou to he minister of Savannah?’ I replied, “‘ They did; but it was jot done by my solicitation: it was done without either my desire or snowledge. ‘Therefore, I cannot conceive that appointment to lay me Jan. 1737.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 33 under any obligation of continuing there any longer than till a door is opened to the Heathens ; and this I expressly declared at the time I consented to accept of that appointment.” But though I had no other obligation not to leave Savannah now, yet that of love I could not break through : I could not resist the importunate request of the more serious parishioners, “to watch over their souls yet a little longer, till some one came who might supply my place.” And this I the more willingly did, because the time was not come to preach the Gospel of peace to the Heathens; all their nations being in a ferment: and Paustoobee and Mingo Mattaw having told me, in terms, in my own house, “ Now our enemies are all about us, and we can do nothing but fight; but if the beloved ones should ever give us to be at peace, then we would hear the great Word.” Thur. Dec. 9.--Hearing of one dangerously ill, I went to her immediately: she told me, “that she had many things to say :” but her weakness prevented her saying them then; and the next day God required her soul of her.

Wed. 23.--Mr. Delamotte and I, with a guide, set out to walk to the Cowpen. When we had walked two or three hours, our guide told us plainly, he did not know where we were. However, believing it could not be far off, we thought it best to go on. In an hour or two we came to a cypress swamp which lay directly across our way: there was not time to walk back to Savannah before night ; so we walked through it, the water being about breast high. By the time we had gone a mile beyond it, we were out of all path; and it being now past sunset, we sat down, intending to make a fire, and to stay there till morning ;_ but finding our tinder wet, we were at a stand. I advised to walk on still; but my companions being faint and weary, were for lying down, which we accordingly did about six o’clock: the ground was as wet as our clothes, which (it being a sharp frost) were soon froze together; however, I slept till six in the morning. There fell a heavy dew in the night, which covered us over as white as snow. Within an hour after sunrise, we came to a plantation ; and in the evening, without any hurt, to Savannah. Tues. 28.--We set out by land with a better guide for Frederica. On Wednesday evening we came to Fort Argyle, on the back of the river Ogeechy. The next afternoon we crossed Cooanoochy river, in a small canoe ; our horses swimming by the side of it. We made a fire on the bank, and, notwithstanding the rain, slept quietly till the morning. Sat. Jan. 1, 1737.--Our provisions fell short, our journey being longer than we expected; but having a little barbecued bear’s flesh, (that is, dried in the sun,) we boiled it, and found it wholesome food. The next day we reached Darien, the settlement of the Scotch Highlanders ; a sober, industrious, friendly, hospitable people ; whose minister, Mr. M‘Leod, is a serious, resolute, and, I hope, a pious man.

** Our general method is this: --A young gentleman who came with me, teaches between thirty and forty children to read, write, and cast accounts. Before school in the morning, and after school in the afternoon, he catechises the lowest class, and endeavours to fix something of what was said in their understandings as well as their memories. In the evening, he instructs the larger children. On Saturday, in the afternoon, I catechise them all. The same I do on Sunday before the Evening service. And in the church, immediately after the Second lesson, a select number of them having repeated the Catechism, and been examined in some part of it, I endeavour to explain at large, and to enforce, that part, both on them and the congregation. “Some time after the Evening service, as many of my parishioners as desire it, meet at my house, (as they do also on Wednesday evening,) and spend about an hour in prayer, singing, and mutual exhortation. A smaller number (most of those who design to communicate the next day) meet here on Saturday evening; and a few of these come 1o me on the other evenings, and pass half an hour in the same employment.” Fri. March 4.--I writ the Trustees for Georgia an account of our year’s expense, from March 1, 17736, to March 1, 1737 ; which, deducting extraordinary expenses, such as repairing the parsonage house, and journeys to Frederica, amounted, for Mr. Delamotte and me, to 44l. 4s. 4d. From the directions I received from God this day, touching an affair of the greatest importance, I could not but observe, as I had done April, 1737. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 35 many times before, the entire mistake of those who assert, “God will not answer your prayer, unless your heart be wholly resigned to his will.” My heart was not wholly resigned to his will. Therefore, not daring to depend on my own judgment, I cried the more earnestly to him to supply what was wanting in me. And I know, and am assured, he heard my voice and did send forth his light and his truth.

Thur. 24.--A fire broke out in the house of Robert Hows, and in ap hour burned it to the ground: a collection was made for him the next day, and the generality of the people showed a surprising willingness to give a little out of their little for the relief of a necessity greater than their own. About this time Mr. Lacy, of Thunderbolt, called upon me; when ovserving him to be in a deep sadness, I asked what was the reason of it: and a terrible one indeed he gave, in the relation following :-- In 1733, David Jones, a saddler, a middle-aged man, who had for some time before lived at Nottingham, being at Bristol, met a person there, who, after giving him some account of Georgia, asked whether he would go thither ; adding, his trade (that of a saddler) was an exceeding good trade there, upon which he might live creditably and comfortably. He objected his want of money to pay his passage and buy some tools, which he should have need of. The gentleman (Capt. W.) told him, he would supply him with that, and hire him a shop when he came to Georgia, wherein he might follow his business, and so repay him as suited his convenience. Accordingly to Georgia they went ; where, soon after his arrival, his master (as he now styled himself) sold him to Mr. Lacy, who set him to work with the rest of his servants, in clearing land. He commonly appeared much more thoughtful than the rest, often stealing into the woods alone. He was now sent to do some work on an island, three or four miles from Mr. Lacy’s great plantation. Thence he desired the other servants to return without him, saying he would stay and kill a deer. This was on Saturday. On Monday they found him on the shore, with his gun by him and the forepart of his head shot to pieces. In his pocket was a paper book ; all the leaves thereof were fair, except one, on which ten or twelve verses were written; two of which were these :, (which I transcribed thence from his own hand writing :) Death could not a more sad retinue find ; Sickness and pain before, and darkness all behind!

‘Vhe substance of his account was this :--‘ Some years past, the Ch.casaws and French were friends. The French were then mingled wifn the Nautchee Indians, whom they used as slaves ; till the Nautchves made a general rising, and took many of the French prisoners. But soon after, a French army set upon them, killed many, and carried away the rest. Among those that were killed were some Chicasaws, whose death the Chicasaw nation resented ; and, soon after, as a French hvat was going through their country, they fired into it, and killed all 41e men buttwo. The French resolved on revenge ; and orders were «iven for many Indians and several parties of white men, to rendezvous on the 26th of March, 11736, near one of the Chicasaw towns. The first party, consisting of fifty men, came thither-some days before the time. They stayed there till the 24th, but none came to join them. On the 25th, they were attacked by two hundred Chicasaws. The French attempted to force their way through them. Five or six and twenty did so; the rest were taken prisoners. The prisoners were sent two or three to a town to be burned. Only the commanding officer and one or two more were put to death on the placc of the engagement. “‘T,” said he, “‘and one more were saved by the warrior who took us. The manner of burning the rest was, holding lighted canes to their arms and legs, and several parts of their bodies, for some time, and then for a while taking them away. ‘They likewise stuck burning pieces of wood into their flesh all round, in which condition they kept them from morning till evening. But they commonly beat them before they burnthem. I saw the priest that was with us carried to be burned ; and from head to foot, he was as black as your coat with the blows which they had given him.” I asked him, what was their manner of life. He said, “They do nothing but eat, and drink, and smoke, from morning till night ; and, in a manner, from night till morning. For they rise at any hour of the night when they wake, and after eating and drinking as much as they can, go to sleep again.” See “The Religion of Nature truly Delineated |”

‘“* And bring him before one of the bai'iffs of the said town, to answer the complaint of William Williamson and Sophia his wife, for defaming the said Sophia, and refusing to administer to her the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper, in a public congregation, without cause; by which the said William Williamson is damaged one thousand pound sterling: and for so doing, this is your warrant, certifying what you are tc do in the premises. Given under my hand and seal the 8th day of August, Anno Dom. 1737. Tuo. Curistiz.” Tues. 9.--Mr. Jones, the constable, served the warrant, and carried me before Bailiff Parker and Mr. Recorder. My answer to them was, that the giving or refusing the Lord’s Supper being a matter purely ecclesiastical, I could not acknowledge their power to interrogate me upon it. Mr. Parker told me, “ However, you must appear at the next court, holden for Savannah.” Mr. Williamson, who stood by, said, “Gentlemen, I desire Mr. Wesley may give bail for his appearance.” But Mr. Parker immediately replied, “Sir, Mr. Wesley’s word is sufficient.” Wed. 10.--Mr. Causton (from a just regard, as his letter expressed. it, to the friendship which had subsisted between us till this affair) required me to give the reasons in the court house, why I repelled Mrs. Williamson from the holy communion. I answered, “I apprehend many ill consequences may arise from so doing: let the cause be laid before the Trustees.” Thur. 11.--Mr. Causton came to my house, and among many other sharp words, said, ‘* Make an end of this matter: thou hadst best. My niece to be used thus! I have drawn the sword, and I will never sheath it till I have satisfaction.” Soon after, he added, “ Give the reasons of your repelling her before the whole congregation.” I answered, “ Sir, if you insist upon it J Aug. 1737.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 41 will; and so you may be pleased to tell her.” He said, “* Write to her, and tell her so yourself.” I said, “I will;” and after he went I wrote as follows :--_ : “ To Mrs. Sophia Williamson. “At Mr. Causton’s request, I write once more. The rules whereby 1 proceed are these :--

The Evening lesson on Tuesday was the eleventh of the Hebrews ; in reading which I was more particularly encouraged by his example, who “chose rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season: esteeming the reproach of Christ greater riches than the treasures of Egypt.” The Lesson on Wednesday began with these werds: “ Wherefore seeing we are compassed about with so great a cloud of witnesses, let us lay aside every weight,--and run with patience the race that is set befere us: looking unto Jesus, the author and finisher of our faith , who for the joy that was set before him endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God,” Heb. xii, 1, 2. In the Thursday lesson were these comfortable words: “I will never leave thee nor forsake thee. So that we may boldly say, The Lord is my helper, and I will not fear what man shall do unto me,” Heb. xiii, 5, 6. 42 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Aug. 1737. The words of St. James, read on Friday, were, * Blessed is the man that endureth temptation :” and those on Saturday, “ My brethren, have not the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ,--with respect of persons,” James ii, 1. I was only Seth lest those who were weak, should “be turned out of the way ;” at least so far as to forsake the public “assembling of themselves together.” But I feared where no fear was. God took care of this also. So that on Sunday, the 14th, more were present at the Morning prayers than had been for some months before. Many of them observed those words in the First lesson, “Set Naboth on high among the people; and set two men, sons of Belial, before him, to bear witness against him.” Tues. 16.--Mrs. Williamson swore to and signed an affidavit, insinuating much more than it asserted ; but asserting, that Mr. Wesley had many times proposed marriage to her ; all which proposals she had rejected. Of this I desired a copy; Mr. Causton replied, “ Sir, you may have one from any of the newspapers in America.”

Thur. Nov. 3.--I appeared again at the court, holden on that day ; and again, at the court held, Tuesday, November 22d. On which day Mr. Causton desired to speak with me. He then read me some affidavits which had been made, September 15th, last past; in one of which it was affirmed, that I then abused Mr. Causton in his own house, calling him liar, villain, and so on. It was now likewise repeated before several persons, which indeed I had forgot, that I had been reprimanded at the last court, for an enemy to, and hinderer of, the public peace. I again consulted my friends, who agreed with me, that the time we looked for was now come. And the next morning calling on Mr. Causton, I told him, I designed to set out for England immediately. I set up an advertisement in the Great Square to the same effect, and quietly prepared for my journey. Fri. Dec. 2.--I proposed to set out for Carolina about noon, the tide then serving. But about ten, the magistrates sent for me, and told me, I must not go out of the province ; for I had not answered the allegations laid against me. I replied, “I have appeared at six or seven courts successively, in order to answer them. But I was not suffered so to do, when I desired it time after time.” Then they said, however, I must not go, unless I would give security to answer those allegations at their court. [asked, “ What security?” After consulting together about two hours, the recorder showed me a kind of bond, engaging me, under a penalty of fifty pounds, to appear at their court when I should be required. He added, “ But Mr. Williamson too has desired of us, that you should give bail to answer his action.” I then told him plainly, “ Sir, you use me very ill, and so you do the Trustees. [I will give neither any bond, nor any bail at all. You know your business, and I know mine.”

In the afternoon, the magistrates published an order, requiring all the officers and centinels to prevent my going out of the province ; and forbidding any person to assist me so todo. Being now only a prisoner at large, in a place where I knew by experience, every day would give fresh opportunity to procure evidence of words I never said, and actions I never did; I saw clearly the hour was come for leaving this place : and as soon as Evening prayers were over, about eight o’clock, the tide then serving, I shook off the dust of my feet, and left Georgia, after Journal I.--4 \ 46 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ Dec. 1737. having preached the Gospel there (not as I ought, but as I was ab.e,) one year, and nearJv nine months. During this time ) nad frequent opportunities of making many obser vations and inquiries concerning the real state of this province, (which has been so variously represented,) the English settlements therein, and the Indians that have intercourse with them. These I minuted down from time to time ; a small extract of which I have subjoined. 1. Georgia lies in the 30th and 31st degree of north latitude. The air is generally clear, the rains being much shorter, as well as heavier, than in England. ‘The dews are very great. Thunder and lightning are expected almost every day in May, June, July, and August. Thev are very terrible, especially to a stranger. During those months, from ten in the morning to four in the afternoon, the sun is extremely scorching. But the sea breeze generally blows, from ten till three or four. The winter is nearly of the same length as in England. But the midday sun is always warm, even when the mornings and evenings are very sharp, and the nights piercing cold.

17. Five miles southwest of Savannah, on a small rise, stands the vulage of Highgate. It has pine land on three sides, and a swamp on the fourth. Twelve families were placed here in 1733 ; nine whereof remain there. A mile eastward of this is Hampstead, settled with twelve families also, a little before Highgate; five of which are still remaining. 18. Six miles southeast of Savannah is Thunderbolt. Three families are settled here, near a small, ruinous fort. Four miles south of this is the island of Skidoway : on the northeast point whereof ten families were placed in 1734; (a small fort was built here likewise ;) but nine of them are either dead, or removed to other places. A small creek divides Skidoway from Tybee Island, on the southeast part of which, fronting the inlet, the lighthouse is built. Ten families were settled here in 1734; but they are part dead, and part removed, so that the island is now again without any fixed inhabitant. 19. T'welve miles southward from Savannah (by land) is Mr. Houstoun’s plantation: and forty or fifty miles from him, up Ogeechy river, that where Mr. Sterling for some time lived. Fort Argyle stands twenty Dec. 1737.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. | 49 miles from this, on a high bluff, by the river Ogeechy. It is a small, square, wooden fort, musket-proof. Ten freeholders were settled near it; but eight of them are gone, and the land they had cleared lying waste, will, in a few years, be as it was before. 20. The southernmost settlement in Georgia is Fort St. Andrew. It stands fifty miles south of F'rederica, on the southwest side of Cumberland Island, upon a high neck of land, which commands the river both ways. The walls are of woud, filled up with earth, round which are a ditch and palisade. _ 21. It is hard to pick out any consistent account of the Georgian Indians, from the contradictory relations of their traders. The following is extracted, partly from those wherein all, or the generality of them, agree ; partly from the relations of such as have been occasionally amongst them, and have no interest in making them better or worse than they are. pene

We were four inall; one of whom intended to go to England with me ; the other two to settle in Carolina. About eleven we came into a large swamp, where we wandered about till near two. We then found another blaze, and pursued it, till it divided into two: one of these we followed through an almost impassable thicket, a mile beyond which it ended. We made through the thicket again, and traced the other blaze till that ended too. It now grew toward sunset; so we sat down, faint and weary, having had no food all day, except a gingerhread cake, which I had taken in my pocket. A third of this we had divided among us at noon; another third we took now; the rest we reserved for the morning ; but we had met with no water all the day. Thrusting a stick into the ground, and finding the end of it moist, two of our company fell a digging with their hands, and, at about three feet depth, found water. We thanked God, drank, and were refreshed. The night was sharp ; however, there was no complaining among us ; but after having commended ourselves to God, we lay down close together, and (I at least) slept till near six in the morning. Sun, 4.--God renewing our strength, we arose neither faint nor weary, and resolved to make one trial more, to find out a path to Port Royal. We steered due east; but finding neither path nor blaze, and the woods growing thicker and thicker, we judged it would be our best course to return, if we could, by the way we came. The day before, in the thickest part of the woods, I had broke many young trees, I knew not why, as we walked along: these we found a great help in several places, where no path was to be seen; and between one and two God brought us safe to Benjamin Arieu’s house, the old man we left the day before.

Sat. 28.--Was another cloudy day; but about ten in the morning (the wind continuing southerly) the clouds began to fly just contrary to the wind, and, to the surprise of us all, sunk down under the sun, so that at noon we had an exact observation; and by this we found we were as well as we could desire, about eleven leagues south of Scilly. Sun. 29.--We saw English land once more; which, about noon, appeared to be the Lizard Point. We ran by it with a fair wind; and at noon, the next day, made the west end of the Isle of Wight. Here the wind turned against us, and in the evening blew fresh, so that we expected (the tide being likewise strong against us) to be driven some leagues backward in the night: but in the morning, to our great surprise, we saw Beachy-head, just before us, and found we had gone forward near forty miles. Ve aN OT alts hE ae hh \ 56 * REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Feb. 1738. Toward evening was a calm; but in the night a strong north wind brought us safe into the Downs. The day before, Mr. Whitefield had sailed out, neither of us then knowing anv thing of the other. At four in the morning we took boat, and in half an hour landed at Deal: it being Wednesday, February 1, the anniversary festival in Georgia for Mr. Oglethorpe’s landing there. It is now two years and almost four months since I left my native country, in order to teach the Georgian Indians the nature of Christianity : but what have I learned myself in the mean time ? Why, (what ! the least of all suspected,) that I who went to America to convert others, was never myself converted to God. (I am not sure of this.) ‘I am not mad,” though I thus speak ; but “I speak the words of truth and soberness ;” if haply some of those who still dream may awake, and see, that as I am, so are they.

Accordingly, Monday, 6, I began preaching this new doctrine, though my soul started back from the work. The first person to whom I offered salvation by faith alone, was a prisoner under sentence of death. His name was Clifford. Peter Bohler had many times desired me to speak to him before. But I could not prevail on myself so to do; being still (as I had been many years) a zealous asserter of the impossibility of a death-bed repentance. Fri. 10.--Peter Béhler returned to London. Tues. 15.--I set out for Manchester with Mr. Kinchin, Fellow of Corpus Christi, and Mr. Fox, late a prisoner in the city prison. Between five and six we called at Chapel-on-the-Heath, where lived a poor man, some time prisoner in the Castle of Oxford. He was not at home ; but his wife came to us, to whom Mr. Kinchin spoke a few words, which so melted her heart, that she burst out into tears, and we went on rejoicing and praising God. March, 1738. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL 63 About eight, it being rainy and very dark, we lost our way ; but before nine, came to Shipston, having rode over, I know not how, a narrow foot bridge, which lay across a deep ditch near the town. After supper [read prayers to the people of the inn, and explained the Second lesson; hope not in vain. The next day we dined at Birmingham, and, soon after we left it, were reproved for our negligence there, (in letting those who attended us go, without either exhortation or instruction,) by a severe shower of hail. At Hedgeford, about five, we endeavoured to be more faithful ; and all who heard seemed serious and affected.

About five, Mr. Kinchin riding by a man and woman double-horsed, the man said, “ Sir, you ought to thank God it is a fair day ; for if it rained, you would be sadly dirty with your little horse.” Mr. Kinchin answered, “True: and we ought to thank God for our life, and health, and food, and raiment, and all things.” He then rode on, Mr. Fox following; the man said, “Sir, my mistress would be glad to have some more talk with that gentleman.” We stayed, and when they came up, began to search one another’s hearts. They came to us again in the evening, at our inn at Stone, where I explained both to them and many of their acquaintance who were come together, that great truth,--Godliness hath the promise both of this life, and of that which is to come. Tues. 21.--Between nine and ten we came to Hedgeford. Just then, one was giving an account of a young woman, who had dropped down dead there the day before. This gave us a fair occasion to exhort all that were present, ‘so to number” their own “ days,” that they aight apply their “hearts unto wisdom.” In the afternoon one overtook us, whom we soon found more inclined to speak than to hear. However, we spoke, and spared not. In the evening we overtook a young man, a Quaker, who afterward came to us, to our inn at Henley, whither he sent for the rest of his family, to join with us in prayer: to which I added, as usual, the exposition of the Second lesson. Our other companion went with us a mile or two in the morning; and then not only spoke less than the day before, but took in good part a serious caution against talkativeness and vanity.

18. “ But is not any sort of fear,” continued the tempter, “ a proot that thou dost not believe?” I desired my Master to answer for me ; and opened his Book upon those words of St. Paul, “ Without were fightings, within were fears.” Then, inferred I, well may fears be within me ; but I must go on, and tread them under my feet. Fri. 26.--My soul continued in peace, but yet in heaviness because of manifold temptations. I asked Mr. Telchig, the Moravian, what to do. He said, “ You must not fight with them, as you did before, but flee from them the moment they appear, and take shelter in the wounds of Jesus.” The same I learned also from the afternoon anthem, which was, “ My soul truly waiteth still upon God: for of him cometh my salvation ; he verily is my strength and my salvation, he is my defence, so that I shall not greatly fall. O put your trust in him always, ye neople ; pour out your hearts before him ; for God is our hope.” Sat. 2'7.--Believing one reason of my want of joy was want of time for prayer, I resolved to do no business till I went to church in the morning, but to continue pouring out my heart before him. And this day my spirit was enlarged; so thut though I was now also assaulted by many temptations, I was more than conqueror, gaining more power thereby to trust and to rejoice in God my Saviour. Sun. 28.--I waked in peace, but not in joy. In the same even, quiet state I was till the evening, when I was roughly attacked in a large company as an enthusiast, a seducer, and a setter-forth of new doctrines. By the blessing of Ged, I was not moved to anger, but after a calm and short reply went away ; though not with so tender a concern as was due to those who were seeking death in the error of their life.

At six inthe morning we took boat. The beautiful gardens lie on both sides the river, for great part of the way to Amsterdam, whither we came about five inthe evening. The exact neatness of all the buildings here, the nice cleanness of the streets, (which, we were informed, were all washed twice a week,) and the canals which run through all the main streets, with rows of trees on either side, make this the pleasantest city which I have ever seen. Here we were entertained, with truly Christian hospitality, by Mr. Decknatel, a minister of the Mennonists, who suffered us to want nothing while we stayed here, which was till the Thursday following. Dr. Barkhausen, (a physician, a Muscovite by nation,) who had been with Mr. Decknatel for some time, showed us likewise all possible kindness. Remember them, O Lord, for good! Mon. 19.--I was at one of the societies, which lasted an hour and a half. About sixty persons were present. The singing was in Low Dutch ; (Mr. Decknatel having translated into Low Dutch, part of the Hernhuth Hymn-book ;) but the words were so very near the German, that any who understood the original, might understand the translation. The expounding was in High Dutch. I was at another of the societies on Tuesday, where were present about the same number. On Wednesday, one of our company found a sheep that had been lost : his sister, who had lived here for some time with one whom she loved too well, as he did her. But they were now both resolved, by the grace of God, (which they accordingly executed without delay,) “to pluck out the right eye, and cast it from them.” Journal .--6-- 78 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [June, 1738. Thur. 22.--We took boat at eight in the evening, and, landing at four in the morning, walked on to Uutfass, which we left about two, having now another boy added to our number. A little before eight we came to Beurn, a small ill built city, belonging to the prince of Orange. Setting out early in the morning, we came to Nimwegen, the last town in Holland, about two in the afternoon; and, leaving it at four, came before eight to an inn, two hours short of Cleve.

Sun. 25.--After spending an hour in singing and prayer, we walked . till near noon, before we could meet with any refreshment. The road would have appeared exceeding pleasant, being broad and straight, with tall trees on either side, had not weariness and rain prevented. We hoped to reach Reinberg in the evening, but could not; being obliged to stop two hours short of it, at a little house where many good Lutherans were concluding the Lord’s day (as is usual among them) with fiddling and dancing ! Mon. 26.--We breakfasted at Reinberg ; left it at half an hour past ten, and at four came to Urding. Being much tired, we rested here, so that it was near ten at night before we came to Neus. Having but a few hours’ walk from hence to Célen, we went thither easily, and came at five the next evening, into the ugliest, dirtiest city, I ever yet saw with my eyes. Wed. 28.--We went to the cathedral, which is more heaps upon heaps ; a huge misshapen thing, which has no more of symmetry than of neatness belonging to it. I was a little surprised to observe, that neither in this, nor in any other of the Romish churches where I have been, is there, properly speaking, any such thing as joint worship ; but one prays at one shrine or altar, and another at another, without any regard to, or communication with, one another. As we came out of the church, a procession began on the other side of the church-yard. One of our company scrupling to pull off his hat, a zealous Catholic presently cried out, “ Knock down the Lutheran dog.” But we prevented any contesi, by retiring into the church. Walking on the side of the Rhine in the afternoon, I saw, to my great surprise, (for I always thought before, no Romanist of any fashion believed any thing of the story,) a fresh painting, done last year at the public expense, on the outside of the city wall, “in memory of the bringing in the heads of the three kings,” says the Latin inscription, “through the gate adjoining ;” which, indeed, in reverence, it seems, to them, has been stopped up ever since.

** After I was settled here, seeing the great diversity of sects wherewith we were surrounded, I began to doubt whether any religion was true. For half a year these doubts perplexed me greatly; and I was often just on the point of casting off all religion, and returning to the world. The fear of doing this threw me into a deeper concern than ever I had been in before. Nor could I find how to escape; for the more I struggled, the more I was entangled. I often reflected on my former course of life, as more desirable than this: and one day, in the bitterness of my soul, besought our blessed Saviour at least to restore me to that state which I was in before I left Moravia. In that moment he manifested himself to me, so that I could lay hoid on him as my Saviour, and showed me, it is only the blood of Christ which cleanseth us from all sin. This was ten years since; and from that hour I have not had one doubt of my acceptance. Yet I have not any transports of joy: nor had I when he thus revealed himself unto me: only I well remember, that manifestation of himself was like a cool, refreshing wind, to one that is fainting away with sultry heat. And ever since my soul has been sweetly at rest, desiring no other portion in earth or heaven.”

TREES ENT ne ee t f i 96 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. TAug. 1738 “ When I was about twenty-six, I was pressed in spirit to exhort and mstruct my brethren. Accordingly, many of them met at my house, to read, pray, and sing psalms. They usually came about ten or eleven, and stayed till one or two in the morning. When Christian David came to us, we were much quickened and comforted, and our number greatly increased. We were undisturbed for two years. But then the Papists were informed of our meeting. Immediately search was made. All our books were seized, and we were ordered to appear before the consistory. I was examined many times; was imprisoned, released, and imprisoned again, five times in one year. At last I was adjudged to pay fifty rix-dollars, and suffer a year’s imprisonment. But upon a re-hearing, the sentence was changed, and I was ordered to be sent to the galleys. Before this sentence was executed, I escaped out of prison, and came to Sorau in Silesia. Many of our brethren followed me; and here for near ten years I taught the children in the Orphan house. I soon sent for my wife and children. But the magistrates had just then ordered, that the wives and children of all those who had fled should be taken into safe custody. The night before this order was to be executed, she escaped, and came to Sorau. “Soon after, some of my brethren who had been there pressed me much to remove to Hernhuth: Christian David, in particular, by whose continued importunity I was at length brought to resolve upon it. But all my brethren at Sorau were still as strongly against it as I myself had formerly been. For a whole year I was struggling to break from them, or to persuade them to go too. And it cost me more pains to get from Sorau, than it had done to leave Moravia.

JOURNAL.--No. III. Saturpay, August 12, 1738.--About seven in the evening we came to Neu-Kirche, a town about twenty-four miles from Hernhuth. Mr. Schneider (the minister of it, who had desired us to take his house in our way) was not at home: but we found one Mr. Mancetius there, the minister of a neighbouring town, who walked with us in the morning ten miles to Hauswalde, where he lived. He told us that the Lutherans, as well as the Papists, were irreconcilable enemies to the brethren of Hernhuth: that the generality of the Lutheran clergy were as bitter against them as the Jesuits themselves: that none of his neighbours durst go thither, (unless by stealth,) being sure of suffering for it if discovered: that to prevent any of Hernhuth from coming to them, the elector had forbid, under a severe penalty, any number of persons, exceeding three, to meet together on a religious account: and that he himself, for having a little society in his own parish, had been summoned to appear before the consistory at Dresden. Yea, let the “kings of the earth stand up, and the rulers take counsel together against the Lord and against his Anointed! He that sitteth in heaven shall laugh them to scorn; the Lord shall have them in derision.”

We left Hauswalde in the afternoon, and in the evening came to Dresden. But the officer at the gate would not suffer us to come in; so that we were obliged to go on to the next village : which leaving early in the morning, on Thursday in the afternoon we came to Leipsig. We were now kept only an hour at the gate, and then conducted to Mr. Arnold’s, who had invited us when we were in the town before, to make his house our home. <A few we found here, too, who desire to “know nothing but Jesus Christ and him crucified.” And from them we had letters to Halle, whither we came on Friday, 18. But the king of Prussia’s tall men (who kept the gates) would not suffer Mr. Brown to come in. Me they admitted, (in honour of my profession,) after I had waited about two hours : and one of them went with me to the prince of Hesse, who, after a few questions, gave me leave to lodge in the city. Thence he showed me to Mr. Gotschalck’s lodgings, to whom I had letters from Leipsig. He read them and said, “ My brother, what you find here, you will use as your own. And if you want any thing else, tell us, and you shall have it.” I told them my companion was without the gate. They secon procured admittance for him. And we were indeed as at home; for I have hardly seen such little children as these, even at Hernhuth. Sat. 19.--I waited on professor Francke, who behaved with the utmost humanity ; and afterward on professor Knappe, to whom also I am indebted for his open, friendly behaviour. Between ten and eleven seven of the brethren set out with us, one of whom went with us two days’ journey. It was the dusk of the evening on Sunday, 20 Aug. 1738. | REV. J. WESLEY'S JOURNAL. 107 when, wet and weary, we reached Jena. Mon. 21.--We visited the schools there ; the rise of which (as we were informed) was occasioned thus :--

Sun. 21.--We were surprised in the evening, while I was expounding in the Minories. A well-dressed, middle-aged woman, suddenly cried out as in the agonies of death. She continued so to do for some time, ' with all the signs of the sharpest anguish of spirit. When she was a little recovered, I desired her to call upon me the next day. She then told me, that about three years before, she was under strong convictions of sin, and in such terror of mind, that she had no comfort in any thing, nor any rest, day or night ; that she sent for the minister of her parish, and told him the distress she was in: upon which he told her husband, she was stark mad, and advised him to send for a physician immediately. A physician was sent for accordingly, who ordered her to be blooded, blistered, and so on. But this did not heal her wounded spirit. So that she continued much as she was before: till the last night, He whose word she at first found to be “sharper than any two-edged sword,” gave her a faint hope, that he would undertake her cause, and heal the soul which had sinned against him. Thur. 25.--I baptized John Smith (late an Anabaptist) and four other adults at Islington. Of the adults I have known baptized lately one only was at that time born again, in the full sense of the word ; that is, found a thorough, inward change, by the love of God filling her Feb. 1739. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 119 heart. Most of them were only born again in a lower sense ; that is, received the remission of their sins. And some, (as it has since too plainly appeared,) neither in one sense nor the other.

Thur. 8.--I called upon her and a few of her neighbours, who were met together in the evening, among whom I found a gentleman of the same spirit she had been of, earnestly labouring to pervert the truth of the gospel. To prevent his going on, as the less evil of the two, I entered directly into the controversy, touching both the cause and the fruits of justification. In the midst of the dispute, one who sat at a small distance, felt, as it were, the piercing of a sword, and before she could be brought to another house, whither I was going, could not avoid crying out aloud, even in the street. But no sooner had we made our request known to God, than he sent her help from his holy place. At my return from hence, I found Mr. Kinchin, just come from Dummer, who earnestly desired me, instead of setting out for London the next morning, (as I designed,) to go to Dummer, and supply his church on Sunday. On Friday morning I set out, according to his desire, and in the evening came to Reading, where I found a young man (Mr. Cennick) who had in some measure “known the powers of the world to lee SaaS Se _ March, 1739.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 121 come.” I spent the evening with him, and a few of his serious friends; and it pleased God much to strengthen and comfort them. Sat. 10.--In the afternoon I came to Dummer; and on Sunday morning had a large and attentive congregation. I was desired to expound in the evening at Basingstoke. The next day I returned to Reading, and thence on Tuesday to Oxford, where I found many more and more rejoicing in God their Saviour. Wednesday, 14, I had an opportunity of preaching once again to the poor prisoners in the Castle. Thursday, 15, I set out early in the morning, and in the afternoon came to London.

Wed. 28.--My journey was proposed to our society in Fetter-lane. ' But my brother Charles would scarce bear the mention of it; till appealing to the Oracles of God, he received those words as spoken to himself, and answered not again :--“ Son of man, behold I take from thee the desire of thine eyes with a stroke: yet shalt thou not mourn or weep, neither shall thy tears run down.” Our other brethren, however, continuing the dispute, without any probability of their coming to one conclusion, we at length all agreed to decide it by lot. And by this it was determined I should go. Several afterward desiring we might open the Bible, concerning the issue of this, we did so on the several portions of Scripture, which I shall set down without any reflection upon them: --<+ Now there was long war between the house of Saul and the house of David: but David waxed stronger and stronger, and the house of Saul waxed weaker and weaker,” 2 Sam. iii, 1. ‘When wicked men have slain a righteous person in his own house upon his bed: shall I not aow require his blood at your hands, and take you away from the earth!” 2 Sam. iv, 11. ‘And Ahaz slept with his fathers, and they buried him in the city, even in Jerusalem,” 2 Chron. xxviii, 27. Perhaps it may be a satisfaction to some, if before I enter upon this new period of my life, I give the reasons why I preferred for so many years a university life before any other. Then especially, when I was earnestly pressed by my father to accept of a cure of souls. I have here, therefore, subjoined the letter I wrote several years ago on hat occasion :-- 122 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ Maren, 1739

Sat. 23.--I spoke severally with those who had been so troubled the night before. Some of them I found were only convinced of sin; others had indeed found rest to their souls. This evening another was seized with strong pangs: but ina short time her soul was delivered. Sun. 24. --As I was riding to Rose Green, in a smooth, plain part of the road, my horse suddenly pitched upon his head, and rolled over and over. I received no other hurt than a little bruise on one side; which for the present I felt not, but preached without pain to six or seven thousand people on that important direction, ‘‘ Whether ye eat or drink, or whatever you do, do all to the glory of God.” In the evening a girl of thirteen or fourteen, and four or five other persons, some of whom had felt the power of God before, were deeply convinced of sin; and with sighs and groans which could not be uttered called upon God for deliverance. Mon. 25.--About ten in the morning, J. eC r, as she was sitting at work, was suddenly seized with grievous terrors of mind, Journal I.--10. 142 REV. J. WESLEY'S JOURNAL. | June, 1739. attended with strong trembling. Thus she continued all the afternoon; but ‘at the society in the evening God turned her heaviness into joyFive or six others were also cut to the heart this day; and soon after found Him whose hands made whole: as did one likewise, who had been mourning many months, without any to comfort her. Tues. 26 --I preached near the house we had a few days before began to build for a school, in the middle of Kingswood, under a little sycamore tree, during a violent storm of rain, on those words, “ As the rain cometh down from heaven, and returneth not thither, but watereth the earth and maketh it bring forth and bud:--so shall my word be that goeth out of my mouth: it shall not return unto me void. But it shall accomplish that which I please, and it shall prosper in the thing whereto I sent it.” Three persons terribly felt the wrath of God abiding on them at the society this evening. But upon prayer made in their behalf, he was pleased soon to lift up the light of his countenance upon them.

“All the outward appearances of people’s being affected among us, may be reduced to these two sorts :--One is, hearing with a close, silent attention, with gravity and greediness, discovered by fixed looks, weeping eyes, and sorrowful or joyful countenances. Another sort is, when they lift up their voice aloud, some more depressedly, and others more highly ; and at times the whole multitude in a flood of tears, all as it were crying out at once, till their voice be ready to drown the minister’s, that he can scarce be heard for the weeping noise that surrounds him. The influence on some of these, like a land flood dries up; we hear of no change wrought: but in others it appears in the fruits of righteousness, and the tract of a holy conversation. “May the Lord strengthen you to go on in his work, and in praying for the coming of his kingdom with you and us; and I hope you shall not be forgotten among us, in our joint applications to tne throne of grace. “Tam, reverend and dear Sir, “Your very affectionate Brother and Servant in Christ, “Raupy Ersxine.” Sun. July 1.--I preached to about five thousand, on the favourite advice of the infidel in Ecclesiastes, (so zealously enforced by his brethren now,) “ Be not righteous overmuch.” At Hannam and at Rose Green I explained the latter part of the seventh of St. Luke ; that verse especially, “*‘ When they had nothing to pay, he frankly forgave them both.” A young woman sunk down at Rose Green in a violent agony both of body and mind: as did five or six persons in the evening at the new room, at whose cries many were greatly offended. The same offence was given in the morning by one at Weaver’s Hall, and by eight or nine others at Gloucester-lane in the evening. The first that was deeply touched was L W. ; whose mother had been not a little displeased a day or two before, when she was told how her daughter had exposed herself before all the congregation. The mother herself was the next who dropped down, and lost her senses in a moucnt; but went home with her daughter, full of joy ; as did most of those that had been in pain.

Come just now. Take me away.” We interrupted her by calling again upon God: on which she sunk down as before: and another young woman began to roar out as loud as she had done. My brother now came in, it being about nine o’clock. We continued in prayer till past eleven ; when God in a moment spoke peace into the soul, first of the first tormented, and then of the other. And they both joined in singing praise to Him, who had *stilled the enemy and the avenger.” Wed. 24.--I preached at Baptist Mills on those words of St. Paul, speaking in the person of one “ under the Law,” (that is, still “ carnal, and sold under sin,” though groaning for deliverance,) “ I know that in me dwelleth no good thing.” A pocr woman told me afterward, “I does hope as my husband wont hinder me any more. For I minded ne did shiver every bone of him, and the tears rar down his cheeks like the rain.” I warned our little society in the evening, to beware of } 162 REY. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. ’ [Oct. 1739. levity, slackness in good works, and despising little things ; which had caused many to fall again into bondage. Thur. 25.--I was sent for to one in Bristol, who was taken ill the evening before. (This fact too I will simply relate, so far as I was an ear or eye witness of it.) She lay on the ground furiously gnashing her teeth, and after a while roared aloud. It was not easy for three er four persons to hold her, especially when the name of Jesus was named. We prayed ; the violence of her symptoms ceased, though without a complete deliverance.

During my short stay here, I received several unpleasing accounts of the state of things in London ; a part of which I have subjoined :--- “Many of our sisters are shaken: J----y C says that she never had faith. Betty and Esther H are grievously torn by reasonings ; the former, I am told, is going to Germany.--On Wednesday night there are but few come to Fetter-lane till near nine o’clock. And then, after the names are called over, they presently depart. It appears plain, our brethren here have neither wisdom enough to guide, nor prudence enough to let it alone. “Mr. B n expounds much, and speaks so slightingly of the means of grace, that many are much grieved to hear him; but others are greatly delighted with him. Ten or fourteen of them meet at our brother Clark’s with Mr. Molther; and seem to consult about things, as if they were the whole body. These make a mere jest of going to church, or to the sacra- _ ee : Dec. 17339. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 173 ment. They have much confounded some of our sisters; and mariy of our brothers are ‘much grieved.” In another letter, which I received a few days after this, were these words :-- “ Dec. 14, 1739. “This day I was told, by one that does not belong to the bands, that the society would be divided.--I believe brother Hutton, Clark, Edmonds, and Bray, are determined to go on, according to Mr. Molther’s directions, and to raise a church, as they term it; and I suppose above half our brethren are on their side. But they are so very confused, they do not know how to go on; yet are unwilling to be taught, except by the Moravians. “We long to see you; nay, even those would be glad to see you, who will not be directed by you. I believe, indeed, things would be much better if you would come to town.” Wed. 19.--I accordingly came to London, though with a heavy heart. Here I found every day the dreadful effects of our brethren’s reasoning and disputing with each other. Scarce one in ten retained his first love ; and most of the rest were in the utmost confusion, biting

I had now determined, if it should please God, to spend some time in Bristol. But quite contrary to my expectation, I was called away, in a manner I could not resist. A young man, who had no thoughts of religion, had come to Bristoi, a few months before. One of his acquaintance brought him to me; he approved of what he heard, and fc 1 while behaved well; but soon after, his seriousness wore off; he ee hl eS ee Feb. 1740. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 177, returned to London, and fell in with his old acquaintance: by some of these he was induced to commit a robbery on the highway ; for which he was apprehended, tried, and condemned. He had now a strong desire to speak with me ; and some of his words (ina letter to his friend) were, “I adjure him, by the living God, that he come and see me before I go hence.” Fri. Feb. 1.--I set out, and on Sunday, 3, declared the grace of God at Newbury, from those words of the prophet, “ I will heal their backsliding, I will love them freely.”? And though the church was full of (chiefly) genteel, well-dressed people, they behaved as if they knew God was there. Mon. 4.--I came to Reading, and met with a few still hungering and thirsting after righteousness. A few more I found at Windsor in the evening. The next afternoon I reached London. Wed. 6.--I went to the poor young man who lay under sentence of death. Of a truth God has begun a good work in his soul. O may it-be brought to perfection! I think it was the next time I was there, that the ordinary of Newgate came to me, and with much vehemence told me, he was sorry I should turn Dissenter from the Church of England. I told him, if it was so, I did not know it: at which he seemed a little surprised ; and offered at something by way of proof, but which needed not a reply. Our twentieth Article defines a true church, “a congregation of faithful people, wherein the true word of God is preached, and the sacraments duly administered.” According to this account, the Church _ of England is that body of faithful people, (or holy believers,) in Eng-

such Christians as murderers or adulterers. ‘Except ye repent ye shall all likewise perish.” In the evening I expounded, at Cardiff, the story of the Pharisee and Publican. The next day, Thursday, 10, after preaching thrice, I rode to Watford, five miles from Cardiff, where a few of us joined together in prayer, and in provoking one another to love and to good works. Fri. 11.--I preached in Lantarnum church, on, “ By grace ye are saved, through faith.” In the afternoon I preached at Penreul, near Pont-y-Pool. A few were cut to the heart, particularly Mrs. A d, who had some time before given me up for a Papist; Mr. E s, the curate, having averred me to be such, upon his personal knowledge, at her house in Pont-y-Pool. I afterward called, ‘«O ye dry bones, hear the word of the Lord:” and there was a shaking indeed. Three or four came to me in such mourning as I had scarcely seen; as did a poor drunkard, between eleven and twelve, who was convinced by the word spoken on Tuesday. Sat. 12.--After preaching at Lanvachas in the way, in the afternoon I came to Bristol, and heard the melancholy news, that , one of the chief of those who came to make the disturbance on the 1st instant, had hanged himself. He was cut down, it seems, alive; but died in less than an hour. A second of them had been for some days in strong pain; and had many times sent to desire our prayers. A third came to me himself, and confessed he was hired that night, and made drunk on purpose ; but when he came to the door, he knew not what was the matter, he could not stir, nor open his mouth. Mon. 14.--I was explaining the “liberty” we have “to enter into the holiest by the blood of Jesus,” when one cried out, as in an agony, «: Thou art a hypocrite, a devil, an enemy to the Church. This is false doctrine. Itis not the doctrine of the Church. Itis damnable doctrine. It is the doctrine of devils.” I did not perceive that any were uurt thereby ; but rather strengthened, by having such an opportunity of confirming their love toward him, and returning good for evil. Tues. 15.--I received the following note :--

Sun. 20.--At Mr. Seward’s earnest request, I preached once more in Moorfields, on * the work of faith,” and the “ patience of hope,” and “the labour of love.” A zealous man was so kind as to free us from most of the noisy, careless hearers, (or spectators rather,) by reading, meanwhile, at a small distance, a chapter in the “ Whole Duty of Man.” I wish neither he nor they may ever read a worse book; though I can tell them of a better,--the Bible. In the evening, I went with Mr. Seward to the love-feast in Fetter-lane; at the conclusion of which, having said nothing till then, I read a paper, the substance whereof was as follows :-- “ About nine months ago certain of you began to speak contrary to the doctrine we had till then received. The sum of what you asserted is this:-- ~ 1. That there is no such thing as weak faith: that there is no justifying faith where there is ever any doubt or fear, or where there is not, in the full sense, a new, a clean heart. 2. Thata mak ought not to use those ordinances of God, which our Church terms ‘ means of grace,’ before he has such a faith as excludes all doubt and fear, and implies a new, a clean heart. “ You have often affirmed, that to search the Scriptures, to pray, or to communicate, before we have this faith, is to seek salvation by works ; and that till these works are laid aside no man can receive faith. I believe these assertions to be flatly contrary to the word of God. I have es = ‘ Aug. 1740. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 19] warned you hereof again and again, and besought you to turn back to the Law and the Testimony. I have borne with you long, hoping you would turn. But as I find you more and more confirmed in the error of your ways, nothing now remains, but that I should give you up to God. You that are of the same judgment, follow me.” I then, without saying any thing more, withdrew, as did eighteen or nineteen of the society.

Mon. 11.--Forty or fifty of those who were seeking salvation desired leave to spend the night together, at the society room, in prayer and giving thanks. Before ten I left them, and lay down. But I could have no quiet rest, being quite uneasy in my sleep, as I found others were too, that were asleep in other parts of the house. Between two ond three in the morning I was waked, and desired to come down stairs. T immediately heard such a confused noise, as if a number of men were all putting to the.sword. It increased when I came into the room, and began to pray. One whom I particularly observed to be roaring aloud for pain was J---- W. , who had been always, till then, very sure that none cried out but hypocrites :” so had Mrs. S--ms also. But she too now cried to God with a loud and bitter cry. It was not long before God heard from his holy place. He spake, and all our souls were comforted. He bruised Satan under our feet; and sorrow and sighing fled away. Sat. 16.--I called on one, who, being at Long-lane, on Monday, the 4th instant, was exceeding angry at those that “ pretended to be in fits,” particularly at one who dropped down just by her. She was just going ‘to kick her out of the way,” when she dropped down herself, and continued in violent agonies for an hour. Being afraid, when she came to herself, that her mother would judge of her as she herself had done of others, she resolved to hide it from her. But the moment she came into the house, she dropped down in as violent an agony as before. I left her weary and heavy laden, under a deep sense of the just judgment of God.

Sun. 17.--I enforced that necessary caution, “ Let him that standeth take heed lest he fall.”” Let him that is full of joy and love, take heed lest he fall into pride ; he that is in calm peace, lest he fall into desire ; and he that is in heaviness through manifold temptations, lest he fall into anger or impatience. I afterward heard a sermon, setting forth the duty of getting a good estaie, and keeping a good reputation. Is it possible to deny (supposing the Bible true) that such a preacher is a “blind leader of the blind ?”’ Tues. 19.--I was desired to go and pray with one who had sent for me several times before, lying in the new prison, under sentence of death, which was to be executed in a few days. I went; but the gaoler said, Mr. Wilson, the curate of the parish, had ordered I should not see him. Wed. 20.--I offered remission of sins to a small serious congregation near Deptford. Toward the end, a company of persons came in, dressed in habits fit for their work, and laboured greatly either to provoke or divert the attention of the hearers. But no man answering them a word, they were soon weary, and went away. Thur. 21.--I was deeply considering those points wherein our German brethren affirm we err from the faith, and reflecting how much holier some of them were than me, or any people I had yet known. But I was cut short in the midst by those words of St. Paul, 1 Tim. v, 21, “I charge thee before God, and the Lord Jesus Christ, and the elect angels, that thou observe these things, without preferring one before another, doing nothing by partiality.” Fri. 22.--I was desired to pray with an old hardened sinner, supposed to be at the point of death. He knew not me ; nor ever had heard me preach. I spoke much Sept. 1740. ] REV. J. WRSLEY’S JOURNAL. 193 but he opened not his mouth. But no sooner did I name “ the Saviour

Wed. 17.--A poor woman gave me an account of what, I think, ought never to be forgotten. It was four years, she said, since her son, Peter Shaw, then nineteen or twenty years old, by hearing a sermon of Mr. Wh -y’s, fell into great uneasiness. She thought he was ill, and would have sent for a physician; but he said, “ No, no. Send for Mr. Wh .” He was sent for, and came; and after asking her a few questions, told her, “ The boy is mad. Get a coach and carry him to Dr. M Use my name. I have sent several such to him.” Accordingly, she got a coach, and went with him immediately to Dr. M ’s house. When the Doctor came in, the voung man rose and said, “Sir, Mr. Wh has sent me to you.” SY Sone NEP te -- Oct. 1740. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 195 The Doctor asked, “Is Mr. Wh your minister?” and bid him put out his tongue. Then, without asking any questions, he told his mother, “ Choose your apothecary, and I will prescribe.” According to his prescriptions they, the next day, blooded him largely, confined him to a dark room, and put a strong blister on each of his arms, with another over all his head. But still he was as “mad” as before, praying, or singing, or giving thanks continually: of which having laboured to cure him for six weeks in vain, though he was now so weak he could not stand alone, his mother dismissed the doctor and apothecary, and let him be “beside himself” in peace.

In the evening was our love-feast in Bristol: in the conclusion of which, there being mention made that many of our brethren at Kingswood had formed themselves into a separate society, I related to them at large the effects of the separations which had been made from time to time in London; and likewise the occasion of this, namely, Mr. C ’s preaching other doctrine than that they had before received ‘ \ Feb. 1741.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 203 The natural consequence was, that when my brother and I preached the same which we had done from the beginning, many censured and spoke against us both; whence arose endless strife and confusion. T B replied, why, we preached false doctrine ; we preached that there is righteousness in man. I said, “So there is, after the righteousness of Christ is imputed to him through faith. But who told you that what we preached was false doctrine?) Whom would you have believed this from, but Mr. C CES Men, answered, “You do preach righteousness in man. I did say this: and I say it still. However, we are willing to join with you; but we will also meet apart from you: for we meet to confirm one another in those truths ° which you speak against.” I replied, “ You should have told me this before, and not have supplanted me in my own house, stealing the hearts of the people, and, by private accusations, separating very friends.” He said, “I have never privately accused you.” I said, “ My brethren, judge ;” and read as follows :-- To the Reverend Mr. George Whitefield. Jan. 1'7, 1741. ‘My pear Broruer,--That you might come quickly, I have written a second time.

Fri. 10.--In the evening, at Short’s Gardens, I read over, in order to expound, the eighth chapter to the Romans. But thoughts and words crowded in so fast upon me, that I could get no further than the first verse: nor indeed, than that single clause, “ Who walk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit.” Twes. 14.--I was much concerned for one of our sisters, who, having been but a few times with the still brethren, was on a sudden so much wiser than her teachers, that I could neither understand her, nor she me. Nor could I help being a little surprised at the profound indifference she showed, who a few days before would have plucked out her eyes, had it been possible, and given them to me. Wed. 15.--I explained at Greyhound-lane, the latter part of the fourth chapter to the Ephesians. I was so weak in body, that I could hardly stand; but my spirit was much strengthened. I found myself growing sensibly weaker all Thursday ; so that on Friday, 17,1 could scarce get out of bed, and almost as soon as I was up, was constrained to lie down again. Nevertheless I made shift to drag myself on, in the evening, to Short’s Gardens. Having, not without difficulty, got up the stairs, I read those words, (though scarce intelligibly, for my 208 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL, [ May, 1741. voice too was almost gone,) “ Whom he did foreknow, he also did predestinate.” In a moment both my voice and strength returned and from that time, for some weeks, I found such bedily strength, as J had never done before, since my landing in America. Mon. 20.--Being greatly concerned for those who were tossed abou with divers winds of doctrine, many of whom were again entangled ir sin, and carried away captive by Satan at his will; I besought God tr show me where this would end, and opened my Bible on these words, ‘ And there was nothing lacking to them, neither small nor grea:, netther sons nor daughters, neither spoil nor any thing that they had taken to them. David recovered all.” Tues. 21.--I wrote to my brother, then at Bristol, in the following words :--

Mon. 25.--Having settled all the business on which I came, I set out early, and on Tuesday called at Windsor. I found here also a few, who have peace with God, and are full of love both to him, and to one another. In the evening I preached at the Foundery, on, ‘ Stand still, and see the salvation of the Lord.” Fri. 29.--I spent an hour with poor Mr. M----e. His usual frown was vanished away. His look was clear, open and composed. He listened to the word of reconciliation with all possible marks of deep attention, though he was too weak to speak. Before I went, we commended him to the grace of God, in confidence that our prayer was heard: to whom, at two in the morning, he resigned his spirit, without any sigh or groan. Tues. June 2.--I spoke plainly to Mr. Piers, who told me he had been much shaken by the still brethren. But the snare is broken: I left him rejoicing in hope, and praising God for the consolation. Thur. 4.--I exhorted a crowded congregation, not to “receive the grace of God in vain.” The same exhortation I enforced on the society : (about nine hundred persons:) and by their fruits it doth appear that they begin to love one another, “ not in word” only, “ but in deed and in truth.” Frit. 5.--Hearing that a deaf and dumb man near Marienborn, had procured a remarkable letter to be wrote into England, J asked James Hutton, if he knew of that letter; and what the purport of it was. He answered, yes; he had read the letter; but had quite forgot what it was about. I then asked Mr. V--, who replied, the letter was short, but he did net remember the purport of it.

Tues. 16.--In the evening I came to London, and preached on those words, Gal. v, 15, “In Christ Jesus neither circumcision availeth any thing, nor uncircumcision, but a new creature.” After reading Luther’s miserable comment upon the text, I thought it my bounden duty openly to warn the congregation against that dangerous treatise ; and to retract whatever recommendation I might ignorantly have given of it. Wed. -- 17.--I set out, and rode slowly toward Oxford ; but before I came to Wycombe my horse tired. There I hired another, which tired also before I came to Tetsworth. I hired a third here, and reached Oxford in the evening. Thur. 18.--I inquired concerning the exercises previous to the degree of Bachelor in Divinity, and advised with Mr. Gambo!d concerning the subject of my sermon before the University ; but he seemed to think it of no moment: “ For,” said he, “all here are so prejudiced, that they will mind nothing you say.” I know not that. However, I am to deliver my own soul, whether they will hear, or whether they will forbear. I found a great change among the poor people here. Out of twenty-five or thirty weekly communicants, only two were left. Not one continued to attend the daily prayers of the Church. And those few that were once united together, were now torn asunder, and scattered abroad.

Fri. 24.--Several of our friends from London, and some from Kingswood and Bristol, came to Oxford. Alas! how long shall they ‘come from the east, and from the west, and sit down in the kingdom of God,” while the children of the kingdom will not come in, but remain in utter darkness! Sat. 25.--It being my turn, (which, comes about once in three years,) I preached at St. Mary’s, before the University. The harvest truly is plenteous. So numerous a congregation (from whatever motives they came) I have seldom seen at Oxford. My text was the confession of poor Agrippa, “* Almost thou persuadest me to be a Christian.” I have “cast my bread upon the waters.” Let me “find it again after many days!” In the afternoon I set out, (having no time to spare,) and on Sunday, 26, preached at the Foundery, on the * liberty” we have “ to enter into the holiest by the blood of Jesus.” Mon. 277.--Finding notice had been given, that I would preach mn the evening at Hackney, I went thither, and openly declared those glad iudings, ‘* By grace are ye saved through faith.” Many, we heard, had threatened terrible things; but no man opened his mouth. Perceive ye not yet, that “greater is he that is in us, than he that is in the world?” Tues. 28.--I visited one that was going heavily and in fear “through the valley of the shadow of death.” But God heard the prayer, and soon lifted up the light of his countenance upon her: so that she immediately broke out into thanksgiving, and the next day quietly fell asleep. Fr. 31.--Hearing that one of our sisters (Jane Muncy) was ill, | went to see her. She was one of the first women bands at Fetterlane ; and, when the controversy concerning the means of grace began, stuod in the gap, and contended earnestly for the ordinances once delivered to the saints. When, soon after, it was ordered, that the unmarried men and women should have no conversation with each other, she again withstood to the face those who were “ teaching for Joctrines the commandments of men.” Nor could all the sophistry of he . ‘a : Aug. 1741.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 217

3. Is not the very essence of Quietism (though in a new shape) contained in these words ‘--* The whole matter lies in this, that we should suffer ourselves to be relieved.” (Sixteen Discourses, p. 17.) “One must do nothing, but quietly attend the voice of the Lord.” (Ibid. p. 29.) “ T’o tell men who have not experienced the power of grace, what they he 228 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Sept. 1741 should do,-and how they ought to behave, is as if you should send a lame man upon an errand.” (Ibid. p.'70.) “The beginning is not to be made with doing what our Saviour has commanded. For whosoever will begin with doing, when he is dead, he can do nothing at all ; but whatever he doeth in his own activity, is but a cobweb; that is, good for nothing.” (Ibid. p. 72, 81.) ‘As soon as we remain passive before him as the wood which a table is to be made from, then something comes of us.” (Seven Discourses, p. 22.) O my brethren, let me conjure you yet again, in the name of our common Lord, “if there be any consolation of love, if any bowels and mercies,” remove “the fly” out of “the pot of ointment ;” separate “the precious from the vile!” Review, I beseech you, your whole work, and see if Satan hath gained no advantage over you. “ Very excellent things” have been “ spoken of thee, O thou city of God.” But may not “ He which hath the sharp:sword with two edges” say, Yet “I have a few things against thee?” O that ye would repent of these, that ye might be ‘a glorious Church ; not having spot, or ats or any such thing.”

be under my care. After much discourse, they all agreed, there could be no better way to come to a sure, thorough knowledge of each person, than to divide them into classes, like those at Bristol, under the inspection of those in whom IJ could most confide. This was the origin of our classes at London, for which I can never sufficiently praise God; the unspeakable usefulness of the institution having ever since been more and more manifest. Wed. 31.--My brother set out for Oxford. In the evening I called upon Ann Calcut. She had been speechless for some time ; but almost as soon as we began to pray, (rod restored her speech: she then witnessed a good confession indeed. I expected to see her no more. But from that hour the fever left her ; and in a few days she arose and walked, glorifying God. Sun. April 4.--About two in the afternoon, being the time my brother was preaching at Oxford, before the university, I desired a few persons to meet with me, and join in prayer. We continued herein much longer than we at first designed, and believed we had the petition we asked of God. Fri. 9.--We had the first watch-night in London. We commonly choose for this solemn service the Friday night nearest the full moon, either before or after, that those of the congregation who live at a distance, may have light to their several homes. The service begins at half an hour past eight, and continues till a little after midnight. We have often found a peculiar blessing at these seasons. There is generally a deep awe upon.the congregation, perhaps in some measure owing to the silence of the night, particularly in singing the hymn, with which we commonly conclude,-- Hearken to the solemn voice, The awful midnight ery! Waiting souls, rejoice, rejoice, And feel the Bridegroom nigh.

May 3, 1742. - “ Brotuer,--I have now much communion with thee, and desire to have more: but till now I found a great gulf between us, so that we - could not one pass to the other. Therefore thy letters were very death to me, and thou wast to me as a branch broke off and thrown by to wither. Yet I waited, if the Lord should please to let us into the same union we had before. So the Lord hath given it. And in the same I write; desiring it may continue until death. “TI wrote before to thee and John Harrison, ‘ Be not afraid to be found sinners,’ hoping you would not separate the law from the Spirit, until the flesh was found dead. For I think our hearts are discovered by the law, yea, every tittle, and condemned by the same. Then are we quickened in the Spirit. Justice cannot be separated from mercy ; neither can they be one greater than the other. ‘ Keep the commandments;’ ‘and I will pray the Father, and he shall give you another Comforter.’ Mark that! ‘Thy sins be forgiven thee; arise, take up thy bed and walk.’ Here is work before mercy, and mercy before work.--So then, through the law by faith our heart is pure. Beware, therefore, of them who, while they promise you liberty, are themselves the servants of corruption. O dead faith, that cannot always live pure! Treacherous Judas, that thus betrayest thy Master!

won. 17.--I had designed this morning to set out for Bristol ; but was unexpectedly prevented. In the afternoon I received a letter from Leicestershire, pressing me to come without delay, and pay the iast office of friendship to one whose. soul was on the wing for eternity. In Thursday, 20, I set out. The next afternoon I stopped a little at Newport Pagnell, and then rode on till I overtook a serious man, with whom I immediately fell into conversation. He presently gave me to «now what his opinions were; therefore I said nothing to contradict ‘hem. But that did not content him; he was quite uneasy to know, whether [ held the doctrine of the decrees as he did; but I told him over and over, “ We had better keep to practical things, lest we should 4e angry at one another.” And so we did for two miles, till he caught me unawares, and dragged me into the dispute before I knew where I was. He then grew warmer and warmer; told me I was rotten at neart, and supposed I was one of John Wesley’s followers. I told him, «“ No, I am John Wesley himself.” Upon which,-- Improvisum aspris veluti qui sentibus anguem Pressit,--(As one that has unawares trodden upon a snake,--) he would gladly have run away outright. But, being the better mounted of the two, I kept close to his side, and endeavoured to show him his heart till we came into the street cf Northampton. Saturday, 22. About five in the afternoon, I reached Donnington Park. Miss Cowper was just alive. But as soon as we came in, her spirit greatly revived. For three days we rejoiced in the grace of God, whereby she was filled 252 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [May, 1742 with a hope full of immortality ; with meckness, gentleness, patience. and humble love, knowing in whom she had believed.

Mr. Ingham, hearing of this, came to Birstal, inquired into the facts, talked with John himself, and examined him in the closest manner, both touching his knowledge and spiritual experience ; after which he encouraged him to proceed; and pressed him, as often as he had oppor tunity, to come to any of the places where himself had been, and speak to the people as God should enable him. But he soon gave offence, both by his plainness of speech, and by advising the people to go to church and sacrament. Mr. Ingham reproved him; but finding him incorrigible, forbad any that were in his societies to hear him. But being persuaded, this is the will of God concerning him, he continues to this hour working in the day, that he may be burdensome to no man; and in the evening “ testifying the truth as it is in Jesus.” I preached, at noon, on the top of Birstal Hill, to several hundreds of plain people ; and spent the afternoon in talking severally with those who had tasted of the grace of God. All of these, I found, had been vehemently pressed, not to run about to church and sacrament, and to keep their religion to themselves; to be still; not to talk about what they had experienced. At eight I preached on the side of Dewsbury Moor, about two miles from Birstal, and earnestly exhorted all who believed, to wait upon God in his own ways, and to let their light shine before men. Thur. 27.--We left Birstal, and cn Friday, 28, came to Newcastle May, 1742.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 253 upon-Tyne. I read, with great expectation, yesterday and to-day Xenophon’s ‘“‘ Memorable things of Socrates.” I was utterly amazed at his want of judgment. How many of these things would Plato never have mentioned! But it may be well that we see the shades too of the brightest picture in all Heathen antiquity. We came to Newcastle about six; and, after a short refreshment, walked into the town. I was surprised: so much drunkenness, cursing, and swearing, (even from the mouths of little children,) do I never remember to have seen and neard before, in so small a compass of time. Surely this place is ripe for Him who “came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance.”

Sat. 19.--I was informed that one Mr. Hall had been there, about a year before, and had preached several times ; but I could not learn that there was the least fruit of his labour ; nor could I find any that desired to hear him again, nor any that appeared to care for such matters. Sun. 30.--At seven I walked down to Sandgate, the poorest and most contemptible part of the town; and, standing at the end of the street with John Taylor, began to sing the hundredth Psalm. Three or four people came out tu see what was the matter; who soon increased to four or five hundred. I suppose there might be twelve or fifteen hundred, before I had done preaching ; to whom I applied those solemn words, ‘He was wounded for our transgressions, he was bruised for our iniquities : the chastisement of our peace was upon him; and by his stripes we are healed.” Observing the people, when I had done, to stand gaping and staring upon me, with the most profound astonishment, I told them, “ If you desire to know who I am, my name is John Wesley. At five in the evening, with God’s help, I design to preach here again.”

At five, the hill on which I designed to preach was covered, from the top to the bottom. I never saw so large a number of people together, either in Moorfields, or at Kennington Common. I knew it was not possible for the one half to hear, although my voice was then strong and clear ; and I stood so as to have them all in view, as they were ranged on the side of the hill. The word of God which I set before them was, “I will heal their backsliding, I will love them freely.” After preaching, the poor people were ready to tread me under foot, out of pure love and kindness. It was some time before I could possibly get out of the press. I then went back another way:than I came; but several were got to our inn before me; by whom I was vehemently importuned to stay with them, at least, a few days ; or, however, one day more. But I could not consent; having given my word to be at Birstal, with God’s leave, on Tuesday night. Some of these told me, they were members of a religious society, which had subsisted for many years, and had always gone on in a prudent, regular manner, and been well spoken of by all men. They likewise informed me what a fine library they had; and that the steward read a sermon every Sunday And yet how many of the publicans and herlots will go into the kingdom of heaven before these ! Mon. 31.--About three I left Newcastle. I read over to-day the famous Dr. Pitcairn’s Works ; but I was utterly disappointed by that dry, sour, controversial book. We came in the evening to Boroughpridge, where, to my great surprise, the mistress of the house. though Journal I.--17 he? eee 204 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [June, 1742. - much of a gentlewoman, desired she and her family might join with us in prayer. They did so likewise between four and five in the morning. Perhaps even this seed may bring forth fruit.

** T cannot conceive, why any should reflect upon you, because your wife endeavours to draw people to church, and to restrain them from profaning the Lord’s day, by reading to them, and other persuasions. For my part, I value no censure upon this account. I have long since shook hands with the world. And I heartily wish, I had never given them more reason to speak against me. As to its looking particular, I grant it does. And so does almost any thing that is serious, or that may any way advance the glory of God, or the salvation of souls. As for your proposal, of letting some other person read: alas! you do not consider what apeople these are. I do not think one man among them could read a sermon, without spelling a good part of it. Nor has any of our family a voice strong enough, to be heard by such a number of people. “But there is one thing about which I am much dissatisfied; that is, their being present at family prayers. J do not speak of any concern I am under, barely because so many are present; for those who have the honour of speaking to the Great and Holy God, need not be ashamed to speak before the whole world: but because of my sex. I doubt if it is proper for me to present the prayers of the people to God. Last Sunday I would fain have dismissed them before prayers; but they begged so earnestly to stay, I durst not deny them. “To THe Rev. Mr. WESLEY, “In St. Margaret's Church- Yard, Westminster.” For the benefit of those who are entrusted, as she was, with the care of a numerous family, I cannot but add one letter more, which I received from her many years ago :-- July 24, 1732. “Dear Son,--According to your desire, I have collected the principal rules I observed in educating my family; which I now send you as they occurred to my mind, and you may (if you think they can be of use to any) dispose of them in what order you please.

“What was yet stranger, any word he had learned in his lesson, he knew, wherever he saw it, either in his Bible, or any other book; by which means he learned very soon to read an English author well. The same method was observed with them all. As soon as they knew the letters, they were put first to spell, and read one line, then a verse ; never leaving, till perfect in their lesson, were it shorter or longer. So one or other continued reading at school time, without any intermission; and before we left school each child read what he had learned that morning Aug. 1742.] REV. J WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 265 und ere we parted in the afternoon, what they had learned that day. There was no such thing as loud talking or playing allowed of; but every one was kept close to their business, for the six hours of school: and it is almost incredible, what a child may be taught in a quarter of a year, by a vigorous application, if it have but a tolerable capacity, and good health. Every one of these, Kezzy excepted, could read better in that time, than the most of women can do as long as they live. Rising out of their places, or going out of the room, was not permitted, unless for good cause; and running into the yard, garden, or street, without leave, was always esteemed a capital offence. “For some years we went on very well. Never were children in better order. Never were children better disposed to piety, or in more subjection to their parents; till that fatal dispersion of them, after the fire, into several families. In those they were left at full liberty to converse with servants, which before they had always been restrained from ; -and to run abroad, and play with any children, good or bad. They soon learned to neglect a strict observation of the Sabbath, and got knowledge of several songs and bad things, which before they had no notion of. That civil behaviour which made them admired, when at home, by all who saw them, was, in great measure, lost; and a clownish accent, and many rude ways, were learned, which were not reformed without some difficulty.

* When the house was rebuilt, and the children all brought home, we entered upon a strict reform; and then was begun the custom of singing psalms at beginning and leaving school, morning and evening. Then also that of a general retirement at five o’clock was entered upon; when the oldest took the youngest that could speak, and the second the next, to whom they read the psalms for the day, and a chapter in the New Testament; as, in the morning, they were directed to read the psalms and a chapter in the Old: after which they went to their private prayers, before they got their breakfast, or came into the family. And, I thank God, the custom is still preserved among us. There were several bylaws observed among us, which slipped ny memory, or else they had been inserted in their proper place; but I mention them here, because I think them useful. “1. It had been observed, that cowardice and fear of punishment often lead children into tying, till they get a custom of it, which they cannot leave. To prevent this, a law was made, that whoever was charged with a fault, of which they were guilty, if they would ingenuously con fess it, and promise to amend, should not be beaten. This rule prevented a great deal of lying, and would have done more, if one in the family would have observed it. But he could not be prevailed on, and therefore was often imposed on by false colours and equivocations ; which none would have used, (except one,) had they been kindly dealt with. And some, in spite of all, would always speak truth plainly. “2. That no sinful action, as lying, pilfering, playing at church, or on the Lord’s day, disobedience, quarrelling, &c, should ever pass unpunished. “<3. That no child snould ever be chid, or beat twice, for the same fault; and that if they amended, they should never be upbraided with it afterward. “4, That every signal act of obedience, especially when it crossed upon their own inclinations, should be always commended, and frequently rewarded, according to the merits of the cause.

“5, That if ever any child performed an act of obedience, or did any thing with an intention to please, though the performance was not well, vet the obedience and intention should be kindly accepted; and the child with sweetness directed how to do better for the future. / 266 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ Aug. 1742. “6, That propriety be inviolably preserved, and none suffered to invade the property of another in the smallest matter, though it were but of the value of a farthing, or a pin; which they might not take from the owner, without, much less against, his consent. This rule can never be too much inculcated on the minds of children; and from the want of parents or governors doing it as they ought, proceeds that shameful neglect of justice which we may observe in the world. “7, 'That promises be strictly observed; and a gift once bestowed, and so the right passed away from the donor, be not resumed, but left te the disposal of him to whom it was given; unless it were conditional, and the condition of the obligation not performed. **8. That no girl be taught to work till she can read very well; and then that she be kept to her work with the same application, and for the same time, that she was held to in reading. ‘This rule also is much to be observed; for the putting children to learn sewing before they, can read perfectly, is the very reason, why so few women can read fit to be neard, and never to be well understood.”

Sun. 8.--I cried aloud, in Ratcliffe Square, “Why will ye die, O nouse of Israel ?’”? Only one poor man was exceeding noisy and turbu- .ent; but in a moment God touched his heart: he hung down his head; tears covered his face, and his voice was heard no more. I was constrained this evening to separate from the believers, some who did not show their faith by their works. One of these, Sam. Prig, was deeply displeased, spoke many very bitter words, and went abruptly away. The next morning he called; told me, neither my brother nor I preached the Gospel, or knew what it meant. I asked, “ What do we preach then?” He said, ‘“‘ Heathen morality: Tully’s offices, and no more. So I wash my hands of you both. We shall see what you will come to in a little time.” Wed. 11.--He sent me a note, demanding the payment of one hundred pounds, which he had lent me about a year before, to pay the workmen at the Foundery. On Friday morning, at eight, he came and said, he wanted his money, and could stay no longer. I told him, I would endeavour to borrow it; and desired him to call in the evening. But he said, he could not stay so long, and must have it at twelve o’clock. Where to get it, I knew not. Between nine and ten one came and offered me the use of a hundred pounds for a year: but two others had been with me before, to make the same offer. I accepted the bank note which one of them brought; and saw that God is over all!

Perhaps I need observe no more upon this, than that the Popish priest knew well, how much it would be for the interest of his church, to have me accounted a member of it; and that Miss Gr had lately been raving mad; (in consequence of a fever ;) that, as such, she was tied down in bed; and, as soon as she was suffered to go abroad, went to Mr. Whitefield, to inquire of him whether she was not a Papist. But he quickly perceived she was only a lunatic, the nature of her disorder soon betraying itself. O that all who advance the same assertion with her, had as good a plea to urge in their excuse ! Sun. 26.--In the evening I rode to Marshfield. The next evening [reached Whitchurch. Tuesday, 28.--In the morning I preached at Great Marlow, on the Pharisee and the Publican. Many were surprised, and perhaps in some measure convinced, (but how short-lived are most of these convictions !) that it is very possible a man may be a Pharisee now ;--yea, though he be not a Methodist. A little before twelve I came to Windsor. I was soon informed, that Uct. 1742. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 271

a large number of the rabble had combined together, and declared, again and again, there should be no preaching there that day. In order to make all sure, they had provided gunpowder enough, and other things some days before. But Burnham fair coming between, they agreed to go thither first, and have a little diversion there. Accordingly they went, and bestowed a few of their crackers upon their brother mob at Burnham. But these, not being Methodists, did not take it well, turned upon them, and gave them chase. They took shelter in a house. But that would not serve ; for those without soon forced a way in, and seized on as many as they could find ; who, upon information made, were sent to gaol: the rest ran away; so that when I came, none hindered or interrupted. In the evening I came to London; I proposed spending a fortnight there, and then returning to Bristol. I spent this time partly in speaking severally to all the members of the society; partly in making a full inquiry into those devices of Satan whereof I had scarce ever heard or read before. And I believe they were now throughly discovered and brought to nought. QO may they never more deceive the hearts of the simple!

Wed. November 3.---Two of those who are called prophets, desired speak with me. They told me, they were sent from God with a ° 272 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ Nov. 1742. . message to me; which was, that very shortly I should be born’d again. One of them added, they would stay in the house till it was done, unless I turned them out. I answered, gravely, “I will not turn you out,” and showed them down iuto the society-room. It was tolerably cold; and they had neither meat nor drink : however, there they sat from morning to evening. They then went quietly away, and I have heard nothing from them since. Sun. '7.--I concluded the Epistle to the Hebrews, that strong barrier against the too prevailing imagination,--that the privileges of Christian believers are to be measured by those of the Jews. Not so: that Christians are under a better covenant, established upon better promises ; that although “ the Law made nothing perfect,” made none perfect either in holiness or happiness, yet ‘the bringing in of a better hope” did, “ by which we” now “ draw nigh unto God ;” this is the great truth continually inculcated herein, and running through this whole epistle. Mon. 8.--I set out at four, reached Northampton that night, and the next evening, Donnington Park. Wednesday, 10.--I rode on to Rusworth inn, and, on Saturday, 13, reached Newcastle. My brother had been here for some weeks before, and was but just returned to London. At eight I met the wild, staring, loving society ; but not them alone, as I had designed. For we could not persuade the strangers to leave us. So that we only spent about an hour in prayer.

Sun. 14.--I began preaching about five o’clock, (a thing never heard of before in these parts,) on, “I came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance.” And the victorious sweetness of the grace of God was present with his word. At ten we went to Ali Saints, where were such a number of communicants as I have scarce seen but at Bristol or London. At four I preached in the square of the Keelman’s hospital, on, “ By grace are ye saved, through faith.” It rained and hailed hard, both before and after ; but there were only some scattered drop while I preached, which frighted away a few careless hearers. I met the society at six, and exhorted all who had “set their hand to the plough,” not to “look back.” Mon. 15.--I began at five expounding the Acts of the Apostles. In the afternoon (and every afternoon this week) I spoke severally with the members of the society. On Tuesday evening I began the Epistle to the Romans. After sermon the society met. I reproved some among them who walked disorderly ; and earnestly hesought them all to beware, lest, by reason of their sins, the way of truth should be evil spoken of. Thur. 18.--I could not but observe the different manner wherein God is pleased to work in different places. The grace of God flows here with a wider stream than it did at first either at Bristol or Kingswood. But it does not sink so deep as it did there. Few are throughly convinced of sin, and scarce any can witness, that the Lamb of God has taken away their sins. Fri. 19.--I found the first witness of this good confession. Margaret H (O how fallen since then!) told me, that the night before, her sight (an odd circumstance) and her strength were taken away at once. At the same time the love of God so overflowed her soul, that she could not speak or move. James R also gave me an account Dec. 1742. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. _ 273 to-day, that in going home the day before, he lost his sight in a moment, and was forced to catch hold of some rails for fear of falling. He continues under strong conviction, longing for the salvation of God.

J. B , of Tanfield Leigh, who had received a sense of the love of God a few days before, came riding through the town, hallooing and shouting, and driving all the people before him; telling them, God had told him he should be a king, and should tread all his enemies under his feet. I sent him home immediately to his work, and advised him to cry day and night to God, that he might be lowly in heart; lest Satan should again get an advantage over him. To-day a gentleman called and offered me a piece of ground. On Monday an article was drawn, wherein he agreed to put me into possession on Thursday, upon payment of thirty pounds. Tues. '7.--I was so ill in the morning, that I was obliged to send Mr. Williams to the Room. He afterward went to Mr. Stephenson, a merchant in the town, who had a passage through the ground we intended to buy. I was willing to purchase it. Mr. Stephenson told him, “ Su, I do not want money ; but if Mr. Wesley wants ground, he may have a piece of my garden, adjoining to the place you mention. I am ata word. For forty pounds he shall have sixteen yards in breadth, and thirty in length.” Wed. 8.--Mr. Stephenson and I signed an article, and I took possession of the ground. But I could not fairly go back from my agreement with Mr. Riddel: so I entered on his ground at the same time. The whole is about forty yards in length ; in the middle of which we determined to build the house, leaving room for a small court-yard before, and a little garden behind, the building.

Sun. 12.--I expounded, at five, the former part of the parable of the sower. At eight I preached in the Square, on, “I am the good Shepherd: the good Shepherd layeth down his life for the sheep.” The effect of what had been spoken in the morning now evidently appeared ; for one could not observe any in the congregation to stir hand or foot. When the sermon was done, they divided to the right and left, none offering to go till I was past: and then they walked quietly and silently away, lest Satan should catch the seed out of their hearts. Mon. 13.--I removed into a lodging adjoining to the ground where we were preparing to build; but the violent frost obliged us to delay the work. I never felt so intense cold before. In a room where a constant fire was kept, though my desk was fixed within a yard of the chimney, I could not write for a quarter of an hour together, without my hands being quite benumbed. Wed. 15.--I preached at Horsley-upon-Tyne, eight (computed) miles from Newcastle. It was about two in the afternoon. The house not containing the people, we stood in the open air in spite of the frost. I preached again in the evening, and in the morning. We then chose to walk home, having each of us catched a violent cold by riding the day before. Mine gradually wore off; but Mr. Meyrick’s increased, so that, on Friday, he took his bed. I advised him to bleed ; but he imagined he should be well without it ina few days. Sun. 19.--I cried to all who felt themselves lost, ‘ Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt. be saved :” and in the afternoon, ‘“‘ Ho! every one that thirsteth, come ye to the waters.” At that hour, one who was bitterly mourning after Christ (Mary Emerson) was filled with joy unspeakable. Mon. 20.--We laid the first stone of the house. Many were gathered, from all parts, to see it; but none scoffed or interrupted, while we praised Dec. 1742. | - REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL 275

At eleven I preached my farewell sermon in the Hospital Square. I never saw such a congregation there before ; nor did I ever speak so searchingly. I could not conclude till one; and then both men, women, and children, hung upon me, so that I knew not which way to disengage myself. After some time, I got to the gate, and took horse ; but even then “a muckle woman” (as one called her, in great anger,) kept her hold, and ran by the horse’s side, through thick and thin, down to Sandgate. Jonathan Reeves rode with me. We reached Darlington that night, and Boroughbridge the next day. What encouragement have we to speak for God! At our inn we met an ancient man, who seemed by his conversation, never to have thought whether he had any soul or no. Before we set out, I spoke a few words concerning his cursing and idle conversation. ‘The man appeared quite broken in pieces: the tears started into his eyes; and he acknowledged (with abundance of thanks to me) his own guilt, and the goodness of God. Sat. January 1, 1743.--Between Doncaster and Epworth, I overtook one who immediately accosted me with so many and so impertinent questions, that I was quite amazed. In the midst of some of them, concerning my travels and my journey, I interrupted him, and asked, « Are you aware that we are on a longer journey; that we are travelling toward eternity?” He replied instantly, “O, I find you! I find you! I know where you are! Is not your name Wesley?’--’Tis pity! ’Tis great pity! Why could not your father’s religion serve you ? Why must you have a new religion?” I was going to reply; but he cut me short by crying out in triumph, “I am a Christian! I ama Christian! I am a Churchman! I am a Churchman! I am none of your Culamites;” as plain as he could speak; for he was so drunk, he could but just keep his seat. Having then clearly won the day, or, as his phrase was, ‘“‘put them all down,” he began kicking his horse on both sides, and rode off as fast as he could. In the evening I reached Epworth. Sunday, 2.--At five, I preached on, “ So is every one that is born of the Spirit.” About eight I preached

~ Mon. 3.--I rode to Birstal, where John Nelson gave a melancholy account of many that did run well. I told him I was as willing they should be with the Germans as with us, if they did but grow in grace. He said, “ But this is not the case. They grow worse instead of better: they are changed both in their tempers and lives; but not for the better at all. They now do things without scruple, which they could not do before. ‘They are light and trifling im their behaviour : they are easy and thoughtless; having now no holy fear, no earnest care to work out their own salvation.” Wed. 5.--I came wet and weary to Sheffield, and on Friday to Donnington Park, which I left before eight the next morning, in order to go to Wednesbury, in Staffordshire. I was immediately met by a vehement shower of rain, driven full in, my face by a strong wind: but in an hour the day was clear and calm. About four in the afternoon I came to Wednesbury. At seven I preached in the Town Hall: it was filled from end to end; and all appeared to be deeply attentive while I explained, “ This is the covenant which I will make after those days, saith the Lord.”

went into the Square, and declared Him who “ was wounded for our transgressions,” and “ bruised for our iniquities.” The poor sinners were quickly gathered together, and gave earnest heed to the things which were spoken. And so they did in the afternoon again, in spite of the wind and snow, when I besought them to receive Him for their King ; to “repent and believe the Gospel.” On Easter Monday and Tuesday I preached there again, the congregation continually increasing. And as most of these had never in their lives pretended to any religion of any kind, they were the more ready to cry to God as mere sinners, for the free redemption which is in Jesus. Thur. '7.--Having settled all things according to my desire, I cheerfully took leave of my friends at Newcastle, and rode that day to Sandhutton. At our inn I found a good-natured man sitting and drinking in the chimney corner; with whom I began a discourse, suspecting nothing less than that he was the minister of the parish. Before we parted I spoke exceeding plain; and he received it in love, begging he might see me when I cume that way again. But before I came, he was gone into eternity. Fi. 8.--I preached at Knaresborough and at Leeds, on, “ By grace are ye saved through faith.” The three following days I divided between Leeds and Birstal, and on Tuesday rode to Sheffield. I found the society both here and at Barley Hall, earnestly pressing on toward the mark; although there had not been wanting here also those who, by fair speeches, deceive the hearts of the simple.

Thur. 5.--I rode over such rugged mountains as I never saw before, to Cardiff. But it was late before we came in, so I could not preach that night. Friday, 6.--I preached at eleven in the new room, which the society had just built in the heart of the town; and our souls were sweetly comforted together. About two I preached at Lantrisant ; and at Fonmon Castle in the evening, to a loving and serious congregation. Sat. '7.--I was desired to preach at Cowbridge. We came into the town about eleven; and many people seemed very desirous to hear for themselves, concerning the way which is every where spoken against; but it could not be: the sons of Belial gathered themselves together, headed by one or two wretches called gentlemen; and continued shouting, cursing, blaspheming, and throwing showers of stones, almost without intermission. So that after some time spent in prayer for them, I judged it best to dismiss the congregation. Sun. 8.--I preached in the castle yard at Cardiff, at five in the morning and seven in the evening ; in the afternoon at Wenvo, where the church was quite filled with those who came from many miles round : and God answered many of them in the joy of their hearts. It was a solemn and refreshing season. Mon. 9.--I returned to Buistol. Most of the week I spent in visiting the society in Kingswood ; whom I now found quite clear of those vain janglings which had, for a time, well nigh torn them in pieces. Tues. 1'7.--My brother set out for Cornwall; where (according to the accounts we had frequently received) abundance of those who before neither feared God nor regarded man, began to inquire what they must do to be saved: but the same imprudence which had laid the foundation for all the disturbances in Staffordshire, had broke out here also, and turned many of our friends into bitter and implacable enemies. Violent persecution was the natural consequence of this ; but the power of God triumphed over all. May 22.--(Being Whit Sunday.) I preached both at Kingswood and Bristol, on those solemn words, “Jesus stood and cried, If any Journal I,.--19 Ve ae oe 256 REV. J. WESLEY § JOURNAL. [June, 1743.

Sun. 17.--I preached (as I had done the Wednesday before) to my favourite congregation at Placey, on, “ Him hath God exalted with his own right hand, to be a Prince anda Saviour.” JI then joined a little company of them together, who desire “ repentance and remission of sins.” Mon. 18.--I set out from Newcastle with John Downes, of Horsley. We were four hours riding to Ferry Hill, about twenty measured miles. After resting there an hour, we rode softly on; and at two o’clock came to Darlington. I thought my horse was not well; he thought the same of his; though they were both young, and very well the day before. We ordered the hostler to fetch a farrier, which he did without delay; but before the men could determine what was the matter, both the horses lay down and died. I hired a horse to SandYatton, and rode on, desiring John Downes to follow me. Thence 288 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Aug. 1743 foe to Boroughbridge, on Tuesday morning, and then walked on to eeds. Wed. 20.--I preached at Birstal and Hightown. After I had visited all the societies in these parts, and preached at as many of the little towns as I could on Monday, 25, I rode to Barley Hall. Many from Sheffield were there. We rejoiced greatly together in “ Him who justifieth the ungodly.” On Tuesday night and Wednesday morning I preached at Nottingham: on Wednesday evening, at Markfield Fr. 28. ---We rode to Newport Pagnell, and Saturday, 29, to London.

But I cannot believe, That all those who are not thus elected to glory, must perish everlastingly: or, that there is one soul on earth, who has not ever had a possibility of escaping eternal damnation. With regard to the second, Irresistible Grace, I believe, That the grace which brings faith, and thereby salvation into the soul, is irresistible at that moment: That most believers may remember some time when God did irresistibly convince them of sin: That most believers do, at some other times, find God irresistibly acting upon their souls: Yet I believe that the grace of God, both before and after those moments, may be, and hath been, resisted: and that, in general, it does not act irresistibly ; but we may comply therewith, or may not: and I do not deny, That, in some souls, the grace of God is so far irresistible, that they cannot but believe and be finally saved. But I cannot believe, That all those must be damned, in whom it does not thus irresistibly work: or, That there is one soul on earth, who has not, and never had, any other grace, than such as does, in fact, increase his damnation, and was designed of God so to do. With regard to the third, Final Perseverance, I incline to believe, That there is a state attainable in this life, from which a man cannot finally fall: and That he has attained this, who can say, “ Old things are passed away; ali things” in me “are become new.” * [* From other passages in Mr. Wesley’s works, it is manifest that some of the above extreme concessions, in this early stage of his ministry, were for peace-sake, and induced by his “ strong desire to unite with Mr, Whitefield.”} . 290 : REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. | Aug. 1743.

Tues. 20.--I concluded my preaching here, by exhorting all who had “escaped the corruption that is in the world,” to “add to” their “faith, courage, knowledge, temperance, patience, godliness, brotherly kindness, and charity.” At eleven I spent some time with our brethren in prayer, and commended them to the grace of God. At Trezuthan Downs I preached to two or three thousand people, on the “ highway” of the Lord, the way of holiness. We reached Gwennap a little before six, and found the plain covered from end to end. It was supposed there were ten thousand people; to whom I preached Christ our ‘“‘ wisdom, righteousness, sanctification and redemption.” I could not conclude till it was so dark we could scarce see one another. And there was on all sides the deepest attention; none speaking, stirring, or scarce looking aside. Surely here, though in a temple not made with hands, was God worshipped in “ the beauty of holiness.” One of those who were present was Mr. P. , once a violent adversary. Before sermon began, he whispered one of his acquaintance, “¢ Captain, stand by me; don’t stir from me.” He soon burst out into a flood of tears, and quickly after sunk down. His friend caught him, and prevented his falling to the ground. O may the Friend of sinners lift him up!

~ster; we will have the minister.” I desired one to take their captain by the hand, and bring him into the house. After a few sentences interchanged between us, the lion was become a lamb. I desired him to go and bring one or two more of the most angry of his companions. He brought in two, who were ready to swallow the ground with rage ; but in two minutes they were as calm as he. I then bade them make way, that I might go out among the people. As soon as I was in the midst of them, I called fora chair; and, standing up, asked, “ What do any of you want with me?” Some said, “‘ We want you to go with us to the justice.” I replied, “That I will with all my heart.” I then spoke a few words, which God applied; so that they cried out, with might and main, “ The gentleman is an honest gentleman, and we will spill our blood in his defence.” I asked, “ Shall we go to the justice to-night, or inthe morning ?”” Most of them cried, “‘To-night, to-night ;”” on which I went before, and two or three hundred followed; the rest returning whence they came. The night came on before we had walked a mile, together with heavy rain. However, on we went to Bentley Hall, two miles from Wednesbury. One or two ran before, to tell Mr. Lane they had brought Mr. Wesley before his worship. Mr. Lane replied, “ What have I to do. with Mr. Wesley? Go and carry him back again.” By this time the main body came up, and began knocking at the door. A servant told them Mr. ane wasinbed. His son followed and asked what was the matter. One replied, “ Why, an’t please you, they sing psalms all day ; nay, and make folks rise at five in the morning. And what would your worship advise us to do?” ‘To go home,” said Mr. Lane, “and be uiet.”

In the mean time my strength and my voice returned, and I broke out aloud into. prayer. And now the man who just before headed the mob, turned, and said, “ Sir, I will spend my life for you: follow me, and not one soul here shall touch a hair of your head.” Two or ‘three of his fellows confirmed his words, and got close to me immediately. At the same time, the gentleman in the shop cried out, “ For shame, for shame! Let him go.” An honest butcher, who was a little further off, said, it was a shame they should-do thus; and pulled back four or five, one after another, who were running on the most fiercely. The people then, as if it had been by common consent, fell back to the right and left; while those three or four men took me between them, and carried me through them all. But on the bridge the mob rallied again: we therefore went on one side over the mill dam, and thence through the meadows ; till, a little before ten, God brought me safe to Wednesbury ; having lost only one flap of my waistcoat, and a little skin from one of my hands.

By how gentle degrees does God prepare us for his will! Two years ago a piece of brick grazed my shoulders. It was a year after that the stone struck me between the eyes. Last month I received one blow, and this evening two ; one before we came into the town, and one after we were gone out; but both were as nothing: for though one man struck me on the breast with all his might, and the other on the mouth with such a force that the blood gushed out immediately, I felt no more pain from either of the blows, than if they had touched me witha straw. It ought not to be forgotten, that when the rest of the society made all haste to escape for their lives, four only would not stir, William Sitch, Edward Slater, John Griffiths, and Joan Parks; these kept with me, resolving to live or die together ; and none of them received one blow, but William Sitch, who held me by the arm, from one end of the town to the other. He was then dragged away and knocked down; but he soon rose and got to me again. I afterwurd asked him, what he expected when the mob came upon us. He said, “ To die for Him who had died for us:” and he felt no hurry or fear; but calmly waited til] God should require his soul of him. I asked J. Parks, if she was not afraid, when they tore her from me. She said, “ No; no more than I am now. I could trust God for you, as well as for myself. From the beginning I had a full persuasion that God would deliver you. I knew not how; but I left that to him, and was as sure asif it were already done.” I asked, if the report was true, that she had fought for me. She said, “ No; I knew God would fight for his children.” And shall these souls perish at the last? WhenT i yee Uct. 1743.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 299

Sat. 22.--I rode from Nottingham to Epworth, and on Monday sei out for Grimsby ; but at Ferry we were at a full stop, the boatmen telling us we could not pass the Trent: it was as much as our lives were worth to put from shore before the storm abated. We waited an hour; but, being afraid it would do much hurt, if I should disappoint the congregation at Grimsby, I asked the men if they did not think it possible to get to the other shore : they said, they could not tell ; but if we would venture our lives, they would venture theirs. So we put off, having six men, two women, and three horses, in the boat. Many stood looking after us on the river side, in the middle of which we were, when, in an instant, the side of the boat was under water, and the horses and men rolling one over another. We expected the boat to sink every moment; but I did not doubt of being able to swim ashore. The boatmen were amazed as well as the rest ; but they quickly recovered and rowed for life. And soon after, our horses leaping overboard, lightened the boat, and we all came unhurt to land. They wondered what was the matter I did not rise, (for I lay along in the bottom of the boat,) and I wondered too, till, upon examination, [ found that a large iron crow, which the boatmen sometimes used, was (none knew how) run through the string of my boot, which pinned me down that I could not stir; so that if the boat had sunk, I should have been safe enough from swimming any further. The same day, and, as near as we could judge, the same hour, the boat in which my brother was crossing the Severn, at the New Passage, was carried away by the wind, and in the utmost danger of splitting upon the rocks. But OO Oe ee 300 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Oct. 1743. the same God, when all human hope was past, delivered them as well as us.

In the evening, the house at Grimsby not being able to contain one fourth of the congregation, I stood in the street, and exhorted every prodigal to “arise and go to” his “ Father.” One or two endeavoured to interrupt ; but they were soon stilled by their own companions. The next day, Tuesday, 25. one in the town promised us the use of a large room ; but he was prevailed upon to retract his promise before the hour of preaching came. I then designed going to the Cross, but the rain prevented ; so that we were a little at a loss, till we were offered a very convenient place, by a “ woman which was a sinner.” I there declared “‘ Him” (about one o’clock) whom “ God hath exalted, to give repentance and remission of sins.” And God so confirmed the word of his grace, that I marvelled any one could withstand him. However, the prodigal held out till the evening, when I enlarged upon her sins and faith, who “‘ washed our Lord’s feet with tears, and wiped them with the hairs of her head.” She was then utterly broken in pieces, (as, indeed, was well nigh the whole congregation,) and came after me to my lodging, crying out, “*O sir! ‘What must I do to be saved?’” Being now informed of her case, I said, ‘ Escape for your life. Return instantly to your husband.” She said, “‘ But how can it be? Which way can I go? He is above a hundred miles off. I have just received a letter from him; and he is at Newcastle-upon-Tyne.” [I told her, “I am going for Newcastle in the morning : you may go with me. William Blow shall take you behind him.” And so he did. Glory be to the Friend of sinners! He hath plucked one more brand out of the fire. --Thou poor sinner, thou hast “received a prophet in the name of a prophet :” and thou art found of Him that sent him.

Mon. 28.--I rode to Breson, and spent an hour or two in conversation with Mr. Simpson; the oddest, honestest enthusiast, surely, that ever was upon earth. Before we parted he told me, “ One thing I don’t like ; your taking away my flock at Nottingham. Just now that text is brought to my mind; it is the very case; pray read it out.” I did so, as follows: “* And Abraham reproved Abimelech, because of the well which Abimelech’s servants had violently taken away.” I desired him to read my answer in the next verse. ‘And Abimelech said unto Abraham, I wot not who hath done this thing; neither heard I any thing thereof from thee, save this day.” In the afternoon I rode to Markfield. After preaching there twice, on Thursday, 29, I went on to Hinckley, and preached to a large and quiet congregation. We rode to Market Harborough that day, the next to Hockley, and on Thursday, December 1, to London. I had full employment here for some weeks following, in speaking severally to the members of the society. Many of these I was obliged to set aside: there remained about two-andtwenty hundred persons. January 1, 1744.--I received a letter from a poor man, wrote in the fulness of his heart, as follows :-- “Herein is written lamentation, and mourning, and wo.

* Wearing apparel, and things which were of value, or easily saleable, they carried away; every man loading himself with as much as he could well carry, of whatsoever he liked best. Some of the gentlemen who had set the mob to work, or threatened to turn away collier or miner out of their service, that did not come and do his part, now drew up a paper for those of the society to sign, importing, that they would never invite or receive any Methodist preacher more. On this condition, they told them they would stop the mob at once; otherwise they must take what followed. This they offered to several; but they declared, one and all. ‘ We have already lost all our goods; and nothing more can follow, but the loss of our lives, which we will lose too, rather than wrong our consciences.’ “ On Wednesday the mob divided into two or three companies; one of which went to Aldridge, four miles from Wednesbury, and plundered many houses there, as they had done in several other villages. Here also © they loaded themselves with clothes and goods of all sorts, as much as they could stand under. They came back through Walsal with their spoils; but the gentlemen of Walsal being apprized of their coming, raised a body of men, who met them, took what they had away, and laid it upin the Town Hall. Notice was then sent to Aldridge, that every man who had been plundered, might come and take his own goods. “ Mr. Wood, of Wednesbury, likewise told several, they should have what could be found of their goods, on condition they would promise not to receive or hear those preachers any more. On Friday, in the afternoon, I went from Birmingham, designing to go to Tipton Green; but finding the mob were still raging up and down, I returned to Birmingham, and soon after, (having as yet no more place in these parts,) set out for London.” E Any who desires to see a fuller and more particular account of these surprising transactions, may read a small tract, entitled, “ Modern Christianity exemplified at Wednesbury.” Before I leave this subject, st may be proper to insert an advertisement, which was not long after inserted in the public papers.

In the Whitehall and London Evening Post, Saturday, February 18, was a paragraph with some mistakes, which it may not be amiss to ectify. ‘“ By a private letter from Staffordshire, we have advice of an 308 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Feb. 1744. insurrection of the people called Methodists,”--the insurrection was not of the people called Methodists, but against them,--* who upon some pretended insults from the Church party,’ --they pretended no insults from the Church party; being themselves no other than true members of the Church of England; but were more than insulted by a mixed multitude of church-goers, (who seldom, if ever, go near a church,) Dissenters, and Papists,--“ have assembled themselves in a riotous manner.”--Here is another small error persone. Many hundreds of the mob did assemble themselves in a riotous manner, having given public notice several days before, (particularly by a paper set up in Walsal market place,) that on Shrove Tuesday they intended to come and destroy the Methodists, and inviting all the country to come and join them. ‘ And having committed several outrages,”--without ever committing any, they have suffered all manner of outrages for several months past,--* they proceeded at last to burn the house of one of their adversaries.” --Without burning any house or making any resistance, some hundreds of them, on Shrove Tuesday last, had their own houses broken up, their windows, window cases, beds, tools, goods of all sorts, broke all to pieces, or taken away by open violence ; their live goods driven off, themselves forced to fly for their lives, and most of them stripped of all they had in the world. Ever since the 20th of last June the mob of Walsal, Darlaston, and Wednesbury, hired for that purpose by their betters, have broke open their poor neighbours’ houses at their pleasure, by night and by day ; extorted money from the few that had it; took away or destroyed their victuals and goods; beat and wounded their bodies ; threatened their lives; abused their women, (some in a manner too horrible to name,) and openly declared they would destroy every Methodist in the country : the Christian country, where his majesty’s innocent and loyal subjects have been so treated for eight months ; and are now, by their wanton persecutors, publicly branded for rioters and incendiaries !

Sat. 25.--In returning at night from Snowsfields, at the corner of Joyner-street, the coach, wherein five of us were, was overturned ; but without any one’s being hurt; although the shock was so great as not only to dash the fore windows in pieces, but to break the axle-tree in two. Mon. 27.--Was the day I had appointed to go out of town; but understanding a proclamation was just published, requiring all Papists to go out of London, before the Friday following, I was determined to stay another week, that I might cut off all occasion of reproach. I was the more willing to stay, that 1 might procure more raiment for the poor before I left London. For this purpose I made a second collection, which amounted to about thirty pounds. But perceiving that the whole money received would not answer one third of the expense, I determined to go round the classes, and beg for the rest, till I had gone through the whole society. Fri. March 2.--I began to put this in execution. While I was at a house in Spitalfields, a justice of peace came with the parish officers, being on their search for Papists. I was glad of the opportunity to talk with them at large, both of our principles and practice. When I went out a pretty large mob attended me to the door of the house to which I was going: but they did us no hurt, only gaped, and stared, and hallooed as loud as they could. Mon. 5.--I was much pressed to write an address to the King, which I did in the following terms :-- “ The humble Address of the Societies in England and Wales, in derision called Methodists : “ Most Gracious Soverrian,--So inconsiderable as we are, ‘a people scattered and peeled, and trodden under foot, from the beginning hitherto,’ we should in no wise have presumed, even on this great occasion, to open our lips to your majesty, had we not been induced, indeed constrained so to do, by two considerations: the one, that in spite of all our remon strances on that head, we are continually represented as a peculiar sect of men, separating ourselves from the Established Church: the other, that we are still traduced as inclined to Popery, and consequently disaffected to your majesty.

Sat. 24.--My brother and I agreed it was enough for one of us to stay in town, while the other endeavoured to strengthen our brethren in big ahs es April, 1744. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 311 other parts. So, on Monday, 26, I set out, and came in the evening to Newbury. While we were at breakfast, the next day, two or three pvor men were, with many oaths, relating their exploits the day before. i turned and appealed to their own hearts whether they were doing well. They owned their fault, and were so loving, we could scarce get away. We called at a house in the afternoon, wherein the first person we met was so drunk that she couid not speak plain, and could but just make shift to curse and swear. In the next room we found three or four more merry people, keeping Easter in much the same manner. But their mirth was soon spoiled. They gave earnest heed to the things they little regarded before, and knew not how to express their thank- . fulness for our advice, and for a few little books which we left with them. In the evening I preached at Bristol. On Wednesday and Thursday I settled all things there ; and on Friday, 30, rode to Middlesey ; where I preached to a small, serious congregation. Saturday, 31. --Calling at Chard, I light upon a poor woman unawares, who was earnestly groaning for redemption. At noon we spent an hour with a little company in Axminster, and hastened on. for Crockern Wells: but the hail and snow falling fast, we could not reach it till past nine o’clock. Sun. April 1.--I rode to Sticklepath. At one I preached in an open ' place, on, “ This is the record, that God hath given us eternal life, and

Sat. 7.--I took down part of the account of the late riot ; which (to show the deep regard of the actors herein for his majesty) was on the self-same day on which his majesty’s proclamation against rioters was read. Yet I see much good has.been brought out of it already ; particularly the great peace we now enjoy. About eleven John Nance and I set out for Morva. Having both the wind and rain full in our faces, we were thoroughly wet before we came to Rosemargay, where some of our brethren met us. I found there had been a shaking among them, occasioned by the confident assertions of some, that they had seen Mr. Wesley, a week or two ago, with the Pretender, in France; and others, that he was in prison, at London. Yet the main body still stood firm together, and were not removed from the hope of the Gospel. The wind and rain beat hard upon us again, as we walked from Morva to St. Just, which also frighted many from coming. However, some hundreds were there, to whom I declared, If ye have nothing to pay, God will frankly forgive you all. It is remarkable, that those of St. Just were the chief of the whole country for hurling, fighting, drinking, and all manner of wickedness ; but many of the lions are become lambs, are continually praising God, and calling‘their old companions in sin to come and magnify the Lord together. Sun. 8.--I preached here at five and at twelve; and in the evening at Morva. Mon. 9.--I preached at noon on Triggivary Downs, about two miles from Penzance. A great congregation was deeply attentive while I described the “‘ sect” which “is every where spoken against.” At four I preached near Gulval, regulated the society, and returned to St. Ives. Tues. 10.--I was inquiring, how Dr. B e, a person of unquestioned sense and learning, could speak evil of this way, after he had seen such a change in the most abandoned of his parishioners: but I was satisfied, when Jonathan Reeves informed me, that on the Doctor’s asking him who had been the better for this preaching, and his replying, * The man before you (John Daniel) for one, who never before knew any work of God upon his soul,” the Doctor answered, “ Get along: ~ys se ie oa

rained from the time I began till I concluded. I felt no pain while I spoke, but the instant I had done, and all the time I was with the society, my teeth and head ached so violently, that I had hardly any senses. I lay down as soon as I could, and fell asleep. In the morning (blessed be God) I ailed nothing. Mon. 16.--In the afternoon we came again to Trewint. Here | learned, that notice had been given of my preaching that evening in Laneast church, which was crowded exceedingly. Mr. Bennet, the minister of Laneast, carried me afterward to his house; and (though above severity years old) came with me in the morning to Trewint, where I had promised to preach at five. Before we parted, Degory Isbel informed me of an accusation against me, current in those parts. It was really one which I did not expect; no more than that other, vehemently asserted at St. Ives, of my bringing the Pretender with me last autumn, under the name of John Downes. It was, that I called myself John Wesley; whereas every body knew Mr. Wesley was dead. In the afternoon we came to Sticklepath. I preached at five in the evening: the house was crowded as before. After a short exhortation, and an hour spent in prayer, I commended them to the grace of God.

Wed. 18.--Before eight we reached Crediton, (or Kirton,) or rather the ruins of it; for the houses on both sides were all in ashes, for several hundred yards. Lighting on a serious woman, I asked, “ Ar» the people of this place now warned to seek God?” she answered, “ Although some of them perished in the flames, the rest were just as they were before, cursing, swearing, drinking, playing, and making merry, without God in all their thoughts.” She added, “ No longer ago than Thursday last, the men who were rebuilding one of the houses, were bitterly cursing and swearing one at another, and two of them above the rest, when an arch they were under fell, and crushed those two, with all their bones, in pieces.” Will ye not at length hear the rod, and him that hath appointed it? Between five and six in the evening we reached Minehead. Finding a general expectation of it among the people, about seven I preached near the sea shore, to almost all the inhabitants of the place. Most of the gentlemen of the town were there, and behaved with seriousness and decency. Thur. 19.--Having a sloop ready, which came on purpose, we ran over the channel in about four hours. Some of our friends were waiting for us on the shore. About one we came to Fonmon Castle. I found a natural wish, “ O for ease and a resting place!” Not yet. But eternity is at hand! I preached at six, and at five in the morning. Friday, 20.--About ten we set out for Cardiff; where, in the evening, I preached in the Castle yard. All were serious and attentive. Sat. 21.--I rode to Garth, in Brecknockshire, and on Sunday, 22, preached in the church there, both morning and afternoon. On Monday, 23, I preached in Maesmennys church, and afterward in the church yard at Builth. I observed only one man with his hat on; probably through inattention; for he likewise kneeled down on the grass with the rest, as soon as I began to pray. Tues. 24.--I preached at Maesmennys again, and about five in Landdu church, near Brecknock. Such a church I never saw before. There was not a glass ‘vindow belonging to it; but only boards, with holes bored here and May, 1744. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 315

Tues. 15.--After comforting the little flock at Naren I rode the shortest way to Birstal. Here I found our brethren partly mourning, and partly rejoicing, on account of John Nelson. On Friday, the 4th instant, (they informed me,) the constables took him, just as be had e1ded his sermon at Adwalton; and the next day carried him before the commissioners at Halifax; the most active of whom was Mr. Coleby, vicar of Birstal. Many were ready to testify, that he was in no respect such a person as the act of parliament specified. But they were not heard. He was a preacher: that was enough. So he was sent for a soldier at once.* At seven I preached on the Hill ; no man interrupting me. Afterward I inquired into the state of the society ; and found great cause to bless God, whose grace, even in these trying times, was sufficient for them. Wed. 16.--I talked at large with Mr. Viney. He said, his first perplexity arose, from reading and reflecting upon some writings, which the Count published in Pennsylvania; and that the more deeply he considered the whole affair, the more thoroughly he was convinced, 1. That the Count was at least as much the head of theirs, as the Pope of the Roman Church. 2. That he had cruelly and unjustly broke up the congregation at Pilger-ruh, in Holstein, because (in obedience to the king of Denmark, their lawful prince) they had disclaimed his superiority over them. 3. That the labourers among the brethren, were absolutely arbitrary in their government of the people; and, lastly, That they grossly abused the lot, in support of their arbitrary power.

Fri. 15.--I preached at Chinley at five; about noon in the Peak ; and in the evening at Barley Hall. Saturday, 16.--In the evening I preached at Sykehouse ; and by setting out early in the morning, Sunday, 17, at eight preached in Epworth. 1 came thither in season ; for two such sermons as Mr. Romley preached on this day, so exquisitely bitter, and totally false, I cannot say I ever heard before. After evening service I preached on Rom. iii, 22, to a much larger congregation than in the morning ; and I believe all that were sincere of heart, were exceedingly comforted. ; Mon. 18.--I left Epworth, and, on Wednesday, 20, in the afternoon, met my brother in London. Monday, 25, and the five following days, we spent in conference with many of our bretliren, (come from several parts,) who desire nothing but to save their own souls, and those that hear them. And surely, as long as they continue thus minded, their labour shall not be in vain in the Lord. The next week we endea-: voured to purge the society of all that did not walk according to the Gospel. By this means we reduced the number of members to less than nineteen hundred. But number is an inconsiderable circumstance. May God increase them in faith and love! Mon. July 9.--My brother set out for Cornwall. I had much trouble for the fortnight following, in endeavouring to prevent an unwary man from destroying his own, and many other souls. On Monday, 23, Journal .--21 Jo ee 315 REY. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Aug. 1744. when I set out for Bristol, I flattered myself that the work was done ; but, upon my return, I found I had done just nothing; so that on Thursday, August 2, I was constrained to declare in tke society, that Thomas Williams was no longer in connexion with us. Fri. 10.--I preached to the debtors in Newgate, and desired two or three of my friends to attend them weekly. I had a serious, wellbehaved congregation. Perhaps God may give us some fruit here also.

“But I may deny myself outwardly, and yet be self indulgent; namely, by allowing myself in vain and trifling thoughts. Here is a continual fight, and a hard struggle I must have before I conquer. But when I do overcome, I lose nothing by it; for my soul is delighted with secret refreshments. * At noon, I may find many pleasant things; and of this it was that I said to Mr. Richards, ‘If there are two dishes set before you, by the rule of self denial, you ought to eat of that which you like the least.’ And this rule I desire to observe myself; always to choose what is least pleasing and cheapest; therefore, I feed much upon milk: it is pleasant enough, and nothing I can find is so cheap. Whereas if one sort of food be dearer than another, and yet I use it, because more agreeable to my appetite, this I apprehend is directly contrary to the discipleship of a selfdenying master: and this kind of self indulgence (not in food only) is practised by too many that know the truth. ““T suppose, sir, you now perceive, I do not condemn all pleasure in eating; but I condemn all self indulgence, both in that and other things, particularly in talking. Many who think themselves believers, please themselves with talking more than is profitable. They talk even of the Sep.. 1744.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 319 things of God, till they bring a deadness, nay, an unaccountable careless ness over their spirits. I don’t say, they laugh or talk idly; but still they are not deeply serious, nor is their conversation truly solid; whereas I should think the conscience of a true believer is tender as the apple of an eye; and that to such a one it would be less pain to pulls the rack, than to trifle, either in word or deed.”

Thur. 6.--Ii committed to the dust the remains of Elizabeth Marsh, a young woman who had received a sense of the pardoning love of God about four years before her death, and had never left her first love. She had scarce known health or ease from that hour; but she never murmured or repined at any thing. I saw her many times after she was confined to her bed, and found her always quiet and calm, always cheerful, praising God in the fires, though longing to depart and to be with Christ. I could not learn that her mind was ever clouded, no, not a moment, from the beginning of her illness. But a few days before she died, she told me, “ I am concerned, I spoke a hasty word to-day. One told me ‘ You shall recover within ten days ;’ and I said, ‘I don’t want to recover.’” A little before her speech failed, she beckoned one to her, and said, ** Go and tell Molly Brown from me, she must come back to Mr. Wesley. I have not breath to speak to her myself, but do you tell her, she must come back.” She had lost her voice when I prayed with her the last time, and commended her soul to God. But Her eye dropp’d sense, distinct and clear As any Muse’s tongue could speak. It said, To me “to die is gain.” I walk through the valley of the shadow of death,” and “ fear no evil.” I could only speak a few words at her grave ; but when I returned to the Foundery, God made his word as a flame of fire. I spoke from that passage in the Revelation, “ And one of the elders said unto me, 520 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Sept. 1744, What are these who are arrayed in white robes; and whence came they? And I said, Sir, thou knowest. And he said unto me, These are they which came out of great tribulation, and have washed their robes, and made them white in the blood of the Lamb.”

preach, two persons met us, who used to be persecutors. But they now desired me, for God’s sake, not to go up; for if I did, they said, there would surely be murder, if there was not already ; for many were knocked down before they came away. “ By their advice, and the entreaties of those that were with me, I turned back to the house where we left our horses. We had been there but a short time, when many of the people came, being very bloody, and having been beaten very bad. But the main cry of the mob was after the preacher, whom they sought for in every corner of the house; swearing bitterly, they only wanted to knock him on the head, and then they should be satisfied. “ Not finding me there, they said, however, they should catch him on Sunday at Camborne. But it was Mr. Westell’s turn to go thither on Sunday. While he was preaching there, at Mr. Harris’s house, a tall man came in, and pulled him down. Mr. Harris demanded his warrant but he swore, warrant or no warrant, he should go with them: so he carried him out to the mob, who took him away to the Church Town. They kept him there till Tuesday, morning, and then carried him ‘to Penzance ; where, in the afternoon, he was brought before three justices, and asked abundance of questions, to which they required him to answer upon oath. Then Dr. Borlase wrote his mittimus, by virtue of which he was to be committed to the house of correction at Bodmin as a vagrant. So they took him as far as Camborne that night, and the next day on to Bodmin. “1 desire your continual prayers for me, “ Your weak servant in Christ, “Henry Mivvarp.”

He continued both to preach and to live the Gospel, till the battle of Fontenoy. One of his companions saw him there, laid across a can non, both his legs having been taken off by a chain shot, praising God, and exhorting all that were round about him; which he did till his spirit returned to God. Mon. 1'77.--In the evening I rode to Brentford. Many poor wretches endeavoured to make a disturbance, just as I began to preach, and employed one of their number, one utterly void of shame, to lead the way : but he acted his part with so uncommon a degree both of impudence and dulness, that when I turned about, and asked to whom he belonged, his companions were ashamed to own him: so some went away, and the rest stood still; and we had a quiet and comfortable hour. Sun. 23.--I was unusually lifeless and heavy, till the love-feast in the evening ; when, just as I was constraining myself to speak, I was stopped, whether I would or no; for the blood gushed out of both my nostrils, so that I could not add another word: but in a few minutes it. stayed, and all our hearts and mouths were opened to praise God. Yet the next day I was again as a dead man; but in the evening, while I was reading prayers at Snowsfields, I found such light and strength as I never remember to have had before. I saw every thought, as well as action or word, just as it was rising in my heart; and whether it was right before God, or tainted with pride or selfishness. I never knew before (I mean not as at this time) what it was “to be still before God.’ “ues. 25.--I waked, by the grace of God. in the same spirit; and SES ar 4 Son ae A ks ia Mec. 1744.] -REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 825 about eight, being with two or three that believed in Jesus, I felt such an awe and tender sense of the presence of God, as greatly confirmed me therein: so that God was before me all the day long. I sought and found him in every place; and could truly say, when I lay down at night, ‘** Now I have lived a day.”

Thur. 2'7.--I called on the solicitor whom I had employed in the suit lately commenced against me in chancery; and here I first saw that foul monster, a chancery bill! A scroll it was of forty-two pages, in large folio, to tell a story which needed not to have taken up forty lines! And stuffed with such stupid, senseless, improbable lies, (many of them, too, quite foreign to the question,) as, I believe, would have cost the compiler his life in any Heathen court either of Greece or Rome. And this is equity in a Christian country! This is the English method of redressing other grievances! I conclude this year with the extract of a letter which I received some weeks before :-- * Honourep Sir,--I beg leave to give you a short account of my ex perience from the time I can remember. “In my childhood, confused convictions often passed through my mind, so that I almost always had the fear of God before my eyes, and a sense of his seeing me; and I frequently used to abstain from sin upon that account. When I did sin, I was immediately checked and grieved; so that E generally was serious, nothing like any of my other brothers, and was, on that account, esteemed a good child, and greatly caressed. I constantly said my prayers, and was much given to reading; but it was chiefly plays and romances, of which I was as fond as I was of cards, shows, races, feasts, and whatever are called innocent diversions. Yet even these were always a burden to me when over; so that I was forced to own, All these are vanity. ** At about sixteen, I was sent to Yarmouth, where I fell twice or thrice into intemperance, for which I was severely reproved in my conscience ; but I used to make up matters by going oftener to church: and having good health, and no care, I was generally easy in my mind, and gay and jocose in my conversation.

Fri. 22.--There was so much snow about Boroughbridge, that we could go on but very slowly; insomuch, that the night overtook us when we wanted six or seven miles to the place where we designed to lodge. But we pushed on at a venture, across the moor, and about eight came safe to Sandhutton. Sat. 23.--We found the roads abundantly worse than they had been the day before; not only because the snows were deeper, which made the causeways in many places unpassable, (and March, 1745. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 229 turnpike roads were not known in these parts of England till some years after,) but likewise because the hard frost, succeeding the thaw, had made all the ground like glass. We were often obliged to walk, it being ___ impossible to ride, and our horses several times fell down while we were Z leading thea, but not once while we were riding them, during the whole 4 journey. It was past eight before we got to Gateshead Fell, which appeared a great pathless waste of white. The snow filling up and covering all the roads, we were at a loss how to proceed; when an honest man of Newcastle overtook and guided us safe into the town. Many a rough journey have I had before, but one like this I never had; between wind, and hail, and rain, and ice, and snow, and driving sleet, and piercing cold: but it is past: those days will return no more, and are, therefore, as though they had never been. Pain, disappointment, sickness, strife, ‘Whate’er molests or troubles life, However grievous in its stay, It shakes the tenement of clay, When past, as nothing we esteem; And pain, like pleasure, is a dream. On Monday and Tuesday I diligently inquired who were offended at each other; this being the sin which, of all others, most easily besets the people of Newcastle. And as many of them as had leisure to meet, I heard face to face. It was now an easy thing to remove their offences ; for God was in the work; so that they were, one and all, as willing to be reconciled to each other, as I was to have them.

February 27.--(Being Ash Wednesday.) After the public prayers, the little church in our house met together. _Misunderstandings were cleared up, and we all agreed to set out anew, hand in hand, and, by ‘the grace of God, to forward one another in running the race which is set before us. Sun. March 3.--<As I was walking up Pilgrim-street, aearing a man call after me, I stood still. He came up and used much abusive language, intermixed with many oaths and curses. Several people came cut to see what was the matter; on which he pushed me twice or thrice, and went away. Upon inquiry, I found this man had signalized himself of a long season, by abusing and throwing stones at any of our family who went that way: Tcherefore I would not lose the opportunity, but on Monday 4, sent him the following note :-- “ Rosert Youne,--I expect to see you, between this and Friday, and to hear from you, that you are sensible of your fault; otherwise, in pity to your soul, I shall be obliged to inform the magistrates of your assaulting me yesturday in thestreet. Iam, your real friend, Joun WeEsLEY.” W*thin two or three hours, Robert Young came, and promised a quite different behaviour. So did this gentle reproof, if not save a soul from death, yet prevent a multitude of sins. Sun. 10.--We had a useful sermon at All Saints in the morning, and another at our own church in the afternoon. | 1 was much refreshed by both, and united in love both to the two preachers, and to the clergy in general. ‘The next day I wrote to a friend as follows :-- * Newcastle-upon-Tyne, March 11, 1745 ‘“‘] have been drawing up this morning a short state of the case between the clergy and us; I leave you to make any such use of it, as -’ou believe will be to the glory of God. : Dh ae 300 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ March, 1745. “1, About seven years since, we began preaching inward, present sa!- vation, as attainable by faith alone. 2. For preaching this doctrine, we were forbidden to preach in the churches. 3. We then preached in private houses, as occasion offered: and when the houses could not contain the people, in the open air. 4. For this, many of the clergy preached or »°

and swearing much. Before we went away, I stepped to them, and asked, “ Do you think yourselves that this kind of talking is right ?” One of them warmly replied, “Sir, we have said nothing which we have need to be ashamed of.” I said, “Have you not need to be ashamed of disobliging your best friend? And is not God the best friend you have?” They stared first at me, and then at one another ; but no man answered a word. In the evening I preached at the inn, in Northallerton, where Mr Adams and some of his neighbours met me. On his saying, he wished I could have time to preach in his house, at Osmotherly, I told him, I would have time, if he desired it; and ordered our horses to be brought out immediately. We came thither between nine and ten. It was about an hour before the people were gathered together. It was after twelve before I lay down; yet (through the blessing of God) I felt no weariness at all.

Tues. 25.--We rode to St. Just. I preached at seven to the largest congregation I have seen since my coming. At the meeting of the earnest, loving society, all our hearts were in a flame: and again at five in the morning, while I explained, “ T»ere is no condemnation to them which are in Christ Jesus.” When the preaching was ended, the constable apprehended Edward Greenfield, (by a warrant from Dr. Borlase,) a tinner, in the forty-sixth year of his age, having a wife and seven children. Three years ago he was eminent for cursing, swearmg, drunkenness, and all manner of wickedness ; but those old things had been for some time passed away ; and he was then remarkable for a quite contrary behaviour. I asked a little gentleman at St. Just, what objection there was to Edward Greenfield: he said, “« Why, the man is well enough in other things; but his impudence the gentlemen cannot bear. Why, sir, he says, he knows his sins are forgiven!” And for this cause he is adjudged to banishment or death! I preached at Morva and Zennor, in my return to St. Ives. Friday, 28.--Mr. Thompson and Bennet returned home. Saturday, 29. --I preached at St. Just again, and at Morva and Zennor on Sunday, 30. About six in the evening, I began preaching at St. Ives, in the street, ear John Nance’s door. A multitude of people were quickly assemJed, both high and low, rich and poor; and I observed not any creature > laugh or smile, or hardly move hand or foot. I expounded the gos- > el ne the day, beginning with, “ Then drew near all the publicans and :imners for to hear him.” A little before seven came Mr. Edwards from tne mayor, and ordered one to read the proclamation against riots. | italia ea” 340 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [J aly, 1745 concluded quickly after ; but the body of the people appeared utterly unsatisfied, not knowing how to go away. Forty or fifty of them begged they might be present at the meeting of the society; and we rejoice together for an hour in such a manner as I had never known before in ~ Cornwall. .

Wed. 3.--I waited till nine; but no Mr. Eustick came. I then desired Mr. Shepherd, to go and inquire for him at the house wherein he had lodged; si forte edormisset hoc villi: [if, peradventure he had slept off his wine ;] he met him coming, as he thought, to our inn. But after waiting some time, we inquired again, and learned he had turned aside to another house in the town. I went thither, and asked, “Is Mr. Eustick here?” _ After some pause, one said, “ Yes ;” and showed me into the parlour. When he came down he said, “ O sir, will you be so good as go with me to the Doctor’s?” I answered, “ Sir, I came for that purpose.” “Are you ready, sir?” I answered, “Yes.” “Sir, I am not quite ready. In a little time, sir, in a quarter of an hour, I will wait upon you. I will come to William Chenhall’s.” In about three quarters of an hour he came, and finding there was no remedy, he called for his horse, and put forward toward Dr. Borlase’s house ; but he was in no haste; so that we were an hour and a quarter riding three or four measured miles. As soon as we came into the yard, he asked a servant, “Is the Doctor at home ?”” Upon whose answering, “‘ No, sir, ke is gone to church ;” he presently said, ‘‘ Well, sir, I have executed my commission. I have done, sir; I have no more to say.” About noon, Mr. Shepherd and I reached St. Ives. After a tew hours’ rest, we rode to Gwenuap. Finding the house would not con- tain one fourth of the people, I stove before the door. I was reading my text, when a man came, reging as if just broke out of the tombs ; Jwy, 1745.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 344

and riding into the thickest of the people, seized three or four, one after another, 1one lifting up a hand against him. A second (gentleman, so called) soon came after, if possible, more furious than he; and ordered his men to seize on some others, Mr. Shepherd in particular. Most of the people, however, stood still as they were before, and began 4 singing a hymn. Upon this Mr. B. lost all patience, and cried out with all his might, “Seize him, seize him. I say, seize the preacher -for his majesty’s service.” But no one stirring, he rode up and struck several of his attendants, cursing them bitterly for not doing as they were bid. Perceiving still that they would not move, he leaped off his horse, swore he would do it himself, and caught hold of my cassock, crying, “I take you to serve his majesty.” A servant taking his horse, he took me by the arm, and we walked arm in arm for about three quarters of amile. He entertained me ail the time, with the “ wickedness of the fellows belonging to the society.” When he was taking breath, I said, “ Sir, be they what they will, I apprehend it will not justify you, in seizing me in this manner, and violently carrying me away, as you said, to serve his majesty.” He replied, “ J seize you! And violently carry you away! No, sir; no. Nothing like it. I asked you to go with me to my house, and you said you was willing ; and if so, you are welcome ; and if not, you are welcome to go where you please.” I answered, “Sir, I know not if it would be safe for me to go back through this rabble.” “Sir,” said he, “I will go with you myself.” He then called for his horse, and another for me, and rode back with :* me to the place from whence he took me.

forward at once into the midst of them, and said, ‘‘ Here I am. Which of you has any thing to say to me? To which of you have I done any wrong? To you? Or you? Or you?” I continued speaking, till I came, bare-headed as I was, (for I purposely left my hat, that they might all see my face,) into the middle of the street, and then raising my voice, said, “ Neighbours, countrymen! Do you desire to hear me speak!” They cried vehemently, “Yes, yes. He shall speak! He shall. Nobody shall hinder him.” But having nothing to stand on and no advantage of ground, I could be heard by few only. However T spoke without intermission, and, as far as the sound reached, the people were still; till one or two of their captains turned about and swore, not a man should touch him. Mr. Thomas, a clergyman, then came up, and asked. “ Are you not ashamed to use a stranger thus ?” He was soon seconded by two or three gentlemen of the town, and one of the aldermen; with whom I walked down the town, speaking all . the time, till I came to Mrs. Maddern’s house. The gentlemen proposed sending for my horse to the door, and desired me to step in and rest the mean time. But on second thoughts, thev judged it not advisable to let me go out among the people again: so they chose to send my horse before me to Penryn, and to send me thither by water , the sea running close by the back door of the house in which we were. I never saw before, no, not at Walsal itself, the hand of God so plainly shown as here. There I had many companions who were willing to die with me: here, not a friend, but one simple girl, who likewise was hurried away from me in-an instant, as soon as ever she came out of Mrs. B.’s door.

** All is peaceable in this great city. How long it will remain so, is known only to him that knows all things. My soul seems preparing for a storm, and the Spirit of Truth is continually teaching me to divest myself of all things; that, being in readiness, that hour may not come upon me unawares. I have nothing outwardly, glory be to God, that keeps me confined to the earth; and I hope what is still in me contrary to the purity of him before whom I must shortly stand without a covering, will be taken away ‘ before I depart hence, to be no more seen.’ ”’ Tues. 13.--I rode to Cirencester, and preached there in the evening ; Wednesday, 14, at Oxford; Thursday, 15, at Wycomb; and on Friday, 16, at London. Sat. 17.--I had much conversation with Mr. Simpson, an original enthusiast. That I might understand him the more throughly, I desired him, in the evening, to give an exhortation to the penitents. He did so, and spoke many good things, in a manner peculiar to himself. When he had done, I summed up what he had said, methodizing and explaining it. O what pity it is, this well-meaning man should ever speak without an interpreter ! Sun. 25.--I saw a poor man, once joined with us, who wanted nothing in this world, but the peace the world cannot give. A day or two before he had hanged himself, but was cut down before he was dead. He had been crying out ev r since, God had left him, because he had left the children of God. But he now began to have some glimmering of hope, that God wou d not hide his face for ever. Tues. September 3.--Great was our joy in the. Lord at the public reading of the letters. Part of one was as follows :-- “ Betly, near Namptwich, August 24, 1745. ‘I rejoice that the Lord stirs you up more and more to labour .n his vineyard. I am persuaded it is not a small matter whether we speak or a a ae --_" ] REV. J. WESLEY'S JOURNAL. _ y

Nov. 1745 | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 359 my nature quite changed, and my affections carried away to heaven. Then I broke out into such expressions as I cannot utter now, praising God for what he had done for my soul. My fever also was gone. As soon as I was assured of his love, I was healed both in body and soul; which ‘I told the doctor and apothecary in the morning, who stood like men in amaze, and confessed they had never seen such a thing before. A deal of people came all that week: on Wednesday, in particular, I was talking to them, without any time for breakfast or dinner, from six in the morning to six at night. Dear sir, pray for me, that God may keep me, who am your unworthy sister, “ Jane Bate.” Having now delivered my own soul, on Monday, 4, I left Newcastle. Before nine we met several expresses, sent to countermand the march of ihe army into Scotland; and to inform them, that the rebels had passed the Tweed, and were marching southward. Tuesday, 5.--In the evening I came to Leeds, and found the town full of bonfires, and people shouting, firmg of guns, cursing and swearing, as the English manner of keeping holidays is. I immediately sent word to some of the magistrates, of what I had heard on the road. This ran’through the town, as it were, in an instant: and I hope it was a token for good. The hurry in the streets was quashed at once ;--some of the bonfires indeed remained ; but scarce any one was to be seen about them, but a few children warming their hands. Thur. 7.--I rode to Stayley Hall, in Cheshire, after many interruptions in the way, by those poor tools of watchmen, who stood with great solemnity, at the end of almost every village. I preached there on Mark i, 15, and rode on to Bradbury Green. Fri. 8.--Understanding that a neighbouring gentleman, Dr. C., had affirmed to many, that Mr. Wesley was now with the Pretender, near Edinburgh, I wrote him a few lines. It may be, he will have a little more regard to truth, or shame, for the time to come. About noon I preached near Maxfield; in the evening, at the Black House.

“Since I wrote to you last I have gone through great trials. It was not the least that I have lost my dear brother Clements for a season, being shot through both the arms. To try me further, J. Evans, and Bishop were both killed in the battle, as was C. Greenwood, soon after. Two more, who did speak boldly in the name of Jesus, are fallen into the world again. So I am left alone: but I know it is for my good. Seeing iniquity so much abound, and the love of many wax cold, adds wings to my devotion; and my faith grows daily as a plant by the water side. ‘“ April 30.--The Lord was pleased to try our little flock, and to show them his mighty power. Some days before, one of them, standing at his tent door, broke out into raptures of joy, knowing his departure was at hand; and was so filled with the love of God, that he danced before his comrades. In the battle, before he died, he openly declared, ‘I am going to rest from my labours in the bosom of Jesus.’ I believe nothing like this was ever heard of before, in the midst of so wicked an army ig -- adJec, 1745.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 361

Thur. 20.--We set out as soon as it was light. Before we came to Aldridge Heath, the rain changed into snow, which the northerly wind drove full in our faces, and crusted us over from head to foot in less than an hour’s time. We inquired of one who lived at the entrance of the moors, which was our best way to Stafford. Sir,” said he, ‘tis a thousand pound to a penny, that you do not come there to-day. Why, ’tis four long miles to the far side of this common ; and in a clear day, I am not sure to go right across it: and now all the roads are covered with snow ; and it snows so, that you cannot see before you.” However we went on, and I believe did not go ten yards out of the way till we came into Stafford. In the evening we reached Roger Moss’s house. I preached on Rom. iii, 22, and joined a few together as a society. Friday, 21.--We breakfasted at Bradbury Green, whence we rode on to Marsden; and the next day, Saturday, 22, to Leeds. I preached at five. As we went home a great mob followed, and threw whatever came to hand. I was struck several times, once or twice in the face, but not hurt at all. I walked on to the recorder’s, and told him the case. He promised to prevent the like for the time to come. Sun. 23.--I preached at eight without any interruption ; in Birstal at one, and again at five. Monday, 24.--I preached at Skircoat Green, near Halifax, to a whole company of Quakers. The good man of the house, about fourscore years old, had formerly been a speaker among them. But from fear of man he desisted, and so quenched the Spirit, that he was in darkness for near forty years ; till hearing John Nelson declare the love of God in Christ, light again sprung up in his soul. In the evening I preached to a quiet congregation at Bradford. Tues. 25. --About nine I began at Keighley: thence, (finding the snow was so deep, I could not go through the vales,) I went the straight way, and came to Newcastle, Wednesday, 26.

“ After I left Wednesbury, I stayed two nights at Nottingham, and had large congregations. But while I was meeting the society the second night, there came a mob, raging as if they would pull the house to the ground. Assoonas we had done meeting, the constable came and seized me, and said, I must go before the mayor, for making a riot. So he took me by the arm, and led me through the streets, the mob accompanying us with curses and huzzas. God gave me as we went, to speak very plain to the constable, and to all that ‘rere near me: till one cried out, ‘Don’t carry him to the mayor, for he js a friend to the Methodists, but to alderman ----.’ Upon this he tur! ed, and led me to the alderman’s. When we were brought in, he said, ‘Sir, I have brought you another Methodist preacher.’ He asked my name, and then said, ‘I wonder you cannot stay at home: you see the mob won’t suffer you to preach in this town.’ I said, ‘I did not know this town was governed by the mob; most towns are governed by the magistrates.’ He said, ‘ What, do you expect us to take your parts, when you take the people from their work ?? I said, ‘ Sir, you are wrong informed; we preach at five in the morning, and seven at night: and these are the hours when most people are in 308 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ May, 1746 their beds in the morning, and at night, either at play or at the alehouse.

and of money, if the poorer people of our society could be persuaded to leave off drinking of tea. We resolved ourselves to begin and set the example. I expected some difficulty in breaking off a custom of six and twenty years’ standing. And, accordingly, the three first days, my head ached, more or less, all day long, and I was half asleep from morning to night. The third day, on Wednesday, in the afternoon, my memory failed, almost entirely. In the evening I sought my remedy in prayer. On Thursday morning my headache was gone. My memory was as strong as ever. And I have found no inconvenience, but a sensible benefit in several respects, from that very day to this. Thur. 1'7.--I finished the little collection which I had made among my friends for a lending stock: it did not amount to thirty pounds ; which a few persons afterward made up fifty. And by this inconsiderable sum, above two hundred and fifty persons were relieved in one year. Mon. 20.--I set out for Salisbury, where, to my utter amazement, on Wednesday, 22, Mr. Hall desired me to preach. Was his motive only, to grace his own cause? Or rather, was this the last gasp of expiring love? I did not reach Bristol till Friday, 25. On Sunday, 27, I preached at Baptist Mills, to the largest congregation I had seen at that place, since I was there with Mr. Whitefield. About this time I received a melancholy letter from abroad; part of which I have subjoined :-- “ Meerkerk, in Holland, July 29, 1746.

Her mother immediately sent for Mrs. Designe, to whom she then went to school. At the same time her father sent for Mr. Smith apothecary, who lived near. At first he proposed bleeding her immediately, and applying a large blister ; but upon examining her further, he said, “It signifies nothing, for the child is dead.” About twelve o’clock she began to stir; then she opened her eyes, and gave the following account :-- * As soon as [ lost my senses, I vas in a dismal place, full of briars, and pits, and ditches; stumbling up and down, and not knowing where to turn, or which way to get either forward or backward; and it was almost quite dark, there being but a little faint twilight, so that I could Aug. 1746.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 375 scarce see before me. I was crying, ready to break my heart; and a man came to me, and said, ‘ Child, where are you going?’ I said, I could not tell. He said, ‘What do you want?’ I answered, ‘I want Christ to be my refuge.’ He said, ‘What is your name? And I told him: but J did not tell him S---- T----. [I told him a name which I never heard before. He said, ‘ You are the child for whom I am sent: you are to go with me.’ I saw it grew lighter as he spoke. We walked together, tili we came to a stile. He went over and bid me stay a little. I stayed about half a quarter of an hour, and then I observed his clothes. They reached down to his feet, and were shining, and white as snow.

Thur. 18.--About one I preached at Beercrocomb. About five we reached Bridgewater. We expected much tumult here, the great vulgar stirring up the small. But we were disappointed. The very week before cur coming, the grand jury had found the bill against the rioters, who had so often assaulted Mary Lockyer’s house. This, and the awe of God, which fell upon them, kept the whole congregation quiet and serious. Before I preached, my strength was quite exhausted, and I was exceeding feverish through mere fatigue. But in riding to Middlesey I revived; and in the morning, Friday, 19, I rose quite well: “ My strength will I ascribe unto thee.” After a long morning’s ride we came to Mr. Star’s, at Waywick. Mr. S., a neighbouring gentleman, who not long since hired a mob to make a disturbance, coming in, Mrs. Star detained: him till the time of preaching. He seemed struck much more than the congregation. In the evening we came to Bristol. Mon. 22.--At eleven I preached at Paulton; about two at Oakhill ; and in the evening at Coleford. Twes. 23.--I went on to Rood, where the mob threatened loud. I determined, however, to look them in the face ; and at twelve I cried, to the largest congregation by far which I I had ever seen in these parts, “ Seek ye the Lord while he may be found; call ye upon him while he is near.” The despisers stood as men astonished, and neither spoke nor stirred till I had concluded my sermon. Between five and six I preached at Bearfield; the next evening at Blewberry. While I was afterward meeting the society, one -- grievous backslider, who had been for some time as in the belly of hell, was struck to the earth, and roared aloud. He ceased not till God restored the pearl he had lost.--Does not our God “abundantly pardon?” Thur. 25.--I came to Wycomb. It being the day on which the mayor was chosen, abundance of rabble, full of strong drink, came to the preaching on purpose to disturb. But they soon fell out among themselves ; so that I finished my sermon in tolerable quiet.

Sun. 16.--I was desired to pray with one in despair. I had never seen her before, but soon found she was a sensible woman, and well acquainted with the theory of religion ; yet when I spoke to her some of the principles of Christianity, she cried out, as if she had never heard them before, “ Hear! He says I may be saved! He says (10d loves me! Christ died for me! And that I may live with him in heaven! O then, what is this world? What is life, what is pain? I do not care for it. Let me die; let me suffer any thing here, so I may but live with Chrisi in heaven.” About this time I received a remarkable account from Grimsby, in Lincolnshire :-- e “ William Blow, John Melton, and Thomas Wilkinson, were going, on Friday last, ina boat on the sea near Grimsby. John Melton could swim exceeding well, but William Blow not at all. When they were about half a league from the shore, they were both beat overboard. John Nov. 1746.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 383 Melton sunk to the bottom like a stone. William Blow sunk and rose several times, and was in the water near a quarter of an hour before Thomas Wilkinson could get near him. At last he saw his hand above the water. He then struck down his boat hook at a venture, and caught him by the flap of his coat, and pulled him to the boat side. He was quite sensible, and said, ‘Tommy, I am afraid you can’t get me in..--‘ Nay, then,’ said Thomas, ‘ we will sink together, for I will not let thee go.’ At last he did get him in, and brought him safe to land. “We asked, how he could keep in the water so long, and not be drowned: he said, God gave him that thought to keep his mouth shut, and when he was almost choked, he gave a spring up, and got a little breath. I asked him, how he felt himself when he was under water; if he was not afraid of death? He answered, No; his soul was lifted up unto the Lord, and he freely resigned himself into his hands.”

“Rev. Srr,--I have long had a desire to write, but had not an opportunity till we came to our winter quarters. Wher we came over we thought we should have had brother Haime with us, as formerly; but we were disappointed. We were about three weeks upon our march, and endured a great deal through the heat of the weather, and for want 0. water. At Villear camp, we lay so near the enemy, and were forced to mount so many guards, that we had hardly any time to ourselves, nor had John Haime time to meet with us. We left this camp in twelve or fourteen days’ time, and wherever we marched, we had the French always in our view; only a few days, when we were marching through woods, and over high mountains. Coming back to Maestricht, at some camps we have lain so near the enemy, that their sentries and ours have taken snuff with one another; having then no orders to fire at or hurt each other. But the day we came off we found it otherwise: for at eleven o’clock the night before, orders came for us to be ready to turn out an hour before day, which was the 30th of September. Ai day break orders came to our regiment, and Colonel Graham’s, to advance about a mile and a half toward the French. We were placed in a little park, and Graham’s regiment in another, to the right of us. We lay open to the French; only we cut down the hedge breast high, and filled it up with loose earth. Thus we waited for the enemy several hours, who came first with their right wing upon the Dutch, that were upon our left. They engaged in our sight, and fired briskly upon each other, cannon and small shot for two hours. Then the Dutch, being overpowered, gave way, and the French advanced upon us, and marched a party over the ditch, on the left of Graham’s, and fell in upon them; notwithstanding our continual firing, both with our small arms and four pieces of cannon. So when the French had got past us, our regiment retreated, or we should have been surrounded.

“Your unworthy son in the Gospel, * Joun Hacur.” Ye who loved and profited by this man of God, when he was alive, hear what, “ being dead,” he “ yet speaketh.” Tues. 10.--My brother returned from the north, and I prepared to supply his place there. Sunday, 15.--I was very weak and faint ; but on Monday, 16, I rose soon after three, lively and strong, and found all my complaints were fled away like a dream. I was wondering, the day before, at the mildness of the weather; such as seldom attends me in my journeys. But my wonder now ceased: the wind was turned full north, and blew so exceeding hard and keen, that when we came to Hatfield, neither my companions nor I had much use of our hands or feet. After resting an hour, we bore up again, through the wind and snow, which drove full in our faces. But this was only a squall. In Baldock-field the storm began in earnest. The large hail drove so Mey Oe ae ee 388 REV. J WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Feb 1747 vehemently in our faces, that we could not see nor hardly breathe. However, before two o’clock we reached Baldock, where one met and conducted us safe to Potten. About six I preached to a serious congregation. Tuesday, 17.--We set out as soon as it was well light ; but it was really hard work to get forward ; for the frost would not well bear or break : and the untracked snow, covering all the roads, we had much ado to keep our horses on their feet. Meantime the wind rose higher and higher, till it was ready to overturn both man and beast. However, after a short bait at Bugden, we pushed on, and were met in the middle of an open field with so violent a storm of rain and hail, as we had not had before. It drove through our coats, great and smal], boots and every thing, and yet froze as it fell, even upon our eyebrows ; so that we had scarce either strength or motion left, when we came into our inn at Stilton.

We now gave up our hopes of reaching Grantham, the snow falling faster and faster. However, we took the advantage of a fair blast to. set out, and made the best of our way to Stamford Heath. But here a new difficulty arose, from the snow lying in large drifts. Sometimes horse and man were well nigh swallowed up. Yet in less than an hour _ we were brought safe to Stamford. Being willing to get as far as we could, we made but a short stop here; and about sunset came, cold and weary, yet well, to a little town called Brig Casterton. Wed. 18.--Our servant came up and said, “ Sir, there is no travelling to-day. Such a quantity of snow has fallen in the night, that the roads are quite filled up.” I told him, “ At least we can walk twenty miles a day, with our horses in our hands.” So in the name of God we set out. The north-east wind was piercing as a sword, and had driven the snow into such uneven heaps, that the main road was unpassable. However, we kept on, afoot or on horseback, till we came to the White Lion at Grantham. Some from Grimsby had appointed to meet us here ; but not hearing any thing of them, (for they were at another house, by mistake,) after an hour’s rest, we set out straight for Epworth. On the road we overtook a clergyman and his servant; but the toothache quite shut my mouth. We reached Newark about five. Soon after we were set down,. another clergyman came and inquired for our fellow traveller. It was not long before we engaged in close conversation. He told me, some of our preachers had frequently preached in his parish; and his judgment was, 1. That their preaching at Hunslet had done some good, but more harm. Because, 2. Those who attended it had only turned from one wickedness to another ; they had only exchanged Sabbath breaking, swearing, or drunkenness, for slandering, backbiting, and evil speaking; and, 3. Those who did not attend it were provoked hereby to return evil for evil: so that the former were, in effect, no better; and the latter worse than before.

The same objection (in substance) has been made in most other parts of England. It therefore deserves a serious answer, which wil equally hold in all places. Whether then we speak of Hunslet, Leeds, Bristol, or London, it is allowed, 1. That our preaching has done some good; common swearers, Sabbath breakers, drunkards, thieves, fornicators, having been reclaimed from those outward sins. But it is Feb. 1747.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 389 affirmed, 2. That it has done more harm; the persons so reclaimed only changing one wickedness for another ; and their neighbours being so provoked thereby, as to become worse than they were before. * Those who have left their outward sins,” you affirm, “have only changed drunkenness or Sabbath breaking, for backbiting and evil speaking.” I answer, [f you affirm this of them all, it is notoriously false. Many we can name who left cursing, swearing, and backbiting, drunkenness, and evil speaking, all together; and who are to this day just as fearful of slandering, as they are of cursing or swearing. And if some are not yet enough aware of this snare of the devil, we may hope they will be ere long. Meantime, see that you bless God for what he has done; and pray that he would deliver them from this death also. You affirm, further, that “their neighbours are provoked hereby to return evil for evil; and so, while the former are no better, the latter are worse, than they were before.” I answer, 1. These are worse than they were before. But why? Because they do fresh “ despite to the Spirit of grace ;” because they despise that long-suffering love of God, which would lead them (as it does their neighbours) to repentance. And in laying the blame of this on those who will no longer run with them to the same excess of riot, they only fulfil the Scriptures, and fill up the measure of their own iniquity. I answer, 2. There is still no proportion at all between the good on the one hand, and the harm on the other: for they who reject the goodness of God were servants of the devil before, and they are but servants of the devil still. But they who accept it, are brought from the power of Satan to serve the living and true God.

of which Robert Peacock is leader. I ask, ‘ Does this and this person in your class live in drunkenness or any outward sin? Does he go to church, and use the other means of grace? Does he meet you as often as he has opportunity?” Now, if Robert Peacock has common sense, he can answer these questions truly ; and if he has common honesty, he will. And if not, some other in the class has both, and can and will answer for him. Where is the difficulty then of finding out if there be any disorderly walker in this class, and, consequently, in any other? The question is not concerning the heart, but the life. And the general tenor of this, I do not say cannot be known, but cannot be hid without a miracle. Where then is the need of any miraculous discernment in order to purge one of those societies? Nay, where is the use of it? For if 1 had that discernment, I am to pass sentence only ez allegatis et probatis ; [from what is alleged and proved,] not according to what I miraculously discern, but according to what is proved in the face of the sun. The society, which the first year consisted of above eight hundred members, is now reduced to four hundred. But, according to the old proverb, the half is more than the whole. We shall not be ashamed of any of these, when we speak with our enemies in the gate.

Here John Nelson met me. On Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, he had preached at Acomb, and the neighbouring places: on Good Friday, in particular, on Heworth Moor, to a large and quiet congregation. On Easter Sunday, at eight, he preached there again, to a large number of serious hearers. Toward the close of his discourse, a mob came from York, hired and headed by some (miscalled) gentlemen. They stood still, till an eminent Papist cried out, “ Why do not you knock the dog’s brains out?” On which they immediately began throwing all that came to hand, so that the congregation was quickly dispersed. John spoke a few words, and walked toward York. They followed with showers of bricks and stones; one of which struck him on the shoulder, one on the back, and, a little before he came to the city, part of a brick hit him on the back part of the head, and felled him to the ground. When he came to himself, two of Acomb lifted him up, and led him forward between them. The gentlemen followed, throwing as before, till he came to the city gate, near which lived an honest tradesman, who took him by the arm, and pulled him into his house. Some of the rioters swore they would break all his windows, if he did not turn him out. But he told them resolutely, “I will not; and let any of you touch my house at your peril: I shall make you remember it as long as you live.” On this they thought good to retire.

We came to Manchester between one and two. I had no thought of preaching here, till I was informed John Nelson had given public notice, that I would preach at one o’clock. I was now in a great strait. Their house would not contain a tenth part of the people ; and how the unbroken spirits of so large a town would endure preaching in the street, I knew not. Besides that, having rode a swift trot for several hours, and in so sultry a day, I was both faint and weary. But after considering that I was not going a warfare at my own cost, I walked straight to Salford Cross. A numberless crowd of people partly ran before, partly followed after me. I thought it best not to sing, but, looking round, asked abruptly, “‘ Why do you look asif you had never seen me before? Many of you have seen me in the neighbouring church, both preaching and administering the sacrament.” I then began, “ Seek ye the Lord while he may be found; call upon him while he is near.” None interrupted at all, or made any disturbance, till, as I was drawing to a conclusion, a big man thrust in, with three or four more, and bade them oring out the engine. Our friends desired me to remove into a yard just by, which I did, and concluded in peace. About six we reached Davy Hulme, five miles from Manchester, where I was much refreshed both in preaching and meeting the society. Their neighbours here used to disturb them much; but a justice of peace, who feared God, granting them a warrant for the chief of the rioters, from that time they were In peace. Fri. 8.--I preached at Oldfield Brow to a much larger congregation, though many of them had been hurt by doubtful disputations. But they now began again to take root downward and bear fruit upward. In the evening I preached at Booth Bank, among a quiet and loving people ; but a famous Anabaptist teacher, Joseph Pickup by name, had lately occasioned some disturbance among them. He had given them a par- Journal I.--26 398 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [June, 1747

Sun. 21.--I preached once more at St. Bartholomew’s, on the gospel for the day, the story of Dives and Lazarus. I was constrained to speak very plain and strong words. But God gave the audience ears to hear; so that they appeared as far from anger on the one hand, as from sleepiness on the other. After preaching at the chapel in the afternoon, I set out for Brentford with Robert Swindells. The next day we reached Marlborough; where one in the room beneath us was swearing desperately. Mr. Swindells stepped down and put into his ae Rr haul) ae . 400 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [| June, 1747. hand the paper entitled, “‘ Swear not at all.” He thanked him, and promised to swéar no mote. And he did not while he was in the house. . Tues. 23.--We took horse at three, breakfasted at Chippenham, and dined at Kingswood : whence I walked to Bristol. About seven I went to the Old Orchard, where were rich and poor, a great multitude. We had a solemn and a joyful hour. Surely these fields are white unto the harvest! Wed. 24.--We rode to Beercrocomb, hoping to reach 'Tavistock the next day. So we set out at three. The rain began at four. We reached Colestock, dropping wet, before seven. The rain ceased while we were in the house, but began when we took horse, and attended us all the way to Exeter. While we stayed here to dry our clothes, I took the opportunity of writing “« A Word to a Freeholder.” Soon after three we set out: but it was near eight before we could reach Oakhampton.

Fri. 26.--We came to Tavistock before noon; but it being market day, I did not preach till five in the evening. The rain began almost as soon.as we began singing, and drove many out of the field. After preaching (leaving Mr. Swindells there) I went on for Plymouth Dock. Within two miles of Plymouth, one overtook and informed us, that, the night before, all the Dock was in an uproar; and a constable, endeavouring to keep the peace, was beaten and much hurt. As we were entering the Dock, one met us, and desired we would go tire back way : “For,” said he, “there are thousands of people waiting about Mr. Hide’s door.” We rode up straight into the midst of them. They saluted us with three huzzas; after which I alighted, took several of them by the hand, and began to talk with them. I would gladly have passed an hour among them; and believe if I had, there had been an end of the riot. But the day being far spent, (for it was past nine o’clock,) [ was persuaded to go in. The mob then recovered their spirits, and fought valiantly with the doors and windows: but about ten they were weary, and went every man to his own home.

Sat. 27.--I preached at four, and then spoke severally to part of the society. As yet I have found only one person among them who knew the love of God, before my brother came. No wonder the devil was so still; for his goods were in peace. About six in the evening, I went to the place where I preached the last year. A little before we had ended the hymn, came the lieutenant, a famous man, with his retinue of soldiers, drummers, and mob. When the drums ceased, a gentleman-barber began to speak: but his voice was quickly drowned in the shouts of the multitude, who grew fiercer and fiercer, as then numbers increased. After waiting about a quarter of an hour, perceiving the violence of the rabble still increasing, I walked down into the thickest of them, and took the captain of the mob by the hand. He immediately said, “ Sir, I will see you safe home. Sir, no man shall touch you. Gentlemen, stand off: give back. I will knock the first man down that touches him.” We walked on in great peace ; my conductor every now and then stretching out his neck (he was a very tal] man) and looking round, to see if any behaved rudely, till we came to Mr. Hide’s door. We then parted in much love. I stayed in the street near half an hour after he was gone, talking with the people, wha had now forgot their anger, and went away in high good humour. sven ay " Hai ; ‘4 July, 1747. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 401

Mon. 6.--I preached, about twelve, at Bray: but neither the house nor the yard would contain the congregation; and all were serious ; the scoffers are vanished away. I scarce saw one in the county. I preached in the evening at Camborne to an equally serious congregation. I looked about for John Rogers, the champion, who had so often sworn, I should never more preach in that parish. But it seems, he had given up the cause, saying, “One may as well blow against the wind.” Tues. 7.--I preached at St. Ives; Wednesday, 8, at Sithney. On Thursday the stewards of all the societies met. I now diligently inquired what exhorters there were in each society ; whether they had gifts meet for the work; whether their lives were eminently holy ; and whether there appeared any fruit of their labour. I found, upon the whole, 1. That there were no less than eighteen exhorters in the county. 2. That three of these had no gifts at all for the work, neither natural mor supernatural. 3. That a fourth had neither gifts nor grace; but ‘was a dull, empty, self-conceited man. 4. That a fifth had considerable ‘gifts, but had evidently made shipwreck of the grace of God: these ‘therefore I determined immediately to set aside, and advise our societies not to hear them. 5. That J. B., A. L., and J. W., had gifts and -grace, and had been much blessed in the work. Lastly, that the rest might be helpful-when there was no preacher in their own or the neighdouring societies, provided they would take no step without the advice vof those who had more experience than themselves.

Fri. 10.---I preached at Gulval Cross, in the midway between Pen -zance and Marazion. Sat. 11.--I examined the classes at St. Just, -established and settled in the grace of God. Sun. 12.--At five I ‘preached at St. Just; at twelve, to the largest congregation I ever -saw at Morva. I then went to church at Zennor; and when the ser- ‘vice was ended, preached under the church yard wall. Hence I rode ‘to Newlyn, a little town on the south sea, about a mile from Penzance. At five I walked to a rising ground, near the sea shore, where was a smooth white sand to stand on. An immense multitude of people was gathered together; but their voice was as the roaring of the sea. I began to speak, and the noise died away: but before I had ended my prayer, some poor wretches of Penzance began cursing and swearing, ‘and thrusting the people off the bank. In two minutes I was thrown into the midst of them; when one of Newlyn, a bitter opposer till then, ‘turned about, and swore, * None shall meddle with the man: I will lose my life first.” Many others were of his mind: so I walked a hundred yards forward, and finished my sermon without any interruption. Mon. 13.--I preached at Terdinny, in Buryan parish, where was a large and earnest congregation, notwithstanding the wonderful stories which they have frequently heard, related in the pulpit for certain truths {n the morning I wrote as follows :-- Terdinny, July 14, 1747. “ Rey. Sir,--I was exceedingly surprised when I was informed yester day, of your affirming publicly in the church, in the face of a whole ah, Pa \ ose : Aug. 1747. | . REV. 3. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. - 403

. contain the people, who all seemed to taste the good word. Between eight and nine I went to Mr. R. the curate of St. Mary’s. He professed abundance of good will, commended my sermon in strong terms, and begged he might see me again the next morning. But, at the same time, he expressed the most rooted prejudice against lay preachers, or preaching out of a church; and said, the archbishop of Dublin was resolved to suffer no such irregularities in his diocess. I went to our brethren, that we might pour out our souls before God. I then went straight to wait on the archbishop myself ; but he was gone out of town.

Sun. 23.--The room was so crowded in the morning, that I thought it best to begin before the usual time in the evening. Yet were a multitude of people got tegether, in the house, yard, and street, far more than my voice could reach. I cried aloud to as many of them as coula hear, “ All things are ready: come ye to the marriage.” I had then delivered my message: so before ten we took boat, and about eleven reached the ship. The wind was right ahead. Then succeeded a dead Sept. 1747. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 407 calm; so that we did not get out of the bay till Monday evening ; nor within sight of Wales till Wednesday, 26. By this means we had an opportunity of talking largely both with our fellow passengers and the sailors, many of whom received our words with gladness. About two in the afternoon we landed at Holyhead. Between three and four we took horse, and came in the evening to Thomas Thomas’s, near Rydy-Spardon. He had before desired Jonathan Reeves to call there in fico return ; but we were at a great loss, none in the house understanding English, and none of us understanding Welsh; till Mr. Morgan, a neighbouring schoolmaster, came, who took us to his own house ; and in the morning, Thursday, 27, rode with us to the passage. We reached Carnarvon before ten, T'annabull in the evening, and Llanidloes, Friday, 28.

Wed. 2.--I spent some time with T. Prosser, who had filled the society with vain janglings. I found the fault lay in his head, rather than his heart. He is an honest, well-meaning man; but no more qualified, either by nature or grace, 1o expound Scripture, than to read _lectures in logic or algebra. Yet even men of sense have taken this dull, mystical man, to be far deeper than he is: and it is very natural so todo. If we look into a dark pit, it seems deep; but the darkness only makes it seem so. Bring the light, and we shall see it is very shallow. In the evening I preached at Fonmon; but, the congregation being larger than the chapel would contain, I was obliged to preach in the court. I was myself much comforted, in comforting the weary and heavy laden. Ct Oe ae 408 REV J WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ Oct. 1747. Fra. 4.--There was a very large congregation at Cardiff Castle yard, in the evening. I afterward met the society, spoke plain to them, and left them once more in peace. Sat. 5.--In my road to Bristol, I read over Q. Curtius, a fine writer, both as to thought and language. But what a hero does he describe! whose murder of his old friend and companion, Clitus, (though not done of a sudden, as is commonly supposed; but deliberately, after some hours’ consideration,) was a virtuous act, in comparison of his butchering poor Philotas, and his good old father, Parmenio. Yet even this was a little thing, compared to the thousands and ten thousands he slaughtered, both in battle, and in, and after, taking cities, for no other crime than defending their wives and children. I doubt whether Judas claims so hot a place in hell as Alexander the Great. Thur. 10.--I preached at Bath about noon, and in the evening at Bearfield. Friday, 11.--We rode to Reading. Mr. Richards, a tradesman in the town, came to our inn, and entreated me to preach at a room which he had built for that purpose. I did so, at six in the morning, and then rode on. It rained all the way till we came to London.

Fri. 27.--Poor Mr. Simpson spent an hour with me, distressed on every side; drawn up to London by fair and specious promises ; and then left to perish, unless he would promise, never more to preach out ofachurch. Alas! what a method of conversion is this! I love the church too: but I would no more starve men into the church, than burn them into it. Sat. 28.--Mr. H., one of the first ten who met in band with my brother and me, desired to speak with me. I had not exchanged a word with him before, since we parted at Fetter-lane. He said, about six years ago, the Brethren told him, it was the will of the Lamb, that he should give himself to the public work, quitting all secular business. He obeyed, discharged his men, sold his goods, parted with his house. From that time, he not only preached, but was employed in places of the greatest trust. ' About two years ago, having many doubts upon his mind concerning their method of proceeding, he wrote a long letter to the Count, who seemed to take it well and he continued labouring, as before, both in preaching and in the government of the Church. But about a month ago, he was ordered to leave off preaching and return to his trade. Having learned not to dispute, but obey, he hired a house and set up asign: nevertheless he could not be easy; he mused much and prayed much, and at last resolved to come to me. He seemed to tell me all his heart, both at this and our following interviews. If he only seemed, let him look to it. Ego im portu navigo, [I am safe. ] Sun. 29.--About six in the morning, Mrs. Witham slept in the Lord. A mother in Israel hast thou also been, and thy works shall praise thee in the gates. Some years ago, before Mr. Witham died, she seemed to stand on the brink of eternity. But God renewed her strength, till she had finished the work which he had given her to do. She was an eminent pattern of calm boldness for the truth, of simplicity and godlv ii Dec. 1747.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 411 sincerity ; of unwearied constancy in attending all the ordinances of

Mr. Hall, having heard I was coming, had given strict orders that no one should be let in. The inner door he had locked himself, and (I suppose) taken away the key. Yet when I knocked at the outer gate, which was locked also, William Sims opened the wicket. I walked straight in. A girl stood in the gateway, but turned as soon as she saw me. I followed close at her heels, and went in after her, at a back door. I asked the maid, “ Where is Mr. Hall?” She said, “ In the parlour,” and went in to him. I followed her, and found him sitting with my sister: but he presently rose and went up stairs. He then sent William Sims down, and bid him, “ Tell my brother, he has no business in my house.” After a few minutes, I went to a house in the town, and my sister came to me. In about an hour she returned home; but he sent word to the gate, she might go to the place whence she came. I meta little company, gathered up out of the wreck, both in the evening, and at five in the morning, and exhorted them to go on in the Bible way, and not to be wise above that is written. Thur. 28.--I commended them to the grace of God, and set out for Deverel Long Bridge. About ten o’clock we were met by a loaded wagon, ina deep hollow way. ‘There was a narrow path between the road and the bank: I stepped into this, and John Trembath followed me. When the wagon came near, my horse began to rear, and to Feb. 1748. | “REV. J. WESLEY'S JOURNAL. 40

Sun. 14.--At seven I preached at Bedminster. At Kingswood I egan between eight and nine; at Connam about two; (where I read prayers also ;) and in Bristol at five. After the society was the lovefeast ; at which my soul was refreshed ; but my body was worn out, so that I could hardly speak to be heard: nor did I recover my voice for ‘several days. Mon. 15.--I set out for Ireland. We came to the New Passage at ten. After waiting about five hours, we found (which they did not care to confess) that the boatmen did not dare to venture out. It blew a storm. We then rode to the Old Passage ; but the boat was just gone off. Tues. 16.--They talked of passing early; but the storm was too high. I then walked to Aust, where I preached about ten, to a small, serious congregation. Between four and five, the wind somewhat abating, a boat ventured out and carried us over. We passed through Chepstow soon after sunset, and pushed on; though it grew dark, and the untracked snow lay thick upon the ground. About eight we reached the Star, a good, though small inn, five long miles from Chepstow. It snowed all night. On Wednesday, 177, we set out before day ; but found it bad travelling, there being no path to be seen, neither footstep of mar. or beast. However, in four or five hours, we reached Abergavenny; arid Brecknock before three in the afternoon. Our landlady here almost forced us to take a guide. And it was extremely well she did; for the snow had so entirely covered the roads, that our guide himself mistook the way more than once. So that ifhe had not been with us, we should, without doubt, have lodged upon the mountains. I preached in the evening at Builth, and at noon the next day; at Garth in the evening, and twice on Friday. Sat. 20.--I preached in Maesmennys church in the afternoon; at Neb. 1748. ] “PS REVs Js WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 417

Garth morning and evening. Sun. 21.--I preached in the morning in Lanzunfried church. The service at Builth was not over till past two ; 1 then began in the church yard, notwithstanding the north-east wind, to call sinners to repentance. More than all the town were gathered together in that pleasant vale, and made the woods and mountains echo while they sung, ‘Ye mountains and vales, In praises abound ; Ye hills and ye dales, Continue the sound ; Break forth into singing, Ye trees of the wood ; For Jesus is bringing Lost sinners to God. In the evening I preached again at Garth, and on Monday, 22, at five in the morning. _At little before sunrise we took horse, it being a clear, sharp frost. We had waited four days in hopes the snow would melt, fearing the drifts of it would lie deep upon the mountains, particularly as we journeyed northward; but quite contrary to our expectation, the further northward we went the less snow we found, so that it scarce hindered us after the first day. About eleven we came to Llanidloes. At the earnest request of one who lived there, I preached at noon in the market place, to such a congregation as no one could expect at an hour’s warning. It was as much as we could do to reach Machynlleth that night. It snowed again from about midnight till morning; so that no path was to be seen for several miles. However, we found our way to Tannabull, and passed the sands in the afternoon, being determined to reach Carnarvon, if possible. And so we did, notwithstanding my horse’s losing a shoe; but not till between nine and ten at night.

And how grievous are the effects of it! All the birds of the air, all the beasts of the field, understand the language of their own species. Man only is a barbarian to man, unintelligible to his own brethren! In the afternoon I preached at Llanfehengel, about six miles south-west of Llangefnye. I have not seen a people so deeply affected since we came into Anglesey; their cries and tears continued a long time without any intermission. O that we could declare to them, in their own tongue, the wonderful works of God! In the evening I preached at Llanygorse. When I had done, Mr. Jones repeated, in Welsh, (as he likewise did in the afternoon,) the substance of what I had said. The next morning we returned to Holyhead, and found there all the packet boats which we had left. I was determined not to stay another day at an inn; so in the afternoon I took a lodging in a private house, not a bowshot distant from the town, and removed thither without delay. My congregation this evening was ) { oa _ March, 1748.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 419 larger than ever; and several of the gentry agreed to come the next, but it was a little too late; for at midnight the wind came fair, and before one we sailed out of the harbour. Tues. 8.--Having a gentle gale, it soon julled me fast asleep. I was waked before five by a violent storm: this continued two or three hours longer, and left us within sight of Howth, with a small breeze, which brought us to the Black Rock about four in the afternoon. We hired horses here, and rode to Dublin: Mr. Meriton, Swindells, and I. We came to our house, in Cork-street, (vulgarly called Dolphin’s barnlane,) while my brother was meeting the society. But it was some time before my voice could be heard, for the noise of the people, shouting and praising God. The remaining days of the week, I despatched all the business I could, and settled with my brother all things relating to the work.

April 10.--(Easter Day.) Never was such a congregation seen before at the sacrament in Athlone. I preached at three. Abundance of Papists flocked to hear; so that the priest, seeing his command did not avail, came in person at six, and drove them away before him like a flock of sheep. Mon. 11.--I preached, at five, the terrors of the Lord in the strongest manner I was able. But still they who are ready to eat up every word, do not appear to digest any part of it. In the evening there appeared more emotion in the congregation than ever I had seen before. But it was ina manner I never saw; not in one here and there, but in all. Perhaps God is working here in a way we have not known, going on with a slow and even motion through the whole body of the people, that they may all remember themselves and be turned unto the Lord. Tues. 12.--I rode to Clara, where I was quickly informed, that there was to begin in an hour’s time a famous cock-fight, to which almost all the country was coming from every side. Hoping to engage some part of them in a better employ, I began preaching in the street, as soon as possible. One or two hundred stopped, and listened a while, and pulled off their hats, and forgot their diversion. The congregation at Tullamore in the evening was larger than ever before, and deep attention sat on every face. Toward the latter end of the sermon, there began a violent storm of hail. I desired the people to cover their heads; but the greater part of them would not; nor did any one go away till I concluded my discourse. Wed. 13.--I preached in the evening at Tyrrel’s Pass. The cone gregation here also was larger than ever; and the word of God seemed to take deeper root here than in any other part of this country. Thur. 14. --The house was full at five. In the evening, many of the neighbouring gentlemen were present, but none mocked. That is not the custom here; all attend to what is spoken in the name of God; they do not understand the making sport with sacred things; so that whether they approve or no, they behave with seriousness.

Fri. 15.--I rode to Edinderry. Abundance of people were quickly gathered together. Having been disturbed in the night by Mr. Swindells, who lay with me, and had a kind of apoplectic fit, I was not at all well about noon, when I began to preach, in a large walk, on one-side of the town, and the sun shone hot upon my head, which had been aching all the day; but I forgot this before I had spoken long ; and when I had finished my discourse, I left all my weariness and pain behind, and rode on, in perfect health, to Dublin. Sat. 16.--I found great reason to praise God for the work wrought among the people in my absence. But still there is no such work as I look for. I see nothing yet but drops before a shower. Sun. 17.--I preached at Skinner’s Alley, both morning and evening. About four I went to St. Luke’s church, being very near us. When I came out, [ had a large attendance, even in the church yard, hallooing and calling names. I am much mistaken, if many of the warmest zealots for the Church would ever come within the doors, if they were thus to run the gauntlet every time they came. Would they not rather sleep ina whole skin? Wed. 20.--I spent an agreeable hour with Mr. Miller, the Lutheran minister. From him I learned, that the earnest ara \ a5 i iirc), ' ~~ toh April, 1748. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 423 religion which I found in so many parts of Germany is but of late date, having taken its rise from one man, August Herman Francke! So can God, if it pleaseth him, enable one man to revive his work throughout a whole nation.

Sun. May 1.--Great part of the town was present at five, and, I found, began to feel what was spoken. Yet still the impression is not made, as in other places, on one here and there only; but the main body of the hearers seem to go on together with an even pace. About two I preached on the Connaught side of the bridge, to an attentive multitude both of Protestants and Papists, whose priest, perceiving he profited nothing, at five came himself. I preached on, “Is there no balm in Gilead?” and could not help applying to the Papists in particular. I am satisfied many of them were almost persuaded to give themselves up to the great Physician of souls. ‘ues. 3.--I rode to Birr, twenty miles from Athlone, and, the key of the sessions house not being to be found, declared “the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ” in the street, to a dull, rude, senseless multitude. Many laughed the greater part of the time. Some went away just in the middle of a sentence. And yet when one cried out, (a Carmelite friar, clerk to the priest,) ‘‘ You lie! you lie!” the zealous Protestants cried out, * Knock him down :” and it was no sooner said than done. I saw some bustle, but knew not what was the matter, till the whole was over. In the evening we rode to Balliboy. There being no house that could contain the congregation, I preached here also in the street. I was atraid, in a new place, there would be but few in the morning ; but there May, 1748. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 425 was a considerable number, and such a blessing as I had scarce found since I landed in Ireland. Wed. 4.--I rode to Clara, and preached to a small company, who were not afraid of a stormy day. I spent half an hour after sermon with a few serious people, and then rode to Tullamore. One who looks on the common Irish cabins, might imagine Saturn stili reigned here :--- Cum frigida parvas Preberet spelunca domos ; ignemque laremque, Et pecus et dominos, communi clauderet wmbra. (The narrow cave a cold retreat affords, And beasts and men screens with one common shade.)

Tues. 10.--With much difficulty I broke away from this immeasurably-loving people; and not so soon as I imagined neither ; for when we drew near to the turnpike, about a mile from the town, a multitude waited for us at the top of the hill. They fell back on each side, to make us way, and then joined and closed us in. After singing two or three verses, I put forward, when, on a sudden, I was a little surprised by such a cry of men, women, and children, as I never heard before. Yet a little while, and we shall meet, to part no more; and sorrow and | sighing shall flee away for ever. Instead of going straight to Tullamore, I could not be easy without going round by Coolylough; I knew not why ; for I did not know then that Mr. Handy’s wife, who had been brought to bed a few days, had an earnest desire to see me once more before I left the kingdom. She could not avoid praying for it, though her sister checked her again and again, telling her, it could not be. Before the debate was concluded, I came in: so they wondered, and praised God.

In the evening I preached at Tullamore, and at five in the morning. I was then glad to lie down. In the afternoon, Wednesday, 11, I rode once more to Mountmelick. The congregation, both in the evening and the next morning, was larger than before. After preaching, a greyheaded man came to me, bitterly lamenting, that he had lived many years without knowing that he had need of a Physician. Immediately came another, who had been a harmless man as any in the town: he would have spoke, but could not. I then spoke to him; but not two minutes before he sunk to the ground. So I perceived I had not spent my little strength here, “as one that beateth the air.” I took the straight road from hence to Dublin. Here likewise I observed abundance of ruined buildings ; but I observed also, that some of them were never finished; and some had been pulled down by those who built them. Such is the amazing fickleness of this people. Almost every one who has his fortune in his own hands, dirwal, wdifical, mutat quadrata rotundis ; [pulls down, builds up, changes square to round ;] and leaves those monuments of his folly to all succeeding generations. I reached Dublin in the evening, faint and weary ; but the two next days I rested. Sun. 15.--Finding my strength greatly restored, I preached at five, and at eight on Oxmantown Green. I expected to sail as soon as I had done; but the captain putting it off, (as their manner is,) gave me an opportunity of declaring the Gospel of peace to a still larger congregation in the evening. One of them, after listening some time, cried out, shaking his head, “ Ay, he is a Jesuit; that’s plain.” To which a Popish priest, who happened to be near, replied aloud, “ No, he is not; I would to God he was.” Mon. 16.--Observing a large congregation in the evening, and many strangers among them, I preached more es hee eee £4 June, 1748. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 427 roughly than ever I had done in Dublin, on those awful words, “ What shall it profit a man, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul ?”

Wed. 20.--We took horse between eight and nine, and a little before two came to Berwick. I sent to the commander of the garrison to desire the use of a green place near his house, which he readily granted. I preached at seven to (it was judged) two thousand people. I found the generality of them just such as I expected; serious and decent, but not easy to be convinced of any thing. For who can tell them what they did not know before ? Thur. 21.--After preaching we walked round the walls, which they were repairing and rebuilding. I could not but observe to-day, how different the face of things was, from what it appeared yesterday ; especially after | had preached at noon. Yesterday we were hallooed July, 1748. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 431 all along the streets ; to-day none opened his mouth as we went along ; the very children were all silent. The grown people pulled off their _ nats on every side; so that we might even have fancied ourselves at Newcastle. O well is it, that honour is balanced with dishonour, and - good report with evil report! At seven I preached to a far larger congregation than before. And now the word of God was as a fire and ahammer. I began again and again, after I thought I had done ; and the latter words were still stronger than the former; so that I was not surprised at the number which attended in the morning, when we had another joyful, solemn hour. Here was the loud call to the people of Berwick, if haply they would know the day of their visitation.

Mon. 8.--I set out once more for the north. At noon I preached at the Cioss, in Morpeth; in the evening at Alnwick: where many now began to fear God, and tremble at his word. Tues. 9.--I preached about noon at Tuggle; and between six and seven in the evening at Berwick. More of the gentry were there than ever before; and I think but three went away. Wednesday, 10.--The congregation was nearly doubled, and the word seemed to sink into their hearts. It was with great difficulty that I afterward met the society; so many crowded after me, (though without the least incivility,) and knew not how to go away. Thur. 11.--Abundance of them were with us in the morning. We took horse as soon as we could after preaching, and before twelve eached Alemouth, where all the publicans and sinners drew near to Aug. 1748.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 433 hear: nay, and all the gentry ; the chief of whom invited us to dinner, where we spent two hours in agreeable and useful conversation. In the evening I preached to the earnest congregation at Widdrington. There is always a blessing among this people. Fri. 12.--In riding to Newcastle, I finished the tenth Iliad of Homer. What an amazing genius had this man! To write with such strength of thought, and beauty of expression, when he had none to go before him! And what a vein of piety runs through his whole work, in spite of his pagan prejudices! Yet one cannot but observe such improprieties intermixed, as are shocking to the last degree. What excuse can any man of common sense make for His scolding heroes, and his wounded gods ? Nay, does he not introduce even his “ Father of gods and men,” one while shaking heaven with his nod, and soon after using his sister and wife, the empress of heaven, with such language as a carman might be ashamed of? And what can be said for a king, full of days and wisdom, telling Achilles how often he had given him wine, when he was a child and sat in his lap, till he had vomited it up on his clothes? Are these some of those “ divine boldnesses which naturally provoke short-sightedness and ignorance to show themselves ?””

Thur. 25.--I rode with Mr. Grimshaw to Roughlee, where T. Colbeck, of Keighley, was to meet us. We were stopped again and again, and begged not to go on; for a large mob from Colne was gone before us. Coming a little further, we understood they had not yet reached Roughlee. So we hastened on, that we might be there befote them. All was quiet when we came. I was ailittle afraid for Mr. Grimshaw: but it needed not: he was ready to go to prison or death for Christ’s sake. At half-hour after twelve I began to preach. I had about half finished my discourse, when the mob came pouring down the hill like a torrent. After exchanging a few words with their captain, to prevent any contest, I went with him as he required. When we came to Barrowford, two miles off, the whole army drew up in battle array before the house into which I was carried, with two or three ot my friends. After I had been detained above an hour, their captain went out and I followed him, and desired him to conduct me whence I came. He said, he would: but the mob soon followed after ; at which he was so enraged, that he must needs turn back to fight them, and so left me alone. A further account is contained in the following letter, which I wrote the next morning :-- Widdop, Aug. 26, 1748. “ Sir,-- Yesterday, between twelve and one o’clock, while I was speaking to some quiet people, without any noise or tumult, a drunken rabble came, with clubs and staves, in a tumultuous and riotous manner, the captain of whom, Richard B., by name, said he was a deputy constable, and that he was come to bring me to you. I went with him; but I had scarce gone ten yards, when a man of his company struck me with his fist in the face with all his might; quickly after, another threw his stick at my head: I then made a little stand; but another of your champions, cursing, and swearing in the most shocking manner, and flourishing Aug. 1748.] REV. J WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 435

his club over his head, cried out, ‘Bring him away !? With such a convoy { walked to Barrowford, where they informed me you was; their drummer going before, to draw all the rabble together from all quarters. “When your deputy had brought me into the house, he permitted Mr. Grimshaw, the minister of Haworth, Mr. Colbeck, of Keighley, and one more, to be with me, promising that none should hurt them. Soon after you and your friends came in, and required me to promise, I would come to Roughlee no more. I told you, I would sooner cut off my hand, than make any such promise: neither would I promise that none of my friends should come. After abundance of rambling discourse, (for could keep none of you long to any one point,) from about one oclock till between three and four, (in which one of you frankly said, ‘No; we will not be like Gamalie], we will proceed like the Jews,’) you seemed a little satisfied with my saying, ‘I will not preach at Roughlee at this time.’ You then undertook to quiet the mob, to whom you went and spoke a few words, and their noise immediately ceased. I then walked out with you at the back door. *T should have mentioned that I had several times before desired you to let me go, but in vain; and that when I attempted to go with Richard B., the mob immediately followed, with caths, curses, and stones; that one of them beat ine down to the ground; and when I rose again, the whole body came about me like lions, and ferced me back into the house. “ While you and I went out at one door, Mr. Grimshaw and Mr. Colbeck went out at the other. The mob immediately closed them in, tossed them to and fro with\the utmost violence, threw Mr. Grimshaw down, and loaded them both with dirt and mire of every kind; not one of your friends offering to call off your blood-hounds from the pursuit.

Shackerley, six miles further, before five in the evening. Abundance o. people were gathered before six; many of whom were disciples of Dr. Taylor ; laughing at Original Sin, and, consequently, at the whole frame of Scriptural Christianity. O what a providence is it, which has brought us here also, among these silver-tongued Antichrists! Surely a few, at least, will recover out of the snare, and know Jesus Christ as their wisdom and righteousness ! Mon. 29.--I preached at Davy Hulme. I had heard a surprising account concerning a young woman of Manchester, which I now received from her own mouth. She said, “On Friday, the 4th of last March, I was sitting in the house while one read the Passion hymn. I had always before thought myself good enough, having constantly gone to church and said my prayers, nor had I ever heard any of the Methodist preachers. On a sudden I saw our Saviour on the cross, as plain as if it had been with my bodily eyes; and I felt it was my sins for which he died. I cried out, and had no strength left in me. Whether my eyes were open or shut, he was still before me hanging on the cross; and I could do nothing but weep and mourn day and night. This lasted till Monday in the afternoon. Then I saw, as it were, heaven open, and God sitting upon his throne in the midst of ten thousand of his saints; and I saw a large book in which all my sins were written; and he blotted them all out, and my heart was filled with peace, and joy, and love, which I have never lost to this hour.” In the evening I preached at Booth Bank. Tuesday, 30.--I preached about one at Oldfield Brow. We rode in the afternoon to Woodley. We saw by the way many marks of the late flood; of which John Bennet, who was then upon the place, gave us the following account :--

Wed. 28.--I took horse between three and four, and came to St. Mewan at eight. It rained all the time I was walking to the green, which was the usual place of preaching. But the moment I began to speak the rain ceased, and did not begin again till I had done speaking. It rained with little intermission all the day after; which made the roads so bad, that it was pretty dark when we came within two miles of Crimble Passage. We were in doubt, whether the tide would allow us to ride along the sands, as we do at low water. However, it being much the shortest way, we tried. ‘The water was still rising ; and at one step our foremast man plunged in, above the top of his boots. Upon inquiry we found his horse had stumbled on a little rock, which lay under water. So we rode on, reached the passage about seven, and the dock a little before eight. We found great part of the congregation still waiting for us. They attended again at four in the morning. At five we took horse, and, by easy riding, soon after eight came to Tavistock. After I had preached, we hasted on, rested an hour at Oakhampton, and soon after sunset came to Crediton. We could willingly have stayed here, but John Slocomb had appointed to meet us at Collumpton. Soon after we set out, it was exceeding dark, there being neither moon nor stars. The rain also made it darker still, particularly in the deep, narrow lanes. In one of these we heard the sound of horses coming toward us, and presently a hoarse voice cried, ** What have you got?” Richard Moss understood him better than me, and replied, ‘‘ We have no panniers.”” Upon which he answered, “ Sir, I ask your pardon,” and went by very quietly. There were abundance of turnings in the road, so that we could not easily have found our way at noon day. But we always turned right; nor do [ know that we were out of the way once. Before eight the moon rose. We then rode cheerfully on, and before ten reached Collumpton. Fri. 30.--I preached at eleven in Taunton; at three in Bridgewater; at seven in Middlesey. ‘ 440 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ Oct. 1748.

Sat. 24.---I buried the body of William Turner; who, toward the close of a long illness, had been removed into Guy’s Hospital, though with small hope of recovery. The night before his death he was delirious, and talked loud and incoherently, which occasioned many in the ward to gather round his bed, in order to divert themselves. But in that hour it pleased God to restore him at once to the full use of his understanding; and he began praising God and exhorting them to repent, so as to pierce many to the heart. He remained for some time in this last Ee of love, and then gave up his soul to God. Journal I.-- 446 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ March, 1749. Tues. 277.--Mr. Glanville died. He was at the burial of Francis, Butts, and was then saying, ‘“ What a mercy it is that I am alive! That I was not cut off a year ago!” The same night he was taken ill, and was for the most part delirious. In his lucid intervals he seemed intent on the things of God. I saw him not till the night before his death: he answered me sensibly once or twice, saying, he hoped te meet me in a better place: then he raved again; so I used a : hort prayer, and commended his spirit to God. Mon. January 2, 1749.--I had designed to set out with a friend for Rotterdam ; but being much pressed to answer Dr. Middleton’s book against the Fathers, I postponed my voyage, and spent almost twenty days in that unpleasing employment. Sat. 28.--I looked over the celebrated Tract of Mr. Daillé, “On the right Use of the Fathers.” I soon saw what occasion that good man had given to the enemies of God to blaspheme ; end that Dr. Middleton, in particular, had largely used that work in order to overthrow the whole Christian system.

Sat. 15.--We went on board at six, the wind then standing due east. But no sooner were we out of the harbour, than it turned southwest, and blew a storm. Yet we made forward, and about one o’clock came within two or three leagues of land. The wind then wholly failed; a calm suddenly following a storm, produced such a motion as I never felt before. But it was not long before the wind sprung up west, which obliged us to stand away for the Skerries. When we wanted a league of shore it fell calm again, so that there we rolled about till past sunset. But in the night we got back into Dublin Bay, and landed soon after three at Dunleary, about seven English miles from the city. Leaving William Tucker to follow me in a chaise, I walked straight away, and came to Skinner’s Alley, a little before the time of preaching. I preached on, * Beloved, if God so loved us, we ought also to love one another.” In the afternoon, and again in the evening, (in our own garden,) I preached on, “ Let us come boldly unto the throne of grace, that we may obtain mercy, and find grace to help in time of need.” May, 174y. , REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 44 On Thursday and Friday I examined the classes, and was much comforted among them. I left about four hundred in the society ; and, after all the stumbling blocks laid in the way, I found four hundred and forty-nine. Sun. 23.--We had several showers in the afternoon, while I was preaching in our garden; and, toward the conclusion, a vehement shower of hail. But all kept their ground till I concluded. Mon. 24. --The cold which I had had for some days growing worse and worse, and the swelling which began in my cheek increasing greatly, and paining me much, I sent for Dr. Rutty. But, in the mean time, I applied boiled nettles, which took away the pain in a moment. After ward I used warm treacle, which so abated the swelling, that before the Doctor came I was almost well. However he advised me not to go out that day. But I had appointed to read the letters in the evening. I returned home as early as I could, and found no inconvenience.

We had a triumphant hour when the society met. Several captives were set at liberty: one of these was Mr. Joseph Ch--s. He had been an eminent man many years for cursing, swearing, drinking, and all xinds of fashionable wickedness. On Monday last he had rode fifteen miles to Tyrrel’s Pass, and came thither before five in the morning. He was immediately convinced, and followed me in from the preaching. \ was then examining a class: the words cut him to the heart. He tame after me to Athlone. (when he had settled some temporal busipess,) having his eyes continually filled with tears; and being scarce able either to eat, drink, or sleep. But God now wiped away the tears 450 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ May, 1749. from his eyes ; and he returned to his house, to declare what things God haa wrought. Mon. 8.--I rode to Aghrim, where the face of things was quite changed since the time I was there. before. Here was now a serious congregation from all the country round. I preached about seven, and alterward explained the nature and use of a society. The first who desired to join therein, was Mr. S., his wife, and daughter. Tues. 9.--I rode to Ahaskra, six miles south, at the desire of Mr. G., the rector. As the Papists durst not come into the church, I preached before Mr. Glass’s door. I should not have imagined this was the first time of their hearing this preaching; so fixed and earnest was their attention. In the morning, Wednesday, 10, I think the congregation was larger than in the evening ; among whom was the rector of a neighbouring parish, who seemed then to be much athirst after righteousness. Mr. Wade, of Aghrim, rode with me hence to Eyre Court, about fourteen miles from Ahaskra. Here I preached in the market house, a large, handsome.room, to a well-behaved congregation. Thence I rode on to Birr, and preached, at seven, to a large, unconcerned congregation. The next day, both in the morning and evening, I spoke very plain and rough. And the congregation had quite another appearance than it had the night before. So clear it is that love will not always prevail ; but ‘there is a time for the terrors of the Lord.

God’s word was as atwo-edged sword. I rode thence to Portarlington, a town inhabited chiefly by French. A clergyman there received me gladly. Some time before, a gentleman of Mount Mellick had desired him to preach against the Methodists. He said, he could not, till he knew what they were; in order to which, he came soon after and heard Mr. Larwood. And from that time instead of preaching against them, he spoke for them, wherever he came. As soon as we came out of church, I went straight to the market house, and the whole congregation followed me. I had not seen in all Ireland so glittering a company before, unless at St. Mary’s church in Dublin; and yet all of them, high and low, behaved in such a manner as became His presence before whom they stood. Thence I rode two miles further, to Mr. L.’s house, at Closeland, near Ballybrittas. It rained the whole time that I was preaching: but the congregation regarded it no more than I did; though I was throughly wet before I had done, the shower driving full in my face. Mon. 26.--We had a blessed opportunity at Mount Mellick in the evening, while I was explaining the covenant God hath made with us. The same spirit continued with us at the meeting of the society; so that my voice could not be heard for the voice of those who cried for mercy, or praised the God of their salvation. Tues. 2'7.--I talked two hours with J. Str--n, a Quaker. He spoke in the very spirit and language wherein poor Mr. Hall used to speak, before he made shipwreck of the grace of God. I found it good for me to be with him: it enlivened and strengthened my soul. I rode in the afternoon to Closeland, and preached in the evening and morning to a people earnestly desirous of pleasing God. Thur. 29.--1 rode to Portarlington again, and preached to a larger congregation than before. They all seemed to hear, not only with strong desire, but with understanding also. I afterward explained to them the nature of a society; and desired any who were willing so to unite together, to speak to me severally. Above threescore did so the same day.

5. Dante Suxuivan is ready to depose further :--That from the 16th ~ of May to the 28th, the mob gathered every day before his house: that on Sunday the 28th, Butier swore, they would come the next day and pull down the house of that heretic dog; and called aloud to the mob, “ Let the heretic dogs indict you; I will bring you off without a farthing cost.” That accordingly, on May 29, Butler came with a greater mob than before: that he went to the mayor and begged him to come, which he for some time refused to do; but after much importunity, rose up, and walked with him down the street: that when they were in the midst of the mob, the mayor said aloud, “It is your own fault for entertaining these preachers. If you will turn them out of your house, ! will engage there shall be no harm done; but if you will not turn them out, you must take what you will get:” that upon this the mob set up an huzza, and threy stones faster than before: that he said, “ This is fine usage 458 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. | July, 1749 under a Protestant government; if I had a priest saying mass in every room of it, my house would not be touched:” that the mayor replied, The priests are tolerated, but you are nots; you talk too much; go in, and shut up your doors:” that seeing no remedy, he did so; and the mob continued breaking the windows, and throwing stones in, till near twelve at night. That on May 31, the said Sullivan, and two more, went and informed the mayor of what the mob was then doing: that it was not without great importunity they brought him as far as the Exchange: that he would go no further, nor send any help, though some that were much bruised and wounded came by : that some hours after, when the mob had finished their work, he sent a party of soldiers to guard the walls.

14. Ann Hueues, of Cork, deposes:--That on the 29th of June, she asked Nicholas Butler, why he broke open her house on the 21st: that hereon he called her many abusive names, (being attended with his mob,) dragged her up and down, tore her clothes in pieces, and with his sword stabbed and cut her in both her arms. 15. Daniex Fitts, blacksmith, of Cork, deposes :--That on the 29th of June, Butler and a riotous mob came before his door, called him many abusive names, drew his hanger, and threatened to stab him: that he and his mob the next day assaulted the house of this deponent with drawn swords; and that he is persuaded, had not one who came hy prevented, they would have taken away his life. 16. Mary Fuuter, of Cork, deposes :--That on the 30th of June, Butler, at the head of his mob came, between nine and ten at night, to the deponent’s shop, with a naked sword in his hand: that he swore, he would cleave the deponent’s skull, and immediately made a full stroke at her head: whereupon she was obliged to fly for her life, leaving her shop and goods to the mob, many of which they hacked and-hewed with their swords, to her no small loss and damage. 17. Henry Dunxws, joiner, of Cork, deposes:--That on the 30th of June, as he was standing at widow Fuller’s shop window, he saw Butler, accompanied with a large mob, who stopped before her shop: that after he had grossly abused her, he made a full stroke with his hanger at her head; which must nave cleft her in two, had not this deponent received the guard of the hanger on his shoulder: that presently after, the said Butler seized upon this deponent: that he seized him by the collar with one hand, and with the other held the hanger over his head, calling him all manner of names, and tearing his shirt and clothes; and that, had it not been for the timely assistance of some neighbours, he verily believes he should have been torn to pieces.

“J preached at Rahew likewise the week after you was there. The man of the house had fetched his mother from a considerable distance ; she had never heard a Methodist preacher before. She was soon cut to the heart, and cried out aloud. One behind her bid her fall upon her knees, which she presently did, and the whole house was as in one cry. I broke off my discourse, and began to pray, which I continued till I was so spent I could hardly speak. I went out to take a little breath, and came in again. She was crying out, ‘I am dropping, dropping into hell; its mouth is open, ready to swallow me up.’ I went to prayer again; and before we had done, God spoke peace to her soul. She was filled with joy unspeakable, and could but just say, ‘I am in a new world! I am in a new world!’ “From the whole, I cannot but observe two things: 1. What a blessing it is, when any who finds that peace, declares it openly before all the people, that we may break off and praise God. If this was always done, it would be good for many souls. The first that found it on Sunday evening, spoke before all; and we praised God. The moment she spoke, another, and then another, found peace; and each of them spoke aloud, and made the fire run through the whole congregation. I would observe, 2. The woman at Rahew had never before seen any one in the like trouble. Therefore she could not cry out because she had heard others do it; but because she could not help it; because she felt the word of God ‘sharper than a two-edged sword :’ and, generally, the sharper the convictions are, the sooner they are over. “This is from your son in the Gospel, Tp Tues. August 1.--I spent a solemn hour with our children at Kingswood. After having settled all things there and at Bristol, I returned to l.ondon, where I received a remarkable account from Cork. On August 19, twenty-eight depositions were laid before the grand jury there, but they threw them all out; and at the same time made that memorable presentment, which is worthy to be preserved in the annals of Ireland, to al! succeeding generations :--- Journal I,--380

Mon. 2.--The darkness and rain were little hinderance, either to me or the congregation, at five in the morning; (though we were all, as usual, in the open air ;) while I was explaining and applying those words, “ God was in Christ, reconciling the world to himself.” I preached in the evening, on, “ Let us come boldly to the throne of grace ;” and then gave my parting exhortation to the society, now consisting of more than two hundred members. Just before I began preaching, I received a letter from Mr. Whitefield, desiring me to meet him at Leeds, on Wednesday evening ; the very time at which I before purposed to be there. So we set out early on Tuesday, 3; one of our brethren, who was a Yorkshireman undertaking to put us into the way. He rode a little and a little further, till we came to Old Hutton, above tifty miles from Whitehaven. We were dropping wet, having had heavy rain for several hours; but we soon got into warm beds, and all was well. Wed. 4.-Our guide was resolved to go a little further still; so we set out together, and rode on together to Leeds ; though it was a long -day’s journey, finding us full employ from five in the morning till nine at night. Thur. 5.--Mr. Whitefield preached at five in the morning. About five in the evening he preached at Birstal; and God gave him both strong and persuasive words; such as, I trust, sunk deep into many hearts.

Thur. 26.--We came to Knowle between nine and ten, a furious, turbulent place from the beginning. I began preaching directly in the yard of the inn, to a few gaping, staring people, before the mob could assemble. They increased apace, and were tolerably attentive. In the afternoon we rode to Evesham, where I preached in the evening and morning, and then went forward to Stanley. The congregation was larger than could have been expected, upon a few hours’ warning ; and they all appeared both glad to hear, and willing to embrace, the word of reconciliation. In the evening I preached at Wall Bridge, near Stroud; and the next day, Saturday, 28, reached Bristol. Sun. 29. --I preached both at Kingswood and Bristol, on, “ Ye have need of patience.” It was more particularly at Bristol that God refreshed my soul, and applied what I spoke to my own heart. Jon. 30.--I retired to Kingswood, to write part of the volume of Sermons which I had promised to publish this winter. Wed. November 8.--I preached in Bath at noon, and at Seend in the evening. On Thursday evening, the 9th, at Reading ; and on F'1day in London. Here I found an excellent letter from a friend abroad, part of which I add in his own words; being unable so to translate them, as not to lose great part of the spirit of the original :- - CuarissimE Frater,--Gratia, pax, et multifarie Spiritds Sancti consolationes tibi tueeque societati'sint, et multiplicentur a Deo nostro per Servatorem nostrum. Amen. Tuas gratissinas Ratcormucki datas accepi, et ex illis summo cum gaudio grandem in variis Angliz et Hibernize partibus januam vobis apertam esse intellexi, dum multi adversarii evangelice doctrine sese opponerent. Literas tuas ad D. Perronet datas (4 plain Account, &c,) non quidem legi, sed devoravi. Omniaque aded mihi arriserunt, ut vix me cohibere possim, quin Londinum devolem, veniam et videam societatis tue ordina- Nov. 1749.] -- REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 471

Mon. 5.--I rode to Mrs. C , at St. Ann’s near Chertsey. It was. her design that I should preach in the evening in her summer house, a large eight-square room, which was supported by a frame of wood. This was quickly filled: but as it was not intended to bear such a weight, the main beam beneath split in sunder. This I did not then know; but finding the room too small, I went out, and stood in the gallery before it. The people then came out too, went down, and stood below, without any hurry or confusion. Thur. 8.--It was about a quarter after twelve, that the earthquake began at the skirts of the town. It began in the south-east, went through Southwark, under the river, and then from one end of London to the other. It was observed at Westminster and Grosvenor Square a quarter Feb. 1750. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 475 before one. (Perhaps, if we allow for the difference of the clocks, about a quarter of an hour after it began in Southwark.) There were three distinct shakes, or wavings to and fro, attended with a hoarse, rumbling noise, like thunder. How gently does God deal with this nation! O that our repentance may prevent heavier marks of his displeasure ! Fri. 9.--We had a comfortable watch-night at the chapel. About eleven o’clock it came into my mind, that this was the very day and hour in which, forty years ago, I was taken out of the flames. I stopped, and gave a short account of that wonderful providence. The voice of praise and thanksgiving went up on high, and great was our rejoicing before the Lord. On Monday, 12, I had designed to set out for Bristol: but I could not go yet, there was such a flame kindled in London. However, I rode to Brentford, and preached as I had appointed ; and then went on to Chertsey. Word had been industriously spread about the town, that I would not come that night. However, many came to see whether I would or no; to whom I offered “ the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ.”

Wed. 14.--The watch-night at the Foundery seemed the shortest I had ever known. Indeed, we knew not how the hours stole away, while prayer was lost in praise and thanksgiving. Ft. 16.--We had a solemn fast-day, meeting, as before, at five, seven, ten, and one. Many of the rich were at the chapel in the evening. ‘ Who hath warned you to flee from the wrath to come?” Sat. 17.--After preaching at Snowsfields, I went into a friend’s house. A poor sinner indeed followed me, one who was broken in pieces by the convincing Spirit, and uttered such cries as pierced the hearts of all that heard. We poured out our souls before God in prayer, and light sprung up in her heart. Sun. 18.--To-day, likewise, wherever we assembled together, God caused his power to be known ; but particularly at the love-feast. The honest simplicity with which several spoke, in declaring the manner of God’s dealings with them, set the hearts of others on fire. And the flame spread more and more ; till, having stayed near an hour longer than usual, we were constrained to part. Mon. 19.--I preached at Windsor about one, and at St. Ann’s in the evening. The congregation was large, and extremely still and attentive, a very few persons excepted. Tues. 20.--Mr. M had given notice, without my knowledge, that I would preach at Hayes on Tuesday. I was afraid few would trouble themselves to hear: but I was deceived; for there was a large congregation. Surely some of these will at length understand “ the things which belong unto their peace.” Wed. 21.--I preached 1n the old French church, in Greyeagle-street, Spitalfields. It was extremely full, and many of the hearers were greatly moved: but who will endure to the end? Thur. 22.--Having been sent for several times, I went to see a young woman in Bedlam. But I had not talked with her long, before one gave me to know, that none of these preachers were to come there. So we are forbid to go to Newgate, for fear of making them wicked ; and to Bedlam, for fear of driving them mad! Tues. 27.--I at length forced myself from London We dined a little beyond Colnbrook, spoke plain to all in the house, and left them full of thankfulness, and of good resolutions. I preached at Reading

Sun. 11.--I began visiting the society at Kingswood, strangely con tinuing without either increase or decrease. On the following days 1 visited that at Bristol. What cause have we to be humbled over this people! Last year more than a hundred members were added: this year near a hundred are lost. Such a decay has not been in this society before, ever since it began to meet together. I should willingly have spent more time at Bristol ; finding more and more proofs that God was © reviving his work ; but that the accounts I received from Ireland made me think it my duty to be there as soon as possible: so, on Monday, 20, I set out with Christopher Hopper for the New Passage. When we came there, the wind was high, and almos* full against us: nevertheless we crossed in less than two hours, and reached Cardiff before night; where I preached at seven, and found much refreshment. Tues. 21.--Expecting to preach at Aberdare, sixteen Welsh miles from Cardiff, I rode thither over the mountains. But we found no notice had been given: so, after resting an hour, we set out for Brecknock. ‘The rain did not intermit at all, till we came within sight of it. Twice my horse fell down, and threw me over his head; but without any hurt, either to man or beast. Wed. 22.--We rode to Builth, where we found notice had been ‘given, that Howell Harris would preach at noon. By this means a large congregation was assembled; but Howell did not come: so, at their request, I preached. Between four and five Mr. Philips set out with us for Royader. I was much out of order in the morning: however, I held out to Lianidloes, and then lay down. After an hour’s sleep I was much better, and rode on to Machynlleth. About an hour and a half before we came to Dolgelly, the heavy rain began. We were on the brow of the hill, so we took all that came, our horses being able to go but half a foot-pace. But we had amends made us at our inn; John Lewis, and all his house, gladly joined with us in prayer; and all we spoke to, appeared willing to hear and to receive the truth in love.

Fri. 24.--Before we looked out, we heard the roaring of the wind, and the beating of the rain. We took horse at five. It rained incessantly all the way we rude. And when we came on the great mountain, four miles from the town, (by which time I was wet from my neck to my waist,) it was with great difficulty I could avoid being borne over my mare’s head, the wind being ready to carry us all away: nevertheless, about ten we came safe to Tannabull, praising Him who saves both man and beast. Our horses being well tired, and ourselves thoroughly wet, we rested the remainder of the day; the rather, because several of the family understood English,--an uncommon thing in these parts. We spoke closely to these ; and they appeared much affected, particularly when we all joined in prayer. Sat. 25.--We set out at five, and at six came to the sands. But the tide was in, so that we could not pass: so I sat down in a little cottage for three or four hours, and translated Aldrich’s “ Logic.” About ten Journal J.--31 478 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ March, 1750 e we passed, and before five came to Baldon Ferry, and found the boat ready for us: but the boatmen desired us to stay a while, saying, the wind was too high, and the tide too strong. The secret was, they stayed for more passengers; and it was well they did: for while we were walking to and fro, Mr. Jenkin Morgan came; at whose house, near half way between the ferry and Holyhead, I had lodged three years before. The night soon came on; but our guide, knowing all the country, brought us safe to his own door.

Fri. 20.--I rode to Portarlington, on a very bad horse, and was glad of a little rest. Sunday, 22.--I preached at eight ; at Closeland, about two ; and between five and six, at Portarlington, to almost all the gentry in the town, on, “ Thou art not far from the kingdom of God.” Monday, 23.--I preached at Closeland again ; and, the next morning, spoke severally with the members of the society, increased both in number and in the grace of Ged. Wed. 25.--I dined at Mr. K "5, who had lived utterly without God, for about seventy years: but God had now made both him and most of his household “ partakers of like precious faith.” When I first came into the house, he was in an agony of pain, from a hurt of about forty-five years’ standing. I advised to apply hot nettles. The pain presently ceased, and he arose and praised God. , Thur. 26.--I examined the class of children, many of whom are rejoicing inGod. I then sought after some of the sheep that were lost, and left all I spoke with determined to return. About noon I read the letters, and in the afternoon rode cheerfully to Mount Mellick. I found the society here much increased in grace, and yet lessened in number : a case which I scarce remember to have met witn before, in all England and Ireland. Sun. 29.--I preached at eight, at two, and at five ; when some of our most vehement opposers were present, and, by their seriousness and attention, gave us reason to hope they will oppose no more Mon. 30.--I baptized a man and woman, (late Quakers,) as I had done another the night before. Afterward I visited the sick. The first we went to had been a Papist, but was cast out for hearing us While we were at prayer she cried bitterly after God, refusing to be comforted; nor did she cease till he revealed his Son in her heart May, 1750. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. | 483

of death, but “a desire to depart, and to be with Christ.” Sat. 12.--I rode to Mr. Simpson’s, near Oatfield; and in the evening preached at Aghrim, to a well-meaning, sleepy people. Sun. 18.--I strove to shake some of them out of sleep, by preaching as sharply as I could. We had such a congregation at church as (it was said) had not been seen there for twenty years before. After church I preached to abundance of Papists as well as-Protestants ; and now they seemed to be a little more awake. About five in the afternoon I preached at Ahaskra, to a congregation gathered from all parts. O what a harvest might be in Ireland, did not the poor Protestants hate Christianity worse than either Popery or Heathenism ! Mon. 14.--I rode to Birr. The number of people that assembled here in the evening, and at five in the morning, and their serious attention, gave me some hope that there will more good be done even in this place. Wed. 16.--At eleven I preached in the assembly room at Nenagh, and in the evening at Limerick. Thur. 17.--The church was full at five; and one may truly say, it was full of the presence of God. The evening was cold and blustering, so that I was obliged to preach, though there was by no means room for the congregation. I afterward told the society freely and plainly of their faults. They received it as became men fearing God. Fri. 18.--I dined at Killmallock, once a flourishing city, now a vast heap of ruins. In the afternoon we called at Killdorrery. A clergyman was there a little before us, who would talk with me, whether I would or no. After an hour’s conversation, we parted in love. But. our stay here made it so late before we reached Rathcormuck, that | could not well preach that evening. Saturday, 19.--I preached about eleven; and in the afternoon rode on to Cork. About nine in the evening I came to Alderman Pembrock’s.

meantime was walking in the "Change, and giving orders to the town drummers and to his sergeants,--doubtless to go down and keep the peace! 'They accordingly came down to ‘the house, with an innumerable mob attending them. They continued drumming, and I continued preaching, till I had finished my discourse. When I came out, the mob immediately closed mein. Observing one of the sergeants standing by, I desired him to keep the king’s peace; but he replied, “ Sir, I have no orders to do that.” As soon as I came into the street, the rabble threw whatever came to hand; but all went by me, or flew over my head; nor do I remember that one thing touched me. I walked on straight through the midst of the rabble, looking every man before me in the face; and they opened on the right and left, till I came near Dant’s bridge. A large party had taken possession of this, one of whom was bawling out, “ Now, hey for the Romans!” When I came up, they likewise shrunk back, and I walked through them to Mr. Jenkins’s house ; but a Papist stood just within the door, and endeavoured to hinder my going in; till one of the mob (I suppose aiming at me,’but missing) knocked her down flat. I then went in, and God restrained the wild beasts, so that not one attempted to follow me. But many of the congregation were more roughly handled, particularly Mr. Jones, who was covered with dirt, and escaped with his life almost by miracle. The main body of the mob then went to the house, brought out all the seats and benches, tore up the floor, the door, the frames of the windows, and whatever of wood work remained ; part of which they carried off for their own use, and the rest they burnt in the open street. Finding there was no probability of their dispersing, I sent to Alderman Pembrock, who immediately desired Mr. Alderman Windthrop, his nephew, to go down to Mr. Jenkins, with whom I walked up the street, none giving me an unkind or disrespectful word.

Mon. 21.--I rode on to Bandon. From three in the afternoon till past seven, the mob cf Cork marched in grand procession, and then Larnt me in effigy near Dant’s bridge. While they were so busily employed, Mr. Haughton took the opportunity of going down to Hammond’s Marsh. He called at a friend’s house there, where the good woman, in great care, locked him in; but observing many people were met, he threw up the sash, and preached to them out of the window. Many seemed deeply affected, even of those who had been persecutors before ; and they all quietly retired to their several homes before the mob was at leisure to attend them. Tues. 22.--The mob and drummers were moving again, between three and four in the morning. The same evening they came down to the Marsh, but stood at a distance from Mr. Stockdale’s house, till the drums beat, and the mayor’s sergeant beckoned to them, on which they drew up, and began the attack. The mayor being sent for, came with a party of soldiers, and said to the mob, ‘ Lads, once, twice, thrice, I bid you go home: now I have done.” He then went back, taking the soldiers with him; on which the mob, pursuant to their instructions, went on, and broke all the glass and most of the window frames in ieces. Wed. 23.--The mob was stili patrolling the streets, abusing all that were called Methodists, and threatening to murder them and pull down 186 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ May, 1750. their houses, if they did not leave this way. Thur. 24.--They again assaulted Mr. Stockdale’s house, broke down the boards he had nailed up against the windows, destroyed what little ~emained of the window frames and shutters, and damaged a consideraole part of his goods. Fri. 25.--One Roger O’Ferrall fixed up an advertisement at the public exchange, that he was ready to head any mob, in order to pull down any house that should dare to harbour a swadaler. (A name given to Mr. Cennick first, by a Popish priest, who heard him speak ot a child wrapped in swaddling clothes; and probably did not know the expression was in the Bible, a book he was not much acquainted with.)

All this time God gave us great peace at Bandon, notwithstanding the unwearied labours, both public and private, of good Dr. B , to stir up the people. But, Saturday, 26, many were under great apprehensions of what was to be done in the evening. I began preaching in the main street at the usual hour, but to more than twice the usual congregation. After I had spoke about a quarter of an hour, a clergyman, who had planted himself near me, with a very large stick in his hand, according to agreement, opened the scene. (Indeed his friends assured me he was in drink, or he would not have done it.) But, before he had uttered many words, two or three resolute women, by main strength, pulled him into a house; and, after expostulating a little, sent him away through the garden. But here he fell violently on her that conducted him, not in anger, but love; (such as it was ;) so that she was constrained to repel force by force, and cuff him soundly before he would let her go. The next champion that appeared was one Mr. M » @ young gentleman of the town. He was attended by two others, with pistols in their hands. But his triumph too was but short; some of the people quickly bore him away, though with much gentleness and civility. The third came on with greater fury ; but he was encountered by a butcher of the town, (not one of the Methodists,) who used him as he would an ox, bestowing one or two hearty blows upon his head. This cooled his courage, especially as none took his part. So I quietly finished my discourse. Sun. 277.--I wrote to the mayor of Cork, as follows :-- ““ Mr. Mayor,--An hour ago I received ‘ A letter to Mr. Butler,’ just reprinted at Cork. The publishers assert, ‘it was brought down from Dublin to be distributed among the society; but Mr. Wesley called in as many as he could.’ Both these assertions are absolutely false. I read some lines of that letter when I was in Dublin; but never read it over before this morning. Who the author of it is I know not; but this I know, I never calleu in one, neither concerned myself about it; much less brought any down to distribute among the society.

A little before five I walked toward the barracks. The boys quickly gathered, and were more and more turbulent. But in a moment all was quiet. This, I afterward fotnd, was owing to Mr. W. » who. snatched a stick out, of a man’s hand, and brandished it over his head,. on which the whole troop valiantly ran away. When we came over the south bridge, a large mob gathered; but before they were well formed we reached the barrack gate ; at a small distance from which I stood and cried, “ Let the wicked forsake his way.” The congregation of serious people was large; the mob stood about a hundred yards off. I was a little surprised to observe, that almost all the soldiers kept together in a body near the gate, and knew not but the report might be true, that, on a signal given, they were all to retire into the barracks ; but they never stirred until I had done. As we walked away, one or two of them followed us. Their numbers increased, until we had seven or eight before, and a whole troop of them behind; between whom I walked, through an immense mob, to Alderman Pembrock’s dror. Thur. 31.--I rode to Rathcormuck. There being a great burying in the afternoon, to which people came from all parts, Mr. Lloyd read part of the burial service in the church; after which I preached on, “The end of all things is at hand.” I was exceedingly shocked at (what I had only heard of before) the Irish howl which followed. It was not a song, as I supposed, but a dismal, inarticulate yell, set up at the grave by four shrill-voiced women, who (we understood) were hired for that purpose. But I saw not one that shed a tear ; for that, it seems, was not in their bargain.

Fri. June 1.--I rode over the mountains to Shronill, and found a handful of serious, loving people. I preached in the evening and . morning, Saturday, 2; and then went on to Limerick. Sunday, 3. --(Being Whit Sunday.) Our morning service began, as usual, at four o’clock. In the evening I preached at Mazdyke, to four or five times. as many as our church would have contained ; and my voice would now command them all: it was weak till I went to Cork; but in the midst of the drumming it was restored, and has never failed me since. Mon. 4.--I rode to Newmarket, a village near the Shannon, eight miles, as they call it, from Limerick. I found the spirit of the people while I was preaching, but much more in examining the society. Four or five times I was stopped short, and could not go on, being not able to speak ; particularly when I was talking with a child, about nine years old, whose words astonished all that heard. ‘The same spirit we found in prayer ; so that my voice was well nigh lost among the various cries of the people. Tues. 5.--I returned to Limerick. In examining the society here, I could not but take particular notice of about sixty of the Highland regiment of soldiers,--men fit to appear before princes. Their zeal, “ according to knowledge,” has stirred up many; and they still speak for God, and are not ashamed. Wed. 13.--I rode to Shronill again; and in the morning, Thur. 14, to Clonmell. After an hour’s rest we set forward, but,were obliged to stop in the afternoon, sooner than we designed, by my horse’s having a shoe loose. ‘The poor man, at whose house we called, was not only a epee ae 7h a June, 1750. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 4893 patient of exhortation, but exceeding thankful for it. We afterward missed our way; so that it was near eight o’clock before we got over the ferry, a mile short of Waterford.

My horse tired in the afternoon; so I left him behind, and borrowed that of my companion. I came to Aymo about eleven, and would very willingly have passed the rest of the night there; but the good woman of the inn was not minded that I should. For some time she would not answer: at last she opened the door just wide enough to let out four dogs upon me. So I rode on to Ballybrittas, expecting a rough salute here too, from a large dog which used to be in the yard. But he never stirred, till the hostler waked and came out. About twelve I laid me down. I think this was the longest day’s journey I ever rode; being fifty old Irish, that is, about ninety English miles. Sat. 16.--I rested, and transcribed the “ Letter to Mr. Raily.” Sun. 1'7.--I preached about nine in the market place at Pertarlington; again at one; and immediately after the evening service. The earl of D , and several other persons of distinction, listened a while; but it was not to their taste. Twes: 19.--I rode over to Dublin, and found all things there in a more prosperous state than ever before. Thur. 21.--I returned to Closeland, and preached in the evening to a little, earnest company. O who should drag me into a great city, if I did not knew there is another world! How gladly could I spend the 490 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [June, 1750. remainder of a busy life in solitude and retirement! Fi. 22.--We had a watch-night at Portarlington. I began before the us ial time: but it was not easy to leave off; so great was our rejoicing in the Lord.

“ The next morning he cried out just as before ; and continued ill about two minutes. From this time he gave himself wholly to prayer; laying aside all worldly business. Saturday, February 7.--He did not appear to have any bodily distemper, but desired to make his will. I said, ‘ My dear child, I do not see any signs of death upon you.’ He seemed concerned, and said, ‘ You don’t believe me; but you will soon see what I say is true.’ About noon, some neighbours condoling with me, on the loss of my wife, who died a few days before, when he saw me weep, he laid his hand upon my knee, and said, ‘ My dear father, do not offend God. Your late wife is a bright saint in heaven.’ “ Before ten we went to bed. About twelve he came to my chamber door, and said, ‘ My dear honoured father, I hope you are not displeased with me for disturbing you at this time of night; but I could not go into my bed till I brought you these glad tidings: I was this morning before the throne of grace, and I pleaded innocence ; but my heavenly Father answered, that would not do; on which I applied to our blessed Redeemer ; and now he hath, by his precious blood and his intercession, procured my pardon; and my heavenly Father hath sealed it. Everlasting praise is to his holy name. I presumed to ask, how it was with my deceased mothers and sisters; on which they all six appeared exceeding glorious: but my last deceased mother was brightest of them all; fifty times brighter than the sun. I entreat I may be buried by her.’ “ Sunday, 8.--I went early in the morning to his chamber, and found him at prayer, which was his constant employment. He asked if he should go with me to church. I said, I thought he had better read and ok June, 1750. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 491 meditate athome. As soon as I was gone, he began exhorting the serv ants and his younger brother. He then went into his chamber, where he continued upon his knees till I came home, crying to God with many tears, and sweating much, through the agony of his spirit.

Fri. 3.--Being informed, many at Tiverton desired to hear me, ] rode over about noon. But I could find none there who had any con. cern about the matter, except one poor man who received me gladly. I went straight to the market place, where abundance of people quickly gathered together ; and not one interrupted, or spoke, or smiled. Surely good will be done in this place. The congregation at Collumpton in the evening was far larger than before. At four in the morning we took horse ; at ten the rain began, and ceased no more till we came tc Plymouth Dock at seven in the evening. Sun. 5.--I preached at eight ; but though the warning was so short, the room could not contain the congregation. At five in the evening I preached in a much larger room, the Tabernacle in Plymouth ; but neither could this contain the numbers who focked from all parts. And I was surprised at the decency of their behaviour. They were as still as one of our London congregations. Mon. 6.--I rode to St. Mewan, and found a large congregauun (notwithstanding the rain) waiting for me. As I came out, a huge man 196 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ Aug. 1750 ran full against me. I thought it was by accident, till he did it a secona tine, and began to curse and swear ; on which J turned a little out of the path. He pressed vehemently after me through the crowd, and planted himself close by my side. Toward the close of the sermon, his countenance changed ; and in a while he slipped off his hat. When I had concluded, he squeezed me earnestly by the hand, and went away as quiet as a lamb. : Tues. '7.--I went to St. Ewe. There was much struggling here at first: but the two gentlemen who occasioned it are now removed,- -- one to London, the other into eternity. Wed. 8.--We rode to Penryn. Many of the gentry were present in the evening: and some of them I permitted to stay when I met the society. They seemed much moved. It may last more than a night; for “ with God all things are possible.”

Mon. 11.--Our conference began; and the more we conversed, the more brotherly love increased. The same spirit we found on Tuesday and Wednesday. 1 expected to have heard many objections to our first doctrines ; but none appeared to have any: we seemed to be all of one mind, as well as one heart. vi. 15.--I mentioned whatever I thought was amiss, or wanting, in any of our brethren. It was received in a right spirit, with much love, and serious, earnest attention ; and, I trust, -- not one went from the conference discontented ; but rather, blessing God for the consolation. Tues. 19.--Having finished the business for which I came to Bristol, I set out again for London; being desired by many to spend a few days there before I entered upon my northern journey. I came to London on Thursday, and, having settled all affairs, left it again on Wednes~ day, 27. I cannot understand, how a Methodist preacher can answer it to God, to preach one sermon, or travel one day less, in a married, than in a single state. In this respect surely, “it remaineth, that they who have wives be as though they had none.” On Wednesday | rode with John Haime to Tetsworth ; on Thursday, went on to Evesham. One from thence met us on Broadway Hill. I was soun informed that Mr. Keech was buried the night before. His Journal I.--33 510 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL [ April, 1751 widow and daughter were sorrowing ; but not as without hope ; neither did they refrain from the preaching one day. So let my surviving friends sorrow for me. Iwas to have preached in the Town Hall; but a company of players had taken possession of it first. Our own room could. not contain the congregation ; but to as many as could crowd into it, I applied, “* What is a man profited, if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?”

Sun. 12.--After preaching at five, I rode to Misterton. The congregation was the largest I have seen in these parts. Thence I returned to Overthorp, where I did not observe one trifling or careless hearer. I» came to Epworth just in time for the afternoon service; and, after church, walked down straight to the Cross. The north-east wind was strong and keen; yet the bulk of the congregation did not regard it. Mon. 13.--I learned the particulars of Mr. R ’s case, of which I had heard but a confused account before. “In November last he was desired to baptize a child of John Varley’s. It was observed, his voice, which had been lost several years, was entirely restored. He read the office with great emotion and many tears, so as to astonish the whole congregation. But going home from church, he behaved in so strange a manner, that it was thought necessary to confine him. During the first week of his confinement, he was for constraining’ every one that came near him to kneel down and pray; and frequently cried out, ‘ You will be lost, you will be damned, unless you know your sins are forgiven.’ Upon this Mr. roundly averred that the Methodists had turned his head. After seven or eight days he grew much worse, though still with intervals of reason ; and in about a fortnight, by a judgment mixed with mercy, God took him to himself.” Tues. 14.--The waters were greatly out in the road, so that the York coach was overturned just before us; the bridge it should have gone over being under water: yet no passenger was hurt, only dropping wet, being all thrown into the river. We were to pass the same river a few miles off, and which way to do it we knew not. But just as we came lo the place, we overtook two gentlemen who had hired a guide. So we followed them as close as we could, and crossed it without difficulty. I preached about five at Leeds, in the walls of the new house. Wednesday, 15.--We had a little conference with about thirty preachers. J particularly inquired concerning their grace, and gifts, and fruit; and found reason to doubt of one only. Thur. 16.--I rode to W»%eneld; but we had no place except the June, 1751. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 515

maids were gone away already: R---- T----, W---- S----,, and A---- G , went after; so that only two masters, Mr. J---- and S-----, remained; with Mrs. Hardwick, one maid, and sixteen scholars. 7. [now hoped the time was come for God to revive his work : but we were not low enough.yet. So first J---- J , and then W---- S--,, grew weary ; the rules were neglected again ; and in the following winter Mr. Page died, and five more scholars went away. What weakened the hands of the masters still more,;was the bitter evil speaking of some who continually endeavoured either to drive away the children that remained, or to prevent others from coming. 8. There are now two masters, the housekeeper, a maid, and eleven children. I believe all in the house are at length of one mind; and trust God will bless us in the latter end, more than in the beginning. Mon. July 8.--I wrote an account of that wonderful self-deceiver and hypocrite, James Wh . O what a scandal has his obstinate wickedness brought on the Gospel! And what a curse on his own head ! 1. In the beginning of June, Richard Pearce, of Bradford, wrote to my brother at Bristol, desiring that he would narrowly inquire into the behaviour of Mr. James Wh----: and not long after, Mrs. Silby, of Bradford, related some strange particulars: in order to be thoroughly informed of which, my brother rode over to Bradford; and, on Wednesday, June 12, talked himself with Mary B , Jane W--.,, Elizabeth L , Mary S----, Mary F , Ann W----, and Mary D----. The same accounts which they had before given to Mrs. Silby, they now gave to my brother and her together; and afterward, to Sarah Perin and Mary Naylor, without varying in any one circumstance. 2. My brother wrote down what they said, and at his return to Bristol, read it to James Wh----, who consented to come face to face with them; and on Tuesday, 25, my brother and I rode with him to Bearfield. Mary B and Mary D were there, and repeated before him what they had said to my brother. He cavilled at one or two trifling circumstances, but allowed the substance of what they said te be true.

Sun. 25.--I heard at church, by way of sermon, part of “ Papists and Methodists Compared.” But it did not lessen the congregation at one: on whom I enforced, (what they were somewhat more concerned in,) “ What shall it profit a man” to “ gain the whole world, and lose his own soul??? I then rode over to Tiverton, and preached in the Sept. 1751.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 521 market house, filled with attentive hearers. So it was on Monday lixewise. Tues. 27.--We rode to Uffculm, about eight miles from ‘Tiverton, and preached in the market place to a larger congregation than one would think the town could have afforded. Wednesday, 28. ---It being the time of their yearly meeting at the school, abundance of gentlemen came to town. Yet I preached in the market house undisturbed , and afterward met the society in peace. Thur. 29.--There was a sermon preached at the old church, before the trustees of the school. At half an hour past twelve the morning service began: but such insufferable noise. and confusion I never saw before in a place of worship: no, not even in a Jewish synagogue The clergy set the example; laughing and talking during great part both of the prayers and sermon. A young gentlewoman, who was with us where we dined, hastened away to prepare for the ball. But before she was half dressed, she was struck, and came down in a flood of tears. Nevertheless, she broke through, and in a few hours danced away all her convictions. Toward the close of the sermon in the evening, a rabble of gentlemen’s servants gathered together, and endeavoured to make a disturbance: but it was mere lost labour.

“11. [had full employ at Bethlehem, being appointed general preacher, and expected to bear a part in all the conferences. But it was not long before I was troubled more than ever, seeing so much craft and subtlety, aid withal so much pride, stateliness, and tyranny, in those that governed the Church. One instance out of very many, was this: --W. Harding, who came over some time before me, and was a stated preacher, had spoken to them freely and warmly, of several things which he thought reprovable. Upon this he was put out of all his offices, and all the Brethren were forbid to speak to him. Being forsaken of all, he was more uneasy still; on which the brethren said he was mad. As such he was confined, and food was brought to him once or twice a day, by two or three young men, who likewise many times beat him very severely. At length he watched his opportunity, and made his escape; but they followed after, and took him, and a wooden house was built for him, not a quarter of a mile from the town, about ten foot square, and very dark. I was walking alone near the place when they were bringing him thither. His cries. and entreaties might have pierced a heart of stone. He begged that he might clean shoes, fetch them water, cleave wood, or whatever they pleased in the open air. But it availed not: he was shut up. About six weeks after, as they opened the door one day, in order to give him some meat, he rushed out, got by them, and made toward Philadelphia, with all the speed he could. Being close pursued, he ran to the river, (being an excellent swimmer,) leaped in, sunk, and rose no more.

Sun. March 15, 1752.--While I was preaching at West-street in the afternoon, there was one of the most violent storms I ever remember. In the midst of the sermon great part of a house opposite to the chapel was blown down. We heard a huge noise, but knew not the cause ; so much the more did God speak to our hearts: and great was the rejoicing of many in confidence of his protection. Between four and. five I took horse with my wife and daughter. ‘The tiles were rattling from the houses on both sides ; but they hurt not us. We reached Hayes about seven in the evening, and Oxford the next day. Tues. 17.--The rain continued without intermission, till we came to Enstone. Soon after we set out from thence, it was succeeded by so vehement a wind, as on Broadway hill often drove us clear out of the path, and was ready to carry away both horse and rider. But our strength was as our day ; and before six in the evening we came unhurt to Evesham. I preached in the evening at the Town Hall, where several of the clergy and gentry were present. Wednesday, 18.--I rode over with Mr. to his house, which I had not seen for upward of twenty years. The place I found, but not the inhabitants: most of them were gone to their long home. I saw not one whom I knew but Mr. "s aunt ; who could not long forbear telling me how sorry she was that I should leave all my friends, to lead this vagabond life. . Why, indeed it is not pleasing to flesh and blood; and I would not do it, if I did not believe there was another world. Our dispute did not continue long, and ended in much love. Mr. rode back with me to Evesham, attended the preaching both at seven, and at five in the morning, and walked with me from the room after sermon; but it was some time before he could speak. He then broke out, ‘I am to take care of two thousand souls, and I never yet knew how to take care of my own!” [ left him full of conviction and good resolutions. How many days will they continue ?

“ On Sunday, August 7, last, I preached at Wrangle, at five in the morning, as usual About six two constables came, and carried me to a public house, where 1 was kept till near four in the afternoon. Then one ot them said, he would go and ask the minister, whether they might not let me go. Upon his return, they brought me out to a large mob, who carried me, and threw me into a standing water; and as often as I tried to come out, they pitched me in again. At last some of them said, I should come out, and kept the others off, till I got up the bank. I found myself very happy all the time; for I knew I was in the Lord’s hand. I got back to the house where I lodged, and went to bed. But in less than an hour the mob came again, broke open the doors of the house and the chamber, and dragged me away with them. They carried me toa great )) April, 1752.] REY. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 529 ~ pond, which was railed round, being ten or twelve foot deep. Then four men took me up by my legs and arms. [ felt the flesh shrink a little at first ; but it was soon over, and I did not care whether I lived or died ; just as pleased the Lord. They swung me backward and forward two or three times, and then threw me as far as they could into the water. The fall took away my senses, so that I felt nothing more. But some that did not care to have me drowned, when I came above water, catching hold of my clothes with a long pole, pulled me out. I lay senseless for some time. When I came to myself, I saw many people about me: one of them helped me up, and bade me go with him. He brought me toa little house, and put me te bed; but I had not laid long, before the mob came again, pulled me out of bed, and drove me before them, almost naked, to the end of the parish, where they left me. I made shift to get on to a place three miles off, where I got to bed again and slept in peace.”

Sun. 19.--At eight I preached at Clayworth, where, a year ago, the mob carried all before them. But an honest justice quelled them at once; so that they are now glad to be quiet, and mind their own busiaess. AtoneI preached at Misterton, to a deeply attentive congregation assembled from all parts ; and between four and five at Epworth Cross. The congregation here was somewhat lessened by a burial at Belton, that of poor Mr. R dP ll; emphatically poor, though while he lived, he possessed (not enjoyed) at least a thousand pounds a year. Mon. 20.--I rode by Hainton, to Coningsby. The next day I preached at Wrangle, where we expected some disturbance, but found none. The light punishment inflicted on the late rioters, (though their expense was not great, as they submitted before the trial,) has secured peace ever since. Such a mercy it is, to execute the penalty of the law, on those who will not regard its precepts! So many inconveniences to the innocent does it prevent, and so much sin in the guilty. Wed. 22.--I rode to Grimsby. The crowd was so great in the evening, that the room was like an oven. The next night I preached at the end of the town, whither Apnl, 1752.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 531 ~ almost all the people, rich and poor, followed me; and I had a fair opportunity of closely applying that weighty question, “ Lord, are there few that be saved ?” Fi. 24.--We rode by a fine seat; the owner of which (not much above fourscore years old) says he desires only to live thirty years longer; ten to hunt, ten to get money, (having at present but twenty thousand pounds a year,) and ten years to repent. O that God may not say unto him, “Thou fool, this night shall thy soul be required of thee!” When I landed at the quay in Hull, it was covered with people, inquiring, “ Which is he? Which is he?” But they only stared and - laughed; and we walked unmolested to Mr. A ’s house. I was quite surprised at the miserable condition of the fortifications ; far more ruinous and decayed than those at Newcastle, even before the rebellion. It is well there is no enemy near.

Mon. 25.--We rode to Durham, and thence, through very rough roads, and as rough weather, to Barnard Castle. I was exceeding faint when we came in: however, the time being come, I went into the street, and would have preached ; but the mob was so numerous and so loud, chat it was not possible for many to hear. Nevertheless, I spoke on, and those who were near, listened with huge attention. To prevent this, some of the rabble fetched the engine, and threw a good deal of water on the congregation; but not a drop fell on me. After about three quarters of an hour, I returned into the house. Tues. 26.--At five the preaching house would not contain one half of the congregation. Many stood at the door and windows ; far more thun could hear. When I come again, perhaps they will hear while they may. We rode hence to Weardale. I had been out of order all night, and found myself now much weaker. However, I trusted in the Strong for strength, and began preaching to a numerous congregation: and I did not want strength, till I had finished my discourse ; nor did the people want a blessing. In the evening we came to Allandale, and found the poor society well nigh shattered in pieces. Slackness and offence had eaten them up. When I came into the room, I was just like one of them; having neither life nor strength, and being scarce able June, 1752. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 535 either to speak or to stand. But immediately we had a token for good. In a moment I was well. My voice and strength were entirely restored; and I cried aloud, “* How shall I give thee up, Ephraim?” The mountains again flowed down at his presence, and the rocks were once more broken in pieces.

Sun. 14.--After preaching in the evening, I took occasion to tell the whole congregation, that there had been a mistake concerning the house, which J. B. imagined I had contrived to make my own property: but Mr. Grimshaw had now cleared it up; having assured Mr. B., 1. That I knew nothing of the deed relating to the house, till after it was made. 2. That I had no property in it still; only a clause was inserted, whereby Mr. G., my brother, and I, where empowered to appoint the preachers therein. Mon. 15.--I had many little trials in this journey, of a kind I had . not known before. I had borrowed a young, strony mare, when I set out from Manchester. But she fell lame before I got to Grimsby. I vrocured another, but was dismounted again between Newcastle and June, 1752. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL 537 Berwick. At my return to Manchester I took my own: but she had lamed herself in the pasture. I thought, nevertheless, to ride her four or five miles to-day; but she was gone out of the ground, and we could hear nothing of her. However, I comforted myself, that I had another at Manchester, which I had lately bought. But when I came thither, I found one had borrowed her too, and rode her away to Cheste. About noon I preached near Shackerley, at an old man’s house, who was groaning for redemption. We walked together a little way, after preaching : and almost as soon as we parted, the power of God fell upon him, so that he hardly knew whether he was on earth or in heaven. From that hour he has been continually filled with peace and joy in believing. At my return to Bolton, I wrote down a particular account of one that lately adorned the Gospel. It was as follows :--

already perceive a great increase of earnestness 1n the generality of the hearers. So is God able to cut short his work, to wound or heal, in whatever time it pleaseth him. Tes. 23.--Having received letters which made me judge it necessary to be at Bristol as soon as possible, about ten I set out, dined at Birmingham the next day, and thence rode to Redditch. Thur. 25.--Finding the congregation waiting, I began preaching between three and four. I preached at Wallbridge, near Stroud, in the evening, and the next day, before noon, reached Kingswood. Wed. July 1.--Having finished my business at Bristol, I took horse again, and preached that evening at Evesham. Thur. 2.--I reached Bilbrook and Chester. Friday, 3.--I was saying in the morning to Mr. Parker, “« Considering the good which has been done there already, { wonder the people of Chester are so quiet.” He answered, “ You must not expect they will be so always.” Accordingly, one of the first things I heard after I came into the town was, that for two nights before the mob had been employed in pulling down the house where I had preached. I asked, “‘ Were there no magistrates in the city?” Several answered me, “ We went to the mayor after the first riot, and desired a warrant to bring the rioters before him; but he positively refused to grant any, or to take any informations about it.” So, being undisturbed, they assembled again the next night, and finished their work. Sat. 4.--I preached in our old room. Sun. 5.--I stood, at seven in the morning, near the ruins of the house, and explained the principles and practice of that sect which is “ every where spoken against.” I went afterward to St. Martin’s church, which stands close to the place. The gentleman who officiated seemed to be extremely moved at several passages of the Second lesson, Luke xvii; particularly, ‘ It is impossible but that offences will come ; but wo unto him through whom they come. It were better for him that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and he cast into the sea, than that he should offend one of these little ones.” ‘

Mon. 13.--I bespoke the cabin in a ship bound for Dublin, which only waited for a wind. About ten at night word was brought that she was ready to sail. We went down to the quay immediately ; and found she had sailed out a quarter of an hour before, and was then off at sea. But as another ship had just weighed anchor, we went on board, and sailed without delay. But having contrary winds, it was Friday, 17, in the evening, before we reached Dublin. The house here is nearly of the same size, and of the same form, with that at Newcastle. But having deep galleries on three sides, it will contain a larger number of people. Sun. 19.--I preached at five and eight, but not to so large a congregation as I expected. I was greatly shocked at the behaviour of the congregation in St. Patrick’s church. But all their carelessness and indecency did not prevent my finding an uncommon blessing. Between five and six our house was nearly filled; but great part of the hearers seemed utterly unawakened. I marvel how it is, that after all our labour here, there should still be so little fruit. Mon. 20.--I learned the particulars of the late riot. Some weeks ago, a large mob assembled one evening, broke many of the windows, and had just broke into the house, when a guard of soldiers came. The chief rioters were apprehended and tried. But ten or eleven of the jurymen, being Papists, frightened the twelfth, so that he did not contradict, when they brought in their fellows, “* Not guilty.” Tues. 21.--I inquired into the state of the society, still consisting of about four hundred and twenty members ; though many had been much shaken, chiefly by various opinions, which some even of our own preachers had propagated.

Thur. 23.--We went to see a friend a few miles from Dublin. Before dinner Mr. Cownley and I took a walk on the seashore. Being somewhat tired, we thought to return a shorter way, by climbing over the rocks. We found little difficulty at first, the ascent not being steep toward the bottom: but as we went higher, it grew steeper and steeper till we would gladly have gone back if we could. But we could neither go nor look back; so that we had only this choice,--to get quite to the top, or to make one step to the bottom. The stones, likewise, on which we stood, or which we took hold of, frequently gave way, and tumbled; so that I know not whether we were ever in so much danger on the sea, aS we were now on the shore. But in half an hour, I knuw not how, we got upon firm, even ground. Sun. 26.--I met one whom I had formerly seen at Bristol, heaping up money with both hands: and he has now all that the world can give. But he enjoys nothing ; having such a continual lowness of spirits, as they call it, that his very life is a burden. He seems partly to under stand his own case. May the great Physician heal his sickness ! > { Aug. 1752.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 541 Mon. 2'7.--I preached in Edinderry at one, and at Closeland in the evening. Tuesday, 28, I preached at Portarlington, though I was extremely ill, and it was a pain to me to speak ; but it was a comfortable pain. I could from my heart praise God for his fatherly visitation. Wed. 29.--I rode to Mount Mellick, but was so hoarse and weak, that I could only preach in the house. Friday, 31.--Being not well able to ride, I borrowed Mr. P. ’s chair to Tullamore ; and on Saturday reached Cooly Lough, and met many of my friends from all parts. [ now found my strength increasing daily : it must be as my day is.

Wed. 28.--We rode to Bristol. I now looked over Mr. Prince’s «Christian History.” What an amazing difference is there in the manner wherein God has carried on his work in England and in America! There, above a hundred of the established clergy, men of age and experience, and of the greatest note for sense and learning in those parts, are zealously engaged in the work. Here, almost the whole body of the aged, experienced, learned clergy, are zealously engaged against it; and few, but a handful of raw young men engaged in it, without name, learning, or eminent sense. And yet by that large number of honourable men, the work seldom flourished above six months at a time, and then followed a lamentable and general decay, before the next revival of it; whereas that which God hath wrought by these despised instruments, has continually increased for fifteen years together ; and at whatever time it has declined in any one place, has more eminently flourished in others. Mon. March 5.--I called on Mr. Farley, and saw a plain confutation of that vulgar error, that consumptions are not catching : he caught the consumption from his son, whereby he soon followed him to the grave. Wed. 14.--I preached at Frome, a dry, barren, uncomfortable place. The congregation at Shaftesbury in the evening were of a more gn ie? ot ws 548 REV. Je WESLEY'S JOURNAL. [ March, 1753 excellent spirit. Thur. 15.--I met the stewards of the neighbouring societies at Bearfield, and was much refreshed among them. Fri. 16.--I returned to Bristol ; and on Monday, 19th, set out with. my wife for the north. I preached in the evening at Wallbridge, near Stroud. The house being too small, many stood without ; but neither before nor after preaching, (much less while I was speaking,) did 1 hear the sound of any voice; no, nor of any foot; in so deepa silence did they both come, hear, and go away. Tues. 20.--I preached in the Town Hall at Evesham. At the upper end of the room a large body of people were still and attentive. Meantime, at the lower end, many were walking to and fro, laughing and talking, as if they had been in Westminster Abbey.

Wed. 18.--I walked over the city, which I take to be as large as Newcastle-upon-Tyne. The university (like that of Dublin) is only one college, consisting of two small squares; I think not larger, nor at all handsomer, than those of Lincoln College, in Oxford. The habit of the students gave me surprise. They wear scarlet gowns, reaching only to their knees. Most I saw were very dirty, some very ragged, and all of very coarse cloth. The High Church is a fine building. The outside is equal to that of most cathedrals in England; but it is miserably defaced within; having no form, beauty, or symmetry left. At seven in the evening Mr. G. began the service, at his own (the college) church. It was 20 full before I came, that I could not get in without a good deal of difficulty. After singing and prayer, he explained a part of the Catechism ; which he strongly and affectionately applied. After sermon he prayed and sung again, and concluded with the blessing. He then gave out, one after another, four hymns ; which about a dozen young men sung. He had before desired those who were so minded, to go away; but scarce any stirred till all was ended. Thur. 19.--At seven I preached about a quarter of a mile from the town ; but it was an extremely rough and blustering morning ; and few people came either at the time or place of my preaching: the natural consequence of which was, that I had but a small congregation. About four in the afternoon, a tent, as they term it, was prepared; a kind of moving pulpit, covered with canvas at the top, behind, and on the sides. {In this I preached near the place where I was in the morning, to near six times as many people as before; and I am persuaded what was spoken came to some of their hearts, “ not in word only, but in power.”

Wed. August 1.--At half an hour after two in the morning, my disorder came with more violence than ever. The cramp likewise returned ; sometimes in my feet or hand, sometimes in my thighs, my side, or my throat. [had also a continual sickness, and a sensation of fulness at my stomach, as if it were ready to burst. I took a vomit; but it hardly wrought at all: nor did any thing I took make any alteration. Thus I continued all day, and all the following night; yet this I could not but particularly observe,--I had no headache, no colic, nor any pain, (only the cramp,) from first to last. Thur. 2.--Perceiving I gained no ground, but rather grew weaker and weaker, my stomach being drawn’ downward, so that I could not stand nor lie, but on my right side, I sent to Redruth for Mr. Carter, who came without delay. Here again I saw the gracious providence of God, in casting me on so sensible and skilful a man. He advised me to persist in the same regimen I was in, and prescribed no physic, i) 560 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. . [Aug. 1753. except a small dose of rhubarb. But even this (as I expected it would) was thrown up again immediately. I was now well satisfied ; having had the best advice which could be procured ; though my disorder continued much as before. But about five in the afternoon it ceased at * once, without any visible cause. The cramp also was gone, my stomach was easy, and I laid down and slept till six in the morning.

Mon. 10.--I preached to the condemned malefactors in Newgate ; but I could make little impression upon them. I then took horse for Paulton, where I called on Stephen Plummer, once of our society, but now a zealous Quaker. He was much pleased with my calling, and came to hear me preach. Being straitened for time, I concluded sooner than usual; but as soon as I had done, Stephen began. After I had listened half an hour, finding he was no nearer the end, I rose up to go away, His sister then begged him to leave off; on which he flew into a violent rage, and roared louder and louder, till an honest man took him in his arms, and gently carried him away. What a wise pre i eb Py 7 oh ' 562 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ Oct. 1753. & vidence was it, that this poor young man turned Quaker, some years before he ran mad! So the honour of turning his brain now rests upon them, which otherwise must have fallen upon the Methodists. I preached at six in the evening at Buckland, about two miles from Frome, in a meadow of Mr. Emblen’s, a wonderful monument of the grace of God; who, from the day he received peace, (being then acquainted with no Methodist,) has continually walked in the light of God’s countenance. The curate had provided a mob, with horns, and other things convenient, to prevent the congregation’s hearing me. But the better half of the mob soon left their fellows, and listened with great attention. The rest did no harm: so that we had a comfortable opportunity ; and another at five in the morning. Tues. 11.--I rode once more to New Kingswood. The hearers were more numerous than ever. As I did not expect to see them soon again, I used once more all possible plainness of speech; and their behaviour seemed to show that the word of God found its way into their hearts.

4. In spring, 1750, they began building the chapel, for which they collected near two hundred pounds, and borrowed eight hundred more; for which eight of the English brethren were engaged. Two of the English were bound for a hundred more; but none of the ten have any security at all. They promised, indeed, to lodge the writings of the house in their hands; but it was never done. 564 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. ‘Oct. 1753. 5. About this time a relation left me two houses, near that wherein the single men lived. The Brethren advised me to rebuild them, and add another, for a marriage plan, promising to let me have whatever ground I wanted behind the houses. This promise they renewed over and over. About Michaelmas I began and followed their direction in the whole building: but the night before I began, I went to Antone, the Chief Labourer, and told him, “’The workmen were ready: if 1 am to have ground I will go on; but not else.” He said, ‘“‘Go on: you shall have ground.” Soon after, he set out the ground; for which I was to give eight pounds: but just as the houses were finished, Antone and Slicht sent for me, and told me they had received a letter from London, and I must have no ground, neither would they use the houses for a marriage plan. ‘They ~ were too near the single men; some of whom might perhaps see a woman sometimes in the yard. At thesame time, they desired I would stop up my doors and windows on that side: if I would they would either buy the houses, or take a lease of them. I did as they desired. We then made several agreements, one after another; but they would stand to none of them. I offered them to lose thirty pounds, nay, at last fifty, out of my pocket; but in vain: so at this day I have but three pounds a year rent in all, out of which the land tax is to be paid.

6. It is a general observation in Bedford, that the Brethren are the worst paymasters in the town: they contract debts, and take no care or thought about discharging them. I have too much proof of this in my own case; for many of them are in my debt, and never come near me. 7. Most of the English who are with them, that are of any trade, now trade for the Saviour ; that is, they work for the Germans, who take all the profits, and use them as their journeymen. As such they punctually give in their accounts and cash; and if they want a coat, or any thing, ask it of the Brethren. Mr. traded for, and lent money to, the Saviour, till he was absolutely ruined. After he had sunk above seven hun dred pounds, he begged to have forty or fifty repaid; but in vain. But, at length, by vehement importunity, he procured eighteen pounds. 8. Mr. Rimius has said nothing to what might have been said, concern ing their marriage economy. I knowa hundred times more than he has written: but the particulars are too shocking to relate. I believe no such things were ever practised before; no, not among the most barbarous Heathens. 9. A fortnight before Christmas last, a young man of their congregation, having married my daughter, without having first obtained the leave of their Head Labourer, one of the Labourers came to my house, and read to me nearly these words :-- “ We, the Elders of the congregation of the Brethren, declare to you, WwW P , M P » your wife, E---- C , and E your daughter, are utterly cut off from all church communion, from all fellowship and connection whatsoever, with the Brethren, and that for ever and ever.”

Wed. 24.--I preached in the evening without any inconvenience, and at five in the morning. But about nine, I began shivering again. After the hot fit, I lay in a profuse sweat till eight. I then gradually cooled till I fell fast asleep, and rested sweetly till the morning. Fri. 25.--Being determined to use that interval of health, I procured a chaise, and reached Brompton in the evening. I spoke, as I was able, in the evening; and God bore witness to the ‘ord of his grace. Sat. 26.--I came to London ; having received no hurt, but rather benefit, by the journey. Thur. November 1.--I began visiting the classes, though I found, by the loss of my voice, that my bodily strength was not so far recovered as I before imagined. . Sat. 3.--I read over Andrew Fry’s reasons for leaving the Brethren. Most of what he says, I knew before; yet I cannot speak of them in the manner which he does: I pity them too much to be bitier against them. Sun. 4.--I rode to Hayes, because I had promised, though I was much out of order. It was with the utmost difficulty that I read prayers, and preached, and administered the sacrament. I went through the evening service with more ease ; but at night my strength quite failed. I should have taken some rhubarb the next day, but I had no time ; having classes to meet from morning to night. Thur. 8.--In the night my disorder returned more viclent than it had been since I left Cornwall. I should have taken some ipecacuanha in the morning, but had no time to spare ; my business being fixed for every hour, till four in the afternoon; and by that time all my complaints were gone, so that I needed only a little food and rest. Mon. 12.--I set out in a chaise for Leigh, having delayed my journey as long as I could. I[ preached at seven, but was extremely cold all the time, the wind coming strong from a door behind, and an ~> 4 Fase bp le ee ey ed eT Pe “3 566 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Nov. 1753. other on one side; so that my feet felt just as if I had stood in cold water.

Mon. 26.--Dr. F told me plain, I must not stay in town a day longer; adding, “If any thing does thee good, it must be the country air, with rest, asses’ milk, and riding daily.” So (not being able to sit a horse) about noon I took coach for Lewisham. In the evening, (not knowing how it might please God to dispose of me,) to prevent vile panegyric, I wrote as follows :-- WHO DIED OF A CONSUMPTION IN THE FIFTY-FIRST YEAR OF HIS AGE, He ordered, that this, if any, inscription should be placed on his tombstone. ‘ed. 28.--I found no change for the better, the medicines which had helped me before, now taking no effect. About noon (the time that some of our brethren in London had set apart for joining in prayer) a thought came into my mind to make an experiment. So I ordered some stone brimstone to be powdered, mixed with the white of an egg, Jan. 1754. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 567 and spread on brown paper, which I applied to my side. The pain ceased in five minutes, the fever in half an hour; and from this hour I began to recover strength. The next day I was able to ride, which I continued to do every day till January 1. Nor did the weather hinder me once; it being always tolerably fair (however it was before) between twelve and one o’clock. Fri. December 14.--Having finished all the books which I designed to insert in the “ Christian Library,” I broke through the doctor’s order, not to write, and began transcribing a journal for the press ; and in the evening I went to prayers with the family, without finding any inconvenience. Thur. 20.--I felt a gradual increase of strength, till I took a decoction of the bark, which I do not find (such is the peculiarity of my constitution) will agree with me in any form whatever. This immediately threw me into a purging, which brought me down again in a few days, and quite disappointed me in my design of going out on Christmas day.

Tues. January 1, 1754.--I returned once more to London. On Wednesday, 2, I set out in the machine, and the next afternoun came to Chippenham. Here I took a post-chaise, in which I reached Bristol about eight in the evening. Fri. 4.--I began drinking the water at the Hot Well, having a lodging at a small distance from it; and on Sunday, 6, I began writing Notes on the New Testament; a work which I should scarce ever have attempted, had I not been so ill as not to be able to travel or preach, and yet so well as to be able to read and write. Mon. 7.--I went on now in a regular method, rising at my hour, and writing from five to nine at night; except the time of riding, half an hour for each meal, and the hour between five and six in the evening. Sun. 13.--I went in a coach to Bristol, and gave a short exhortation to the society. Mon. 14.--In the evening one or two of our neighbours desired to join in our family prayers ; a few more soon made the same request, so that I had a little congregation every night. After a few nights I began to add a short exhortation, so preparing myself for a larger congregation. Sat. 19.--Mr. Bruce came with Mr. Milner, who had been for some time melancholy, even to madness ; but by proper application to his mind, as well as body, the disorder sensibly abated in a short time. Thur. 31.--My wife desiring to pay the last office to her poor dying child, set out for London, and came a few days before'‘he went home rejoicing and praising God. Sun. February 3.--I went in a chaise to Kingswood, and administered the sacrament to a small congregation. I expected Mr. M to assist ; but he slipped away and hid himself till I had done. Wed. 13.--I was sent for by one of my neighbours, dying of a consumption She seemed full of good desires: but who does not, when death stands at the door? Wed. 2'7.--My brother came down from London, and we spent several days together, in comparing the translation of the Evangelists with the original, and reading Dr. Heylyn’s “ Lectures,” and Dr. Doddridge’s * Family Expositor.”

June 2.--(Being Whit-Sunday.) I preached at the Foundery; which Thad not done before in the evening: still I have not recovered my whole voice or strength: perhaps I never may: but let me use what I . have. Tues. 11.--I rode to Cookham. The next evening I preached m a magnificent apartment, to a suitable congregation. How seldom is the Gospel heard in a palace! But what is too hard for God? Mon. 17.--I took another ride to Sundon, and on the road read “ Strada de Bello Belgico ;” a historian scarce inferior in any respect either to Livy or Tacitus. As to his religion, I should rather compare him to the former: for Tacitus was no friend either to superstition or cruelty. Thur. 20.--We spent some hours at Rest, a seat of the late Duke of Kent ; who was forty years laying out and improving the gardens, which I cannot but prefer even before Lord Cobham’s. But how little did the place answer its name! How little rest did its miserable maste1 enjoy! Thou, O God, hast made our heart for thyself; and it cannot rest, till it resteth in thee. Wed. 26.--I read one of the prettiest trifles which perhaps is extant in the English tongue,--Mr. Hay, “ On Deformity.” Surely such a writer deserves a better subject.

Sun. 8.--In the evening I preached at Tiverton, in the garden which adjoins to the preaching house. It was arefreshing season. Mon. 9.-- I preached at Charlton, a village six miles from Taunton, to a large congregation gathered from the towns and country for many miles round. All the farmers here had some time before entered into a joint engagement to turn all out of their service, and give no work to any, who went to hear a Methodist preacher. But there is no counsel against the Lord. One of the chief of them, Mr. G » was not long after convinced of the truth, and desired those very men to preach at his house. Many of the other confederates came to hear, whom their servants and labourers gladly followed. So the whole device of Satan fell to the ground; and the word of God grew and prevailed. Tues. 10.--I rode to Dr. Robertson’s, at Pitcomb ; and after spending a few agreeable and useful hours in that delightful recess, went forward, about four miles, to Westcomb. I preached on a green place in the town about eight in the morning, to a deeply attentive congregation; and came in the afternoon to Bristol, at least as well as when I set out. Tues. 17.--I rode to Trowbridge, where one who found peace with God while he was a soldier in Flanders, and has been much prospered in business since his discharge, has built a preaching house at his own expense. He had a great desire that I should be the first who preached in it; but before I had finished the hymn, it was so crowded, and consequently so hot, that I was obliged to go out and stand at the door: there was a multitude of hearers, rich and poor. O that they may not all hear in vain! Fri. 2'7.--I thought I had strength enough to keep a watch-night, which I had not done before for eleven months. But though I broke off at eleven, I almost lost my voice ; and the next evening at Weaver’s Hall it entirely failed, so that I had much difficulty to conclude my sermon. Mon. 30.--i preached at Coleford, our other Kingswood, where also the lions are become lambs. On Tuesday we went on to Salisbury.

Wed. October 2.--I walked to Old Sarum, which, in spite of common sense without house or inhabitant, still sends two members to the parliament. It is a large, round hill, encompassed with a broad ditch, which, it seems, has been of a considerable depth. At the top of it is a corn field; in the midst of which is another round hill, about two hundred yards in diameter, encompassed with a wall, and a deep ditch. Probably before the invention of cannon, this city was impregnable. Troy was; but now it is vanished away, and nothing left but “ the stones of emptiness.”’ Thur. 3.--I rode to Reading, and preached in the evening. Observing a warm man near the door, (who was once of the society,) I purposely bowed to him; but he made no return. During the first ee Tiana A ams * oP eee on é 572 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Oct. 1754 prayer he stood, but sat while we sung. In the sermon his countenance changed, and in a little while he turned his face to the wall. He stood at the second hymn, and then kneeled down. As I came out he catched me by the hand, and dismissed me with a hearty blessing. Fri. 4.--I came to London. On Monday, 7, I retired to a little place near Hackney, formerly a seat of Bishop Bonner’s, (how are the times changed !) and still bearing his name. Here I was as ina college. Twice a day we joined in prayer. The rest of the day, (allowing about an hour for meals, and another for walking before dinner and supper,) [ spent quietly in my study. Sat. 12.--I administered the sacrament to R . Some years ago he found peace with God, and was freed at once, without any human means, from a distemper naturally incurable. But after three years, on his falling back into the world, it returned more violent than ever; and will probably now be cured no more but by the universal remedy,--death. ,

Mon. June 1.--I left Newcastle; and came to Durham, just as Jacob Rowell had done preaching, or rather, attempting to preach ; for the mob was so noisy, that he was constrained to break off. I reached Osmotherley in the evening, and found a large congregation waiting. I preached immediately ; God renewing my strength, and comforting my heart. Here I inquired, of eye and ear witnesses, concerning what lately occurred in the neighbourhood. On Thursday, March 25th last, being the week before Easter, many persons observed a great noise near a ridge of mountains in Yorkshire, called Black Hamilton. It was observed chiefly in the south-west side of the mountain, about a mile from the course where the Hamilton races are run; near a ridge of rocks, commonly called Whiston Cliffs, or Whiston White Mare; two miles from Sutton, about five from Thirsk. The same noise was heard on Wednesday, by all who went that way. On Thursday, about seven in the morning, Edward Abbot, weaver, and Adam Bosomworth, bleacher, both of Sutton, riding under Whiston oa 580 REY. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. | June, 1755. Cliffs, heard a roaring, (so they termed it,) like many cannons, or loud and rolling thunder. It seemed to come from the cliffs; looking up to which, they saw a large body of stone, four or five yards broad, split and fly off from the very top of the rocks. They thought it strange, but rode on. Between ten and eleven a larger piece of the rock, about fifteen yards thick, thirty high, and between sixty and seventy broad, was torn off and thrown into the valley. About seven in the evening, one who was riding by observed the grounw to shake exceedingly; and soon after several large stones or rocks, ov some tons weight each, rose out of the ground. Others were thrown on one side, others turned upside down, and many rolled over and over. Being a little surprised, and not very curious, he hasted on his way. On Friday and Saturday the ground continued to shake, and the rocks to roll over one another. The earth also clave asunder in very many places, and continued so to do till Sunday morning.

That part of the cliff from which the rest is torn, lies so high, and is now of so bright a colour, that it is plainly visible to all the country round, even at the distance of several miles. We saw it distinctly not only from the street in Thirsk, but for five or six miles, as we rode toward York. So we did likewise in the Great North Road, between Sandhutton and Northallerton. But how may we account for this phenomenon? Was it effected by a merely natural cause? If so, that cause must either have been fire, water, or air. It could not be fire; for then some mark of it must have appeared, either at the time, or after it. But no such mark does appear, nor ever did; not so much as the least smoke, either when the first or second rock was removed, or in the whole space between Tuesday and Sunday. It could not be water; for no water issued out when the one or the a June, 1755. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 581 other rock was torn off; nor had there been any rains some time before: it was, in that part of the country, a remarkably dry season. Neither was there any cavity in that part of the rock, wherein a sufficient quantity of water might have lodged. On the contrary, it was one single, solid mass, which was evenly and smoothly cleft in sunder.

Mon. 9.--I took my leave of the richest society, number for number, which we have in England. I hope this place will not prove (as Cork has for some time done) the Capua of our preachers. When I came to Epworth, the congregation was waiting. So I went immediately to the Cross; and great was our glorying in the Lord. Tues. 10.--I met the stewards of the Lincolnshire societies, who gave us an agreeable account of the work of God in every place. Wed. 11.--I preached ina meadow at Misterton, to a larger congregation than ever met there before. Thur. 12.--At eight I preached at Clayworth, and at Rotherham in the evening. Here likewise was such a number of people assembled, as was never before seen in that town. Is not this one clear proof of the hand of God, that although the novelty of this preaching is over, yet the people flock to hear it in every place far more than when it was a new thing? Fri. 13.--In the evening I preached at Sheffield. In the morning I examined the members of the society ; and was agreeably surprised to find, that though none had visited them, since I did it myself, two years ago, yet they were rather increased than diminished in number, and many of them growing in grace. Mon. 16.--I preached in the evening at Nottingham, and on Thursday afternoon reached London. From a deep sense of the amazing work which God has of late years wrought in England, I preached in the evening on those words, Psalm cxlvii, 20, “ He hath not dealt so with any nation ;” no, not even with Scotland or New England. In both these God has indeed made bare his arm; yet not in so astonishing a manner as among us. ‘This must appear to all who impartially consider, 1. The numbers of persons on whom God has wrought: 2. The swiftness of his work in many, both convinced and truly converted in a few days: 3. The depth of it in most of these, changing the heart, as well as the whole conversation: 4. The clearness of it, enabling them boldly to say, “ 'Thou hast loved me; thou hast given thyself for me:” 5. The continuance of it. God has wrought in Scotland and

I had given no notice of preaching here ; but seeing the poor people flock from every side, I could not send them empty away. SoI preached at a small distance from the house ; and besought them to consider our “ great High Priest, who is passed through into the heavens :” and none opened his mouth; for the lions of Breage too are now changed into lambs. That they were so fierce ten years ago is no wonder; since their wretched minister told them, from the pulpit, (seven years before I resigned my fellowship,) that “‘John Wesley was expeiled the college for a base child, and had been quite mazed ever since: that all the Methodists, at their private societies, put out the lights,” &c; with abundance more of the same kind. But a year or two since, it was observed, he grew thoughtful and melancholy ; and, about nine months ago, he went into his own necessary house, and hanged himself. When we came to Newlyn, we were informed that a strong, healthy man, was, the morning before, found dead in his bed. Many were startled: so I endeavoured to deepen the impression, by preaching on those words, * There is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom, in the grave, whither thou goest.” Sat. 6.--In the evening I preached at St. Just. Except at Gwennap, I have seen no such congregation in Cornwall. The sun (nor could we contrive it otherwise) shone full in my face, when I began the hymn: but just as I ended it, a cloud arose, which covered it till I had done preaching. Is any thing too small for the providence of Him by whom our very hairs are numbered ?

Mon. 27.--We set out for Leigh, in Essex: but, being hindered a little in the morning, the night came on, without either moon or stars, when we were about two miles short of Raleigh. The ruts were so deep and uneven, that the horses could scarce stand, and the chaise was continually in danger of overturning; so that my companions thought it best to walk to the town, though the road was both wet and dirty. Leaving them at Raleigh, I took horse again. It was se thoroughly dark, that we could not see our horses’ heads: however, by the help of Him to whom the night shineth as the day, we hit every turning ; and, without going a quarter of a mile out of our way, before nine came to Leigh. Wed. 29.--I returned to London. In my scraps of time, on this and two or three other days, I read over (what I had often heard much commended) Lord Anson’s Voyage. What pity he had not a better historian! One who had eyes to see, and courage to own the hand of God. Thur. November 5.--Mr. Whitefield called upon me ;--disputings are now no more: we love one another, and join hand in hand to promote the cause of our common Master. In the afternoon I buried the remains of Samuel Larwood, who died of a fever on Sunday morning : deeply convinced of his unfaithfulness, and yet hoping to find mercy. He had lately taken and repaired a building in Southwark, called, by the venerable men who built it, Zoar. His executor offering it to me Dec. 1755.) REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 594 on the evening of Friday, 6, that solemn day, which we observed with fasting and prayer for our king and country, I preached there to a large and quiet congregation ; but most of them appeared wild enough: and such were we, till grace made the difference.

Mon. 22.--It continued fair till we came to Builth; where I preached to the usual congregation. Mr. Phillips then guided us to Royader, about fourteen English miles. It snowed hard behind us and on both sides, but not at all where we were. wes. 23.--When we took horse, there was nothing to be seen but a waste of white: the snow covered both hills and vales. As we could see no path, it was not without much difficulty, as well as danger, that we went on. But between seven and eight the sun broke out, and the snow began to melt: so we thought all our difficulty was over; till, about nine, the snow fell faster than ever. In an hour it changed into hail; which, as we rode over the mountains, drove violently in our face. About twelve this turned into hard rain, followed by an impetuous wind. However, we pushed on through all, and before sunset came to Dolgelly. Here we found every thing we wanted except sleep, of which we were deprived by a company of drunken, roaring sea captains, who kept possession of the room beneath us, till between two and three in . the morning: so that we did not take horse till after six ; and then we could make no great speed, the frost being exceeding sharp, and much ice in the road. Hence we were not able to reach Tannabull till between eleven and twelve. An honest Welshman here gave us to know (though he spoke no English) that he was just going over the sands. So we hastened on with him, and by that means came in good time to Carnarvon.

Here we passed a quiet and comfortable night, and took horse about six in the morning. Supposing, after we had rode near an hour, that a little house on the other side was the ferry house, we went down to the water, and called amain: but we could not procure any answer. In the mean time it began to rain hard, though the wind was extremely high. Finding none would come over, we went to a little church which stood near, for shelter. We had waited about an hour, when a woman and girl came into the church yard, whom | did not mind, supposing they could speak no English. They were following a sheep, which ran tlose to us. I then asked, “Is not this Baldon Ferry?” The girl answered, “ Baldon Ferry! No. The ferry is two miles further.” So we might have called long enough. When we came to Baldon the wind fell, the sky cleared up, the boat came over without delay, and soon landed us in Anglesey. On our way to Holyhead, one met and informed us, the packet sailed the night before. I said, “ Perhaps it may carry me for all that.” So we pushed on, and came thither in the afternoon. The packet did sail the night before, and got more than half sea over. But the wind turning against them and blowing hard, they were glad to get back this afternoon. I scarce ever remember so violent a storm as blew all the night long. The wind continued contrary the next day. Sun. 2'7.--About nine in the morning I spent some time with a few serious people, and gave notice of preaching at four in the afternoon, as soon as the evening service was ended. It began soon after three : fen minutes before four Mr. D. began catechising the children in Welsh. I stayed till after five. As there was no sign of his concluding, I then went nome, and found the people waiting; to whom I expounded those April, 1756. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 59¢ solemn words, “Watch and pray always, that ye may be counted worthy to escape all these things which are coming upon the earth.”

“When I was about twenty years old, I went to Waterford for business. After a few weeks I resolved to leave it; and packed up my things, in order to set out the next morning. This was Sunday; but my landlord pressed me much not to go till the next day. In the afternoon we walked out together, and went into the river. After a while, leaving him near the shore, I struck out into the deep. J soon heard a ery, and, turning, saw him rising and sinking in the channel of the river. I swam back with all speed, and, seeing him sink again, dived down after him. When I was near the bottom, he clasped his arm round my neck, and held me so fast that I could not rise. Seeing death before me, all my sins came into my mind, and I faintly called for mercy. In a while my senses went away, and I thought I was in a place full of light and glory, with abundance of people. While I was thus, he who held me died, and I floated up to the top of the water. I then immediately came to myself, and swam to the shore, where several stood who had seen us sink, and said, they never knew such a deliverance before; for I had been under water full twenty minutes. It made me more serious for two or three months. Then I returned to all my sins. “But in the midst of all, I had a voice following me every where, “When an able minister of the Gospel comes, it will be well with thee!’ Some years after I entered into the army: our troop lay at Phillip’s Town, when Mr. W. came. I was much affected by his preaching; but not so as to leave my sins. The voice followed me still; and when Mr. J. W. came, before I saw him I had an unspeakable conviction that he was the man I looked for; and soon after I found peace with God, and it was well with me indeed.”

Thur. 6.--I rode to Kilkenny. One of the dragoons who were quartered here, soon found us out. A few, both of the army and of the town, are joined, and constantly meet together. I preached in the barracks, in one of the officers’ rooms. Still, in Ireland, the first call is to the soldiery. Fri. 7.--We rode to Waterford; where, after preaching, I earnestly exhorted the society to “love as brethren.” On the same subject I preached in the morning, and spent great part of the day in striving to remove misunderstandings and offences. It was not lost labour. Six-and-twenty were left in the morning: before night seven-and-fifty were joined together. T. Walsh preached at five ; but the room being too small, they were obliged to go into the yard. In the evening we had high and low, rich and poor, both in the yard and adjoining gardens. There seemed now to be a general call to this city. So I thought it best the next morning, Monday, 10, to leave Mr. Walsh there, while I went forward to Clonmell, the pleasantest town, beyond all comparison, which I have yet seen in Ireland. It has four broad, straight streets of well-built houses, which cross each other in the centre of the town. Close to the walls, on the south side, runs a broad, clear river. Beyond this rises a green and fruitful mountain, and hangs over the town. The vale runs many miles both east and west, and is well cultivated throughout. I preached at five in a large loft, capable of containing five or six hundred people : but it was not full; many being afraid of its falling, as another did some years before; by which several of the hearers were much hurt, and one so bruised, that she died in a few days.

Tues. 11.--I was at a loss where to preach, the person who owned the loft refusing to let me preach there, or even in the yard below. And the commanding officer being asked for the use of the barrackyard, answered, it was not a proper place. <‘* Not,# said he, “that I have any objection to Mr. Wesley. I will hear him, if he preaches under the gallows.” It remained, to preach in the street: and by this means the congregation was more than doubled. Both the officers and soldiers gave great attention, till a poor man, special drunk, came marching down the street, attended by a Popish mob, with a club in ‘ May, 1756. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 603 one hand, and a large cleaver in the other, grievously cursmg and blaspheming, and swearing he would cut off the preacher’s head. It was with difficulty that I restrained the troopers; especially them that were not of the society. When he came nearer, the mayor stepped out of the congregation, and strove, by good words, to make him quiet ; but he could not prevail: on which he went into his house, and returned with his white wand. At the same time he sent for two constables, who presently came with their staves. He charged them not to strike the man, unless he struck first; but this he did immediately, as soon as they came within his reach, and wounded one of them in the wrist. On this the other knocked him down, which he did three times before he would submit. The mayor then walked before, the constables on either hand, and conducted him to the gaol.

well of the water of life, that I may begin the song before I go off to the Church triumphant! I go forth in thy name, making mention of thy righteousness, even thine only. I die at the feet of mercy.’ Then, stretching out bis arms, he put his hand upon his head, and with the most serene and steady, majestic eye Ii ever saw, looking upward, he said, ‘Crowns of grace, crowns of grace, and palms in their hands! O Lord God of truth, into thy hands I commend my spirit After an unexpected revival, he said, ‘O, I fear his tarrying, lest the prospect become more dark. I sometimes fear he may spare me to live, and be less faithful than he has helped me to be hitherto.’ He says to me, ‘ You that are ministers, bear a proper testimony against the professors of this age, who have a form of godliness without the power.’ Observing some of his people about his bed, he said, ‘May I have some seals among you! O where wilt the ungodly and sinners of Bathgate appear? Labour all to be in Christ.’ ‘Then he stretched out his hand to several, and said, ‘ Farewell, farewell, farewell! And now, O Lord, what wait I for? My hope is in thee!’ Once or twice he said, ‘ Let me be laid across the bed to expire, where I have sometimes prayed, and sometimes meditated with pleasure. He éxpressed his grateful sense of the assiduous care which Mr. Wardrobe, of ‘Cult, had taken of him; and on his replying, ‘Too much could not be done for so valuable a life,’ he said, ‘O speak not so, or you will provoke God! Glory be to God, that I have ever had any regard paid me, for Christ’s sake!’ I am greatly sunk under the event. O help me, by your prayers, to get the proper submission and improvement !” Thur. June 3.--I received a remarkable letter from a clergyman, with whom I had been a day or two before. Part of it ran thus :-- “J had the following account from the gentlewoman herself, a person of piety and veracity. She is now the wife of Mr. J B , silversmith, in Cork:

forsaken me.” She was immediately seized with violent pain: she could not see the sun, or the light, only a dim twilight: she could not taste her meat or drink, any more than the white of an egg: she had a constant impulse to kill herself, which she believed she must do; and attempted several times. After having continued thus three years and a half, she resolved to endure it no longer; accordingly she procured a knife to cut her throat, and did cut through the skin, but could get no further ; it seemed to her as if the flesh were tron; she threw down the knife, burst into tears, fell upon her knees, and began (what she had not done all the time) to pour out her soul before God. Fear and sorrow fled away: she rejoiced in God; she saw the light of the sun ; her natural taste returned ; and she has been ever since in health of -body and peace of mind. Wed. 23.--I took my leave of Limerick, and rode to Six-mile Bridge. There I left T. Walsh to preach in Irish, and went on to Rathlahine. Thur. 24.--I went on to Ennis, a town consisting almost wholly of Papists, except a few Protestant gentlemen. One of these (the chief person in the town) had invited me to his house, and walked with me to the court house, where I preached to a huge, wild, unwakened multitude, Protestants and Papists, many of whom would have been rude enough if they durst.

Sun. 27.--The rector having left word that I should have the use of the church, I preached there morning and afternoon, to such a copgregation as (they said) was never there before: and surely the word of God had free course; I saw not one light or inattentive hearer. Mr. Walsh afterward preached in the sessions house, to another large and serious congregation. And, Tuesday, 29, being St. Peter’s day, I read prayers, and preached to as large a congregation as on Sunday. In the afternoon I rode over to Newport, eleven miles from Castlebar. About thirty years ago, a little company of Protestants settled here, by a river side, on the very extremity of the land, and built a small town. It has a fruitful hill on each side, and a large bay to the west, full of small fertile islands, containing from one to several thousand acres. Of these they compute above three hundred, and near a hundred are inhabited ; but by Papists alone, there not being so much as a single Protestant among them! I went directly to the rector’s, who had before given me an invitation. Between seven and eight I preached to (I suppose) more than all the Protestants in the town. Deep attention sat on every face. Perhaps God touched some hearts. Wed. 30.--At eleven Mr. H. read prayers, and I preached on Gal. vi, 14. The church stands at a distance from the town, and it rained hard; but that could not stop the congregation. In the afternoon J returned to Castlebar.

Thur. July 1.--There is just such a work here as was some years since at Athlone. The whole town is pleased, but few are convinced. The stream runs very wide, but very shallow. Sun. 4.--I read prayers and preached at Ballyheen, Mr. E ’s other church. The congregation at Castlebar in the afternoon was larger than ever before. In the morning, Monday, 5, the greater half of them were present, and we had a solemn parting. In the afternoon we came to Hollymount, some years since one of the pleasantest places in Ireland. Dr. Vesey, then archbishop of Tuam. fixed on this spot, nine miles from his see, built a neat commodious house on a little eminence, laid out fruit and flower gardens round it, brought a river to run through them, and encompassed the whole with walks and groves of stately trees. When he had finished his plan, round a stone pillar, which stands in a bason surrounded by a small green plat of ground, he placed the following inscription :-- Linquenda tellus, et domus, et placens Uxor, cum numerosé et speciosa prole, Chard chare matris sobole : Neque harum, quas colis, arborum Te, preter invisam cupressum, Ulla brevem dominum sequetur ! [Your house, and land, and charming wife, with your numerous and beautiful children, the beloved offspring of their beloved mother, must be left behind: nor, of these trees which you cultivate, will any except the hated cypress,* follow you, their short-lived owner.] I was just going to preach in the church yard, when Mr. C. sent his son with the key of the church. Almost half the congregation were Papists, whom all the threats of their priest could not keep away. Not !* Among the ancient Romans, a branch of cypress was placed at the door of deceased persons. The cypress tree was also sacred to Pluto, (the fabled king of nell,) because when once cut it never grows again.] oe oe ne , Hag re a bY z oan eed ; 610 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ July, 1756.

Sun. 18.--A little before twelve (the usual hour in Ireland) the morning service began at Rosmead church, where Mr. Booker preached a useful sermon. I preached at five to abundance of plain country people, and two coaches full of gentry. O how hard is it for these to enter into the kingdom of heaven! Mon. 19.--No sooner did we enter Ulster than we observed the difference. The ground was cultivated just as in England ; and the cottages not only neat, but with doors, chimneys, and windows. Newry, the first town we came to, (allowing for the size,) is built much after the manner of Liverpool. I preached soon after seven to a large congregation, and to great part of them at five in the morning. Afterward I spoke to the members of the society, consisting of Churchmen, Dissenters, and Papists that were. But there is no striving among them, unless to “ enter in at the strait gate.” Wed. 21.--In the morning there was such violent lightning, thunder, and rain, that the very beasts ran out of the fields, and the birds flew from their usual coverts, to take shelter in the houses. But before we took horse the sky cleared up, and we had a pleasant ride to Terryhugan, near Scarva. The road lay on the edge of a smooth canal, with July, 1756. ] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 613 fruitful, gently-rising hills on either side. We were at a lone house; but the people found their way thither in the evening from all quarters. I preached in a meadow near the house, the congregation sitting on the grass. And surely they had ears to hear. God give them hearts tc understand! Thur. 22.--We rode through heavy rain to Lisburn. I preached in the market house at seven. One man only gainsayed ; but the by-standers used him so roughly, that he was soon glad to hold his peace.

Fri. 13.--Having hired horses for Chester, we set out about seven. Before one we reached Bangor, the situation of which is delightful beyond expression. Here we saw a large and handsome cathedral. but no trace of the good old monks of Bangor; so many hundreds of whom fell a sacrifice at once to cruelty and revenge. The country from hence to Penmaen Mawr is far pleasanter than any garden. Mountains of every shape and size, vales clothed with grass or corn, woods and smaller tufts of trees, were continually varying on the one hand, as was the sea prospect on the other. Penmaen Mawr itself rises almost perpendicular to an enormous height from the sea. The road runs along the side of it, so far above the beach, that one could not venture to look down, but that there is a wall built all along, about four foot high. Meantime, the ragged cliff hangs over one’s head, as if it would fall every moment. An hour after we had left this awful place, we came to the ancient town of Conway. It is’walled round ; and the walls are in tolerably good repair. The castle is the noblest ruin I ever saw. It is four square, and has four large round towers, one at each corner, the inside of which have been stately apartments. One side of the’ castle is a large church, the windows and arches of which have been curiously wrought. An arm of the sea runs round two © sides of the hill on which the castle stands ;--once the delight of kings, now overgrown with thorns, and inhabited by doleful birds only. About eight we reached Place Bagh, where, as soon as I named my name, William Roberts received us with all gladness. But neither he nor any of his family could speak one sentence of English: yet our guide helped us out pretty well. After supper we sung and went to prayers. Though they could not speak it, most of them understood English: and God spoke to their hearts.

Mon. 6.--We took horse early; and in three hours reached the kirk of Shots, where the landlord seemed to be unusually aflected by a few minutes’ conversation; as did also the woman of the house where we dined. We came to Musselburg at five. I went to an inn, and sent for Mr. Bailiff Lindsey, whom I had seen several years ago. He came immediately, and desired me to make his house my home. At seven I preached in the Poor House, to a large and deeply-attentive congregation; but the number of people making the room extremely hot, I preached in the morning before the door. Speaking afterward to the members of the society, I was agreeably surprised to find more than two thirds knew in whom they had believed. And the tree was known by its fruits. The national shyness and stubbornness were gone, and they were as open and teachable as little children. At seven, five or six and forty of the fifty dragoons, and multitudes of the town’s people, attended. Is the time come that even these wise Scots shall become fools for Christ’s sake? Wed. 8.--I rode to Dunbar. Here also I found a little society ; most of them rejoicing in God their Saviour. At eleven I went out into the main strcet, and began speaking to a congregation of two men and two women. ‘These were soon joined by above twenty little children, and not long after by a large number of young and old.’ Ona sudden the sun broke out and shone full in my face; but in a few moments I felt it not. In the afternoon I rode to Berwick-upon-Tweed. They did not expect me till the next day: however, a congregation quickly assembled; and one as large, if not larger, at five in the morning. 5 oo , _ o ate -- ¥. Lays . 634 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [June, 1757. ’ Thur. 9.--To-day “ Douglas,” the play which has made so much noise, was put into my hands. I was astonished to find, it is one of the finest tragedies I ever read. What pity, that a few lines were not left out ; and that it was ever acted at Edinburgh!

Fri. 10.--I found myself much out of order, till the flux stopped at once, without any medicine. But being still weak, and the sun shining extremely hot, I was afraid I should not be able to go round by Kelso. Vain fear! God took care for this also. The wind, which had been full east for several days, turned this morning full west; and blew just in our face: and about ten the clouds rose, and kept us cool till we came to Kelso. At six William Coward and I went to the market house. We stayed some time, and neither man, woman, nor child came near us. At length I began singing a Scotch psalm, and fifteen or twenty people came within hearing; but with great circumspection, keeping their distance, as though they knew not what might follow. But while I prayed, their number increased; so that in a few minutes there was a pretty large congregation. I suppose the chief men of the town were there; and I spared neither rich nor poor. I almost wondered at myself, it not being usual with me to use so keen and cutting expressions: and I believe many felt that, for all their form, they were but Heathens still. Sat. 11.--Near as many were present at five, to whom I spoke full as plain as before. Many looked as if they would look us through ; . but the shyness peculiar to this nation prevented their saying any thing to me, good or bad, while I walked through them to our inn. About noon [ preached at Wooler, a pretty large town, eighteen miles from Kelso. I stood on one side of the main street, near the middle of the town: and I might stand; for no creature came near me tili f had sung part of a psalm. Then a row of children stood before me; and ia some time, about a hundred men and women. I spoke full as plain as I did at Kelso: and Pharisees themselves are not out of God’s reach. Ia the afternoon we came to Alnwick ; and at six I preached in the court house, to a congregation of another spirit.

Sun. 10.--I preached at seven, on, ‘“ Repent and believe the Gospel.” At the church, which stands on the hill, a mile from the town, we had a sound, useful sermon. Afterward I preached at a little village called Normanby; and about five on the quay. In the evening, talking with the society, I saw more than ever the care of God over July, 1757. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 637 them that fear him. What was it which stopped their growing in grace? Why, they had a well-meaning preacher among them, who was inflaming them more and more against the clergy. Nor could he advise them to attend the public ordinances; for he never went either to church or sacrament himself. This I knew not; but God did; and by his wise providence prevented the consequences which would naturally have ensued. William Manuel was pressed for a soldier ; so the people go to church and sacrament as before. Mon. 11.--We set out early. This and the three next days were the hottest I ever knew im England. A gentleman, who formerly traded to Guinea, assured me, that the spirits in his thermometer (the same he had when abroad) rose as high as they did within a few degrees of the Line. About nine we should have been glad to bait; but there being no inn to be found, we lay down for a quarter of an hour under some trees, and then rode on to Slingsby. The minister, an ola acquaintance of my father’s, having desired to see me, I called at his house before I preached: and I could gladly have stayed longer with him, but I knew the congregation waited. One poor drunkard made a little disturbance ; but after he was silenced all were still, and steadily attentive. It continued intensely hot; but having the wind in our faces, (as we generally had, all along from Newcastle ; and that, which way soever we rode,) we received no hurt till we came to York. But the difficulty was, how to preach there, in a room which in winter used to be as hot as an oven. I cut the knot, by preaching in Blake’s Square; where (the mob not being aware of us) I began and ended my discourse to a numerous congregation, without the least disturbance.

Sun. 17.--At seven in the morning the house just contained the people. I designed to preach abroad in the afternoon ; but the rain drove us into the house again : as many as could crowded i in. The rest stood without, though many, I fear, were wet to the skin. Tues. 19.-- Before I left Newcastle I heard a strange relanon, which I knew not what to think of. I then desired T. Lee, who was going to the place, to inquire particularly concerning it. He did so, and in consequence of that inquiry wrote me the following account :--- /« R--__. J~__. lived about twelve miles from Newcastle. His son, some time since, married without his consent. At this he was so enraged, that he wished his right arm might burn off, if ever he gave or left him sixpence. “ However, in March last, being taken ill, he made his will, and left him all his estate. The same evening he died. On Thursday, 10, his widow laying her hand on his back, found it warm. In the evening, those who were with him went into the next room to take a little refreshment. As they were eating, they observed a disagreeable smell, but could find nothing in the room to cause it. Returning into the room where the corpse “lay, they found it full of smoke. Removing the sheet which covered: the corpse, they saw (to their no small amazement) the body so burnt, that the entrails were bare, and might be seen through the ribs. His right arm was nearly burnt ‘off; his head so burnt that the brains appeared ; and a smoke came out of the crown of his head, like the steam of boiling water. When they cast water upon his body, it hissed, just as if cast on red-hot iron. Yet the sheet which was upon him was not ‘singed : but that under him, with the pillow-beer and pillow, and the plank on which he lay, were all burned, and looked as black as charcoal.

expire. Then she was well inamoment. Just at that time, John Hanson, who was ai excellent swimmer, persuaded her husband to go into the water on the far side of the town. He objected,--the water was deep, and he could not swim; and, being much importuned to go in, stood some time after he was undressed, and then kneeling down, prayed with an earnest and loud voice. When he rose from his knees, John, who was swimming, called him again, and treading the water, said, ‘ See, it is only breast high.” He stepped in, and sunk. A man who was near, cutting fern, and had observed him for some time, ran to the bank, and saw his head come up just above the water. The second or third time he rose, he clasped his hands, and cried aloud, ‘ Lord Jesus, receive my spirit.’ Immediately he sunk and rose no more.” One might naturally inquire, What became of John Hanson? As soon ashe saw his partner sink, he swam from him to the other side, put on his clothes, and went straight home. About noon I preached at W oodseats ; in the evening at Sheffield. I do indeed live by preaching! 640. REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [Aug. 1757 How quiet is this country now, since the chief persecutors are ne more seen! How many of them have been snatched away in an hour when they looked not for it! Some time since a woman of Thorpe often swore she would wash her hands in the heart’s blood of the next preacher that came. But before the next preacher came she was carried to her long home. A little before John Johnson settled at Wentworth, a stout, healthy man, who lived there, told his neighbours, “ After May day we shall have nothing but praying and preaching: but I will make noise enough to stop it.”” But before May day he was silent in his grave. A servant of Lord R was as bitter as him, and told many lies purposely to make mischief: but before this was done, his mouth was stopped. He was drowned in one of the fish ponds. Fri. 29.--I preached at Nottingham. We want nothing here but a larger house. Sat. 30.--I preached in the evening at Leicester, to a large congregation.

Mon. 8.--I took a walk in the Charter House. I wondered that all the squares and buildings, and especially the schocl boys, looked so little. But this is easily accounted for. I was little myself when I was at school, and measured all about me by myself. Accordingly, the upper boys being then bigger than myself, seemed to me very big and ‘el; quite contrary to what they appear now when I am taller and a a ee . s Sept. 1757. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 641 bigger than them. I question if this is not the real ground of the common imagination, that our forefathers, and in general men in past ages, were much larger than now: an imagination current in the world eighteen hundred years ago. So Virgil supposes his warrior to throw a stone that could scarce be wielded by twelve men,-- Qualia nunc hominum preducit corpora tellus. [Such men as the earth now produces.] So Homer, long before :-- Ovor vv Booro evot. [Such as men now are.] Whereas, in reality, men have been, at least ever since the deluge, very nearly the same as we find them now, both for stature and understanding. Mon. 22.--I set out in the machine, and the next evening reacherl Bristol. Fri. 26.--I preached at nine to a small congregation cf earnest people at Clutton; and in the evening at Middlesey. On Saturday, 27, we rode on to Tiverton. Sun. 28.--I preached in the market house to as large a congregation as ever I saw here. And all were quiet. So can God make, when it is best, all our enemies to be at peace with us. Jon. 29.--We rode through vehement wind, and many hard showers, to Launceston. ‘This gave me a violent fit of the toothache, which, however, did not hinder my preaching. Such a night I never remember to have passed before ; but all is good which lies in the way to glory. Tues. 30.--We rode to Camelford, where my toothache was cured, by rubbing treacle upon my cheek. At six I preached in the market place. How are the lions in this town also become lambs! Wed. 31.--I preached about noon at Trewalder, and in the evening at Port Isaac. This was long a barren soil; but is at length likely to bring forth much fruit.

Mon. 19.--In the evening both the house and court at Penryn were more than filled ; so that I willingly embraced the offer of Mr. H., and preached before his door at twelve on Tuesday. It was an extremely pleasant place, on the side of a hill, commanding a fruitful vale, the opposite hills, and Falmouth Harbour. Tall trees hung over me, and surrounded a bowling green which was behind me. A wide door is now open at Penryn also. O that none may shut it! At six in the evening I reached Bezore, and began preaching immediately. It was a season of uncommon refreshment, particularly to some of Truro. Afterward I met the society in the house: a young man was cut to the heart, and cried aloud, then another, and another, till my voice was quite lost. But I continued crying to God, and he heard, and gave an answer of peace. Many were filled with consolation; and four who had wandered for some years resolved to set out anew. Yet I was not quite reconciled to my lodging. Not but the, grotto itself was very venerable, but I did not like the circumstance of having a man and his wife in the same room. I therefore willingly accepted an invitation fom Mr. Painter, and walked over with him to Truro. Wed. 21.--I walked to Bezore, and preached at five. Afterward I 644 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. | Sept. 1757 spoke to each member of the society. They surprised me much. So lively and tender-hearted a people I have not lately seen. After spending an hour with a few friends in Truro, I rode forward to Grampound, a mean, inconsiderable, dirty village. However it is a borough town! Between twelve and one I began preaching in a meadow, to a numerous congregation. While we were singing, I observed a person in black on the far side of the meadow, who said, “‘ Come down; you have no business there.” Some boys who were on a wall, taking it for granted that he spoke to them, got down in all haste. I went on, and he walked away

Fri. March 3.--I returned to London. Mon. 6.--I took horse about seven o’clock. The wind being east, I was pleasing myself that we should have it on our back: but in a quarter of an hour it shifted to the north-west, and blew the rain full in our face: and both increased, so that when we came to Finchley Common, it was hard work to sit our horses. The rain continued all the way to Dunstable, where we exchanged the main road for the fields ; which, having been just ploughed, were deep enough. However, before threé we came to Sundon. Hence, on Thursday, 9, I rode to Bedford, and found the sermon was not to be preached till Friday. Had I known this in time, I should never have thought of preaching it; having engaged to be at Epworth on Saturday. Mr. came to me in the evening, and said he could not remain as he was any longer ; that he had no rest in his spirit while he was thus halting between two; and therefore desired to go with me without delay. I answered, if he was so resolved, he was welcome to set out with me for Epworth the next day. He said he would. We spent some time in prayer, and parted for the present. Fri. 10.--The congregation at St. Paul’s was very large and very attentive. The judge, immediately after sermon, sent me an invitation to dine with him. But having no time, I was obliged to send my excuse, and set out between one and two. ‘The north-east wind was piercing cold, and, blowing exactly in our face, soon brought a heavy shower of snow, then of sleet, and afterward of hail. However, we reached Stilton at seven, about thirty miles from Bedford.

Rest was now the more sweet, because both our horses were lame. However, resolving to reach Epworth at the time appointed, I set out in a post-chaise between four and five in the morning: but the frost made it so bad driving, that my companion came with the lame horses into Stamford as soon as me. The next stage I went on horseback ; but I was then obliged to leave my mare, and take another post-chaise. I came to Bawtry about six. Some from Epworth had come to meet me, but were gone half an hour before I came. I knew no chaise could go the rest of the road: so it remained only to hire horses and a guide. We set out about seven, but I soon found my guide knew no more of the way than myself. However, we got pretty well to Idlestop, about four miles frow Bawtry, where we had just light to discern the river at our side, and the country covered with water. I had heard that one Richard Wright lived thereabouts, who knew the road over the Moor perfectly well. Hearing one speak, (for we could not see him,) I called, “Who is there?” He answered, “ Richard Wright.” I soon agreed with him, and he quickly mounted his horse, and rode boldly forward. The north-east wind blew full in our face ; and I heard them say, “It is very cold!” But neither my face, nor hands, nor feet were cold, till between nine and ten we came to Epworth: after travelling more than ninety miles, I was little more tired than when I rose in the morning. Sun. 12.--I was much comforted at church, both morning and afternoon, by the serious behaviour of the whole congregation, so different from what it was formerly. After evening service I took my stand in the market place, with a multitude of people from all parts. Toward the end of the sermon the .rain was heavy ; but it neither lessened nor disturbed the congregation. cart March, 1758.] REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. , 651

Sun. 23.--I was much concerned to see two gentlemen, who were close to me at St. Patrick’s church, fall a talking together, in the most trifling manner, immediately after they had received the Lord’s Supper. Indeed one who sat by could not but reprove them, whom I seconded in strong terms. And so far (at least) we gained ; they talked no more till the service was ended. Mon. 24.--I left Dublin. But our chaise horse tired before we had drove eight miles. So I went into another chaise, and reached Killcock between eleven and twelve. We were agreeably surprised to hear the maid of the inn singing one of our hymns, and to find that her mistress hud, the evening before, been at the preaching in Dublin. This accounted for the profound civility, with which all the servants behaved. About one I took horse, and rode on with Robert Swindells to Edinderry. On the road I read Mr. Walker’s ** Account of the Siege of Londonderry,” and the relation of that of Drogheda, by Dr. Bernard; a vain, childish, affected writer. Sir Henry Titchburn’s account of that siege, is wrote in a strong and masculine manner, and is worthy to be joined with Mr. Walker’s plain and clear account of that other amazing scene of providence. Tues. 25.--I read an account of the Irish rebellion wrote by Dr. Curry, a Papist, of Dublin, who labours to wash the Ethiop white by numberless falsehoods and prevarications. But he is treated according to his merit by Mr. Harris, in a tract entitled, “Fiction Unmasked.” In the evening I preached under the castle wall, to a very numerous congregation, though some of the Quakers (so called) had laboured much to dissuade their people from coming ; and one peor man, lately reclaimed, by hearing our preachers, from a course of open, scandalous sin, they did persuade to stay at home. When he turns back to his vomit, who shall answer for his blood ?

Wed. 26.--I walked round the poor remains of the castle. The situation is extremely fine. It stands on the top of a gently-rising hill, commanding the prospect all four ways, and having rows of tall trees reaching down to the vale on three sides, with a grove covering it on the north-east. But the house, as well as the gardens round about it, are now utterly run to ruin. I wonder none has rebuilt it; unless there is a curse on the place for the sins of its former inhabitants ! Thur. 27.--I finished Mr. Spearman’s “ Inquiry ;” an ingenious, sensible book; but I cannot at all agree with his scheme: I still think Mr. Hutchinson’s whole system is not only quite unsupported by Scripture, but loaded with insuperable difficulties. I cannot yet see Journal I.--42 654 REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [ May, 1758. the possibility of any motion, without so much as a vacuum dissemuna tum. [A diffused vacuum.] Is it not flatly impossible, if all be full. and all matter be impenetrable? Much less can I conceive, how the streams of light and air can move continually in opposite directions, and that in space absolutely full, without justling with each other! In the evening I preached at Portarlington. Both this day and the next I was much concerned for my rich, gay hearers; and God gave me such a word for them, as I scarce ever had before. Hence, at his earnest request, I rode over to Mr. L--y, who said he could not die in peace till he had seen me. For some time he had been quite distracted ; but he spoke quite sensibly yesterday, while Mr. Swindells was there, saying, with many tears, he had never prospered in any thing since he used Mr. W. so ill. That night he had sound and refreshing sleep, which he had not had for many weeks before ; and, when we called. most of what he said was reasonable and connected. Perhaps God may put an end to the troubles which have lately encompassed him on every side.

Tues. 2.--I wrote a short answer to Dr. Free’s weak, bitter, scurrilous invective against the people called Methodists. But I doubt whether I shall meddle with him any more; he is too dirty a writer for a. Va May, 1758. | REV. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. 655 me to touch. Wed. 3.--I preached at four in the afternoon at Cooly- .ough, and at eight in the morning; after which I rode on to Tyrrel’s Pass. The letters which I received here were seasonable as rain in drought. I had before found much weariness ; but God thereby gave a check to my faintness of spirit, and enabled me to “ gird up the loins of my mind.” In the evening, the weather being calm and mild, I preached on the side of a meadow, the people standing before me, one above another, on the side of a gently-rising hill. And many did, indeed, at that hour, “taste and see that the Lord is gracious.” - Fri. 5.--In the evening I preached at Drumcree, in the new room, built in the taste of the country. The roof is thatch, the walls mud; on which a ladder was suspended by ropes of straw. Hence we rode to Rosmead. The congregation here was not large, but deeply serious. Sun. '7.--I preached at eight.and at five. Afterward I was desired to make a collection for a distressed family. Mr. Booker, the minister of the parish, willingly stood at the door to receive it; and encouraged all that went by to be merciful after their power. Mon. 8.--I rode to Newry, and preached at seven to a large and serious congregation. Tues. 9.--We rode by the side of the canal, through a pleasant vale, to Terryhugan. The room built on purpose for us here, is three yards long, two and a quarter broad, and six foot high. The walls, floor, and ceiling are mud; and we had a clean chaff bed. At seven I preached in a neighbouring ground, having a rock behind me, and a large congregation sitting on the grass before me. ‘Thence we retired to our _ hut, and found it true,-- Licet, sub paupere tecto, Reges et regum vita precurrere amicos. [lt is possible, under an humble roof, to live more happily than kings and their courtiers. } ’

Wed. 10.--I suppose all the inhabitants of the village, with many others, were present at five in the morning. Among these was a poor woman, brought to bed ten days before, who had walked four Irish miles (seven English) with her child in her arms, to have it baptized by me. Another, who lived at Terryhugan, had earnestly desired the same thing, if she was delivered before I left the country. She was delivered two or three hours before the preaching. So God gave her what she asked of him. In riding to Lisburn I read Mr. Rollin’s «Ancient History.” Could so masterly a writer make so palpable blunders! Or are they owing to the translator? I have observed many as gross as that in the fourth volume: “ A revered old age was the fruit of Gelon’s wisdom.--He was succeeded by Hiero, his eldest brother. This young prince” How? If Gelon enjoyed revered old age, could his eldest brother be young after his death? Abundance of people attended the preaching in the evening, as well as in the morning. Fri. 12.--I preached about noon at Comber, and then rode on to Newtown. This seems to have been a place of strength, large fragments of walls still remaining. I preached at seven on the green, to the largest congregation I have seen since I came into the kingdom. All were guiletly attentive, and, when I had done, went away in deep silence. Sai 13 --We went into the church, the burial place of Mr. Colvin’s father ana ancestors. The choir, turned into a chapel many years ago, 656 REY. J. WESLEY’S JOURNAL. [May, 1758. is grand, and finely finished. But as no man cares for it, since the estate was sold, it is swiftly running to ruin. In the evening we had a larger congregation than before. I was afraid my voice would not reach them all; but God gave me strength, so that I believe every one present might hear distinctly.

Grace Before Meat (Part I) Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1739), Part I Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- 1 Fountain of being, source of good! At whose almighty breath The creature proves our bane or food, Dispensing life or death: 2 Thee we address with humble fear, Vouchsafe thy gifts to crown; Father of all, thy children hear, And send a blessing down. 3 O may our souls for ever pine Thy grace to taste and see; Athirst for righteousness divine, And hungry after thee! 4 For this we lift our longing eyes, We wait the gracious word; Speak--and our hearts from earth shall rise, And feed upon the Lord. 3Charles included this hymn in a later manuscript selection for family use: MS Family, 12.

Grace Before Meat - Another (Part I) Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1739), Part I Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- 1 Enslav’d to sense, to pleasure prone, Fond of created good; Father, our helplessness we own, And trembling taste our food. 2 Trembling we taste: for ah! No more To thee the creatures lead; Chang’d they exert a fatal pow’r, And poison while they feed. 3 Cursed for the sake of wretched man, They now engross him whole, With pleasing force on earth detain, And sensualize his soul. 4 Grov’ling on earth we still must lie Till Christ the curse repeal; Till Christ descending from on high Infected nature heal. 5 Come then, our heav’nly Adam, come! Thy healing influence give; Hallow our food, reverse our doom, And bid us eat and live. 4Charles adapted stanzas 5-8 of this hymn for use in a later manuscript selection for his family: MS Family, 12-13. 6 The bondage of corruption break! For this our spirits groan; Thy only will we fain would seek; O save us from our own. 7 Turn the full stream of nature’s tide: Let all our actions tend To thee their source; thy love the guide, Thy glory be the end. 8 Earth then a scale to heav’n shall be, Sense shall point out the road; The creatures then5 shall lead to thee, And all we taste be God!

Grace Before Meat (Part II) Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1739), Part II Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- 1 Parent of good, whose plenteous grace O’er all thy creatures flows, Humbly we ask thy pow’r to bless The food thy love bestows. 2 Thy love provides the sober feast: A second gift impart, Give us with joy our food to taste And with a single heart. 3 Let it for thee new life afford, For thee our strength repair, Blest by thine all-sustaining word, And sanctify’d by prayer. 4 Thee let us taste; nor toil below For perishable meat: The manna of thy love bestow, Give us thy flesh to eat. 77Charles included this hymn in a later manuscript selection for family use: MS Family, 13-14. 5 Life of the world, our souls to feed Thyself descend from high! Grant us of thee the living bread To eat, and never die!

At Meals Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1739), Part II Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- 1 Father, our eyes we lift to thee, And taste our daily bread: ’Tis now thy open hand we see, And on thy bounty feed. 2 ’Tis now the meaner creatures join Richly thy grace to prove; Fulfil thy primitive design, Enjoy’d by thankful love. 3 Still, while our mouths are fill’d with good, Our souls to thee we raise; Our souls partake of nobler food, And banquet on thy praise. 4 Yet higher still our farthest aim; To mingle with the blest, T’ attend the marriage of the Lamb, And heaven’s eternal feast. 78Charles included this hymn in a later manuscript selection for family use: MS Family, 14.

Grace After Meat - Another (Part II) Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1739), Part II Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- 1 Fountain of all the good we see Streaming from heav’n above, Saviour! Our faith we act on thee, And exercise our love. 2 ’Tis not the outward food we eat Doth this new strength afford, ’Tis thou, whose presence makes it meat, Thou the life-giving word. 3 Man doth not live by bread alone, Whate’er thou wilt can feed; Thy power converts the bread to stone, And turns the stone to bread. 4 Thou art our food: we taste thee now, In thee we move and breathe, Our bodies’ only life art thou, And all besides is death!

Universal Redemption Source: Appended to John Wesley's sermon "Free Grace" (1739), pp. 31-35 Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) [cf. Baker list, #14] ---

3 Thy darling attribute I praise Which all alike may prove, The glory of thy boundless grace, Thy universal love.

6 Thine eye survey'd the fallen race When sunk, in sin they lay, Their misery call'd for all thy grace, But justice stopp'd the way.

9 A power to chuse, a will to obey, Freely his grace restores; We all may find the living way, And call the Saviour ours.

10 Whom his eternal mind foreknew, That they the power would use, Ascribe to God the glory due, And not his grace refuse;

17 And shall I, Lord, confine thy love, As not to others free? And may not every sinner prove, The grace that found out me?

22 Thou can'st not mock the sons of men, Invite us to draw nigh, Offer thy grace to all, and then, Thy grace to most deny!

28 Give them conceptions worthy thee, Give them in Jesu's face, Thy merciful design to see, Thy all-redeeming grace.

29 Stir up thy strength, and help us, Lord, The preachers multiply, Send forth thy light, and give the word, And let the shadows fly.

30 Oh! If thy Spirit send forth me, The meanest of the throng, I'll sing thy grace divinely free, And teach mankind the song.

31 Grace will I sing, thro' Jesu's name, On all mankind bestow'd; The everlasting truth proclaim, And seal that truth with blood.

32 Come then, thou all-embracing love, Our frozen bosom warm; Dilating fire within us move, With truth and meekness arm.

35 Then, only then our eyes shall see Thy promis'd kingdom come; And every heart by grace set free, Shall make the Saviour room.

5 Whose firm foundations never move, Jerusalem was all his care, The New Jerusalem above; His treasure, and his heart was there.

1 The worthies these of ancient days, By faith they lived, in faith they died: Not yet receiv'd the promis'd grace, But darkly from afar descri'd.

8 Now, Lord, for thee our all we leave, Our willing soul thy call obeys, Pleasure, and wealth, and fame we give, Freedom, and life, to win thy grace.

1 Isaac by faith declar'd his race In Jacob and in Esau blest, The younger by peculiar grace A nobler heritage possess'd.

9 His steady way he still pursu'd, Nor hopes nor fears retard his pace, Th' Invisible before him stood, And faith unveil'd the Saviour's face.

7 Women their quicken'd dead receiv'd, Women the power of faith display'd, With stedfast confidence believ'd, Believ'd their children from the dead.

1 Others, as in a furnace try'd, With strength of passive grace endu'd, Tortures, and deaths thro' faith defy'd, Thro' faith resisted unto blood.

1 Famed for their faith all these believ'd, By justifying faith made whole: Nor yet the promis'd grace receiv'd, The Christ, the fulness in their soul.

Looking unto Jesus. [From the German] [Maria Böhmer] (The Same) Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1740), Part I Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- What is a worthless worm to thee? What is in man thy grace to move? That still thou seekest those who flee The arms of thy pursuing love? That still thy inmost bowels cry “Why, sinner, wilt9 thou perish, why?” Ah show me, Lord, my depth of sin! Ah, Lord, thy depth of mercy show! End, Jesus, end this war within: No rest my spirit e’er shall know, Till thou thy quickning influence give: Breathe, Lord, and these dry bones shall live. There, there before the throne thou art, The Lamb ere10 earth’s foundations slain! Take thou, O take this guilty heart; Thy blood will wash out every stain: No cross, no sufferings I decline; Only let all my heart be thine! The Same [Looking unto Jesus]. God of love, incline thine ear! Christ my King, Haste and bring Thy salvation near. 9Ori. “will”; corrected in 4th edn. (1743) and following. 10Ori., ‘e’er’; but clearly used in sense of ‘before’. Thee my restless soul requires; Restless till Thou fulfill All its large desires. Only thou to me be given; Thou be mine, I resign All in earth and heaven. Jesus, come, my sickness cure; Shew thine art, Cleanse a heart Full of thoughts impure. Painfully it now aspires To be free, Full of thee, Full of hallow’d fires. Lo, I tread on deaths and snares, Sinking still Into ill, Plung’d in griefs and cares. When, O when wilt thou appear? O draw nigh! Say, “’Tis I;” And I will not fear.

Before Reading the Scriptures (Another 1) Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1740), Part I Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- Another [Before Reading the Scriptures].22 Teacher divine, we ask thy grace, These sacred leaves t’ unfold: Here in the gospel’s clearest glass, Let us thy face behold. 21Charles included this hymn in a later manuscript selection for family use: MS Family, 9. 22Charles included this hymn in a later manuscript selection for family use: MS Family, 9-10.

Before Preaching Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1740), Part I Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- Expand thy wings, prolific Dove, Brood o’er our nature’s night; On our disorder’d spirits move, And let there now be light. God thro’ himself we then shall know, If thou within us shine, And sound, with all thy saints below, The depths of love divine. Before Preaching. Forth in thy strength, O Lord, I go, Thy gospel to proclaim, Thy only righteousness to shew, And glorify thy name. Ordain’d I am, and sent by thee, As by the Father thou: And lo! Thou always art with me! I plead the promise now. O give me now to speak thy word In this appointed hour; Attend it with thy Spirit, Lord, And let it come with power.

Upon Parting with His Friends. [Part] I [Part] IV Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1740), Part I Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- Yes; the divorce at last is made, My soul is crush’d beneath the blow; The judgment falls, so long delay’d, And lays my stubborn spirit low, My hope expires, my comfort ends, Oh! I have lost my friends, my friends! [Part] IV. How shall I lift my guilty eyes, Or dare appear before thy face? When deaf to mercy’s loudest cries, I long have wearied out thy grace, Withstood thy power, and cross’d thy art, Nor heard, “My son, give me thy heart?” How could I, Lord, hold out so long, So long thy striving Spirit grieve! Forgive me the despiteful wrong: Behold, my all for thee I leave, The whole, the whole I here restore, And fondly keep back part no more. Lo! I cut off the dear right hand, Asham’d I should so late obey, Pluck out my eye at thy command, And cast the bleeding orb away; Lo, with my last reserve I part, I give, I give thee all my heart. My heart, my will I here resign, My life, my more than life for thee: Take back my friends, no longer mine; Bless’d be the love that lent them me: Bless’d be the kind, revoking word, Thy will be done, thy name ador’d!

Hymn for the Kingswood Colliers Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1740), Part I Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- O Spirit of love, Of health, and of power, Thy working we prove, Thy grace we adore; Whose inward revealing Applies our Lord’s blood, Attesting, and sealing Us children of God. Hymn for the Kingswood Colliers. Glory to God, whose sovereign grace Hath animated senseless stones, Call’d us to stand before his face, And rais’d us into Abraham’s sons. The people that in darkness lay, In sin and error’s deadly shade, Have seen a glorious gospel day, In Jesu’s lovely face display’d. Thou only, Lord, the work hast done, And bare’d thine arm in all our sight, Hast made the reprobates thy own, And claim’d the outcasts as thy right. Thy single arm, Almighty Lord, To us the great salvation brought, Thy word, thy all-creating word, That spake at first the world from nought.

To Be Sung at Meals Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1740), Part I Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- To Be Sung at Meals.52 Come let us lengthen out the feast, To thankfulness improve, God in his gifts delight to taste, And pay them back in love. His providence supplies our needs, And life and strength imparts; His open hand our bodies feeds, And fills with joy our hearts. But will he not our souls sustain, And nourish with his grace? Yes: for thou wilt not say, in vain My people seek my face. See then we take thee at thy word, With confidence draw nigh, We claim, and of thy Spirit, Lord, Expect a fresh supply. The sinner, when he comes to thee, His fond pursuit gives o’er, From nature’s sickly cravings free, He pines for earth no more. 52Charles included this hymn in a later manuscript selection for family use: MS Family, 14-15.

After a Journey Source: Hymns and Sacred Poems (1740), Part I Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- Thou callest me to seek thy face-- ’Tis all I wish to seek, T’ attend the whispers of thy grace, And hear thee inly speak. Let this my every hour employ, Till I thy glory see, Enter into my Master’s joy, And find my heaven in thee. After a Journey. Thou, Lord, hast blest my going out, O bless my coming in, Compass my weakness round about, And keep me safe from sin. Still hide me in thy secret place, Thy tabernacle spread, Shelter me with preserving grace, And guard my naked head. To thee for refuge may I run, From sin’s alluring snare, Ready its first approach to shun, And watching unto prayer.

Prayer for Faith Source: Collection of Psalms and Hymns (1741) Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- Father, I stretch my hands to thee, No other help I know. If thou withdraw’st thyself from me, Ah! Whither shall I go? What did thy only Son endure Before I drew my breath! What pain, what labour to secure My soul from endless death! O Jesu, could I this believe, I now should feel thy power; Now my poor soul thou would’st retrieve, Nor let me wait one hour. Author of faith, to thee I lift My weary longing eyes; O let me now receive that gift! My soul without it dies. Surely thou canst not let me die! O speak and I shall live! And here I will unwearied lie ’Till thou thy Spirit give. The worst of sinners would rejoice, Could they but see thy face: O let me hear thy quick’ning voice, And taste thy pard’ning grace.

An Hymn for the Georgia Orphans Source: Collection of Psalms and Hymns (1741) Author: Charles Wesley (attributed) --- Come let us join our God to bless, And praise him evermore, That Father of the fatherless, That helper of the poor. Our dying parents us forsake, His mercy takes us up: Kindly vouchsafes his own to make, And he becomes our hope. For us he in the wilderness A table hath prepar’d, Us whom his love delights to bless, His providence to guard. Known unto him are all our needs; And when we seek his face, His open hands our bodies feeds, Our souls he feeds with grace. Then let us in his service spend What we from him receive, And back to him what he shall send In thanks and praises give.

Careless, a little vagrant passed, With artful hand around his neck A slender chain the virgin cast. As Juno near her throne above Her spangled bird delights to see, As Venus has her fav'rite dove, Cloe shall have her fav'rite flea. Pleased at his chains, with nimble steps He o'er her snowy bosom strutted: Now on her panting breast he leaps, Now hides between his little head. Leaving at length his old abode, He found, by thirst or fortune led, Her swelling lips, that brighter glowed Than roses in their native bed. Cloe, your artful bands undo, Nor for your captive's safety fear; No artful bands are needful now To keep the willing vagrant here. Whilst on that heav'n 'tis given to stay, (Who would not wish to be so blest ) No force can draw him once away, Till Death shall seize his destined breast. If you will excuse my pen and my haste, I shall be once more, Yours. This is my birthday. [New Style, June 28.]

The chief piece of news with us is concerning the famous Sheppard's [Jack Sheppard was a carpenter and locksmith. He used a nail to loosen his chains and force the locks. He was taken a few days later and was hanged at Tyburn. The public interest in his exploits was extraordinary. His autobiography was published in 1724 with a True Representation of his escape from the Condemned Hold . . . engraved on copper. Sir James Thornhill painted his portrait, which was reproduced in a mezzotint; he finds a place in all the serials and in Old and New London, ii. 460. Harrison Ainsworth in 1839 made him the hero of a novel.] escape from Newgate, which is indeed as surprising as most stories I have heard.. It seems he had broke out twice before, besides once out of the condemned hold, which, together with his having got his chains off again when the keeper came in, made them still more apprehensive of him. However, that he might be secure if art could make him so, he was fettered, manacled, and chained down to the ground, by one chain round his waist and another round his neck in the strongest part of the Castle. Notwithstanding which he found means to force open his chains and fetters, break through the ceiling there, and then, sliding to the leads of an adjoining house, to pass six several locked doors, and get clear off without discovery; all which was done between six and eleven at night. I suppose you have heard that Brigadier Mackintosh [William Mackintosh (1662-1743). of Borlum, Inverness-shire was Brigadier in the Old Pretender's service took a prominent part in the Jacobite Rising 1714, escaped to France 1716, returned to Scotland probably in 1719, and was imprisoned for life in Edinburgh Castle. See Dic. Nat. Biog.] was once more taken, but made his escape from a messenger and six dragoons after an obstinate fight.

Three gentlemen of our College were in September last walking in the fields near Oxford about half an hour after six, of whom the foremost was named Barnesley, [Two .Barnesleys (or Barnsleys) were at Christ Church. John Barnesley, son of John of St. Luke's, Dublin, matriculated on Oct. 21, 1724, age 16. William Barnesley of London matriculated May 17, I723, age 19. It was probably the latter to whom Wesley refers. See Foster's Alumni Oxonienses.] who, going to cross the path, of a sudden started back and turned as white as ashes, but being asked by the others what ailed him, answered, Nothing. The second man coming up to the same place seemed presently more frighted than he, and bawled that he saw one in white shoot across the path as swift as an arrow. Mr. Barnesley, hearing that, told him he had seen it just before; and both of them describe it to have been like a man or woman in light gray, but of so thin a substance that they could plainly see through it. They had likewise another accident the same evening, though not quite so remarkable, both which made Barnesley so curious as to write down the day of the month, which was the 26th of September. We thought no more of it afterwards till last week, when Barnesley was informed by a letter from his father in Ireland that his mother died the 26th of September between six and seven in the evening.

To his Mother Date: CH. CH., OXON, December 18, 1724. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1724) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR MOTHER--I am very glad to hear you are all well at home, as we are here, the small-pox, which raged so much a little while ago, being now almost quite over. [See letter of Sept. 23, 1723.] Only one gentleman of our College had it, who is now recovered, so that the others who feared it are freed at last from their apprehensions. I have not lately heard from Westminster; but Mr. Sherman, who did, assured me that my brothers and sister there were very well. He has given me one or two books lately, of which one is Godfrey of Bulloigne. [A translation (probably by Edward Fairfax) of Tasso's Jerusalem Delivered, of which an octavo edition was published in 1687.] We have still very warm weather at Oxford; and a gentleman, now in the room with me, says that several of the flowers in his father's garden, who lives in town, are blown as if it were spring. The story of which I said something in my last [See letter of Sept. 23, 1723] was, as I believe I told you before, transacted a little before King James's abdication. The Bishop of Raphoe, one of the principal actors in it, was then pretty old, but never reckoned superstitious or easy to be imposed upon. From him it came to Mr. Span, Vicar-General of Ireland, and was by him related to Mr. Harrison, a clergyman, in the hearing of his son, who told it me.

He was not then soon prevailed upon to discover anything, but at last confessed that he was beat by the same persons worse than before; that they threatened him with death if he told again; and that as for the Bishop--a person whom they all honored as a king and termed, as he thought, Awly Pawly -- said that he might bluster as he would and build himself houses, but that he should never live to lie in the new one he had built already. The Bishop on this sent for several of his friends, whom he acquainted with the whole matter, and then desired them, that he might prove the devil a liar, to go him immediately to his new house, in which, though not finished, he said he would, God willing, both sup and lie that very night. Accordingly provisions and necessaries were sent thither, which were followed by the Bishop and his friends; but while they were at supper a very large stone was whirled with an incredible force through the window, and passed the sight of the whole company close to the Bishop, to the side of the room. This the Bishop said was in his opinion the work of the devil, who was willing to keep his word, though it pleased God not to suffer him to accomplish his design. However, the Bishop lay there that night; but it was the last which he spent in it, for the wars breaking out immediately after obliged him to fly his country, and the boy, as far as could learn, suffered in the same manner to his death, which soon followed. This puts me in mind of an odd circumstance, which I know not yet what to make of. I was last week walking two or three mile from Oxford, and seeing a fair house stand by itself which I never observed before, I asked who lived in it of a countryman; who informed me that it had long stood empty, by reason of its being so much haunted that no family could ever stay long in it. I design to go thither the first opportunity, and see if it be true; which I shall hardly believe till I am an eye- or ear-witness of it.

About a fortnight before Easter, upon my visiting Mr. Leyborn, [Robert Leyborne (or Leyborn), son of Antony Leyborne of London, was educated at Westminster School, and matriculated at Brasenose College in 1711, age 17. He became a student of Christ Church in 1712, Fellow of Brasenose and M.A. 1717, Junior Proctor 1723-4, B.D. and D.D. 1731; Rector of St. Dunstan's, Stepney, 1729, of St. Anne's, Limehouse, 1730, till his death; Principal of St. Alban Hall i736--59. He died at Bath May 12, 1759, and was buried .in the Abbey there in the grave of his second wife. He inherited, with Mr. Leyborne of the British Factory in Lisbon, property of William Shippen, his mother's brother.] he informed me that my brother [Samuel Wesley and his wife seem to have been in Oxford about March before their visit to Wroot.] had writ to him to provide a lodging. Mr. Leyborn immediately made him proffer of Dr. Shippen's,[ Robert Shippen, Principal of Brasenose College 1710-45.] then out of town. But a second letter of my brother's in which he accepted the proffer being answered in three days (Mr. Leyborn says because did not receive it), a third comes from my brother, which indeed was a very strange one, if he had met with no other provocation. It began with words to this purpose: ‘That he well hoped Mr. Leyborn had been wiser than to express his: anger against his humble servant though but by silence, since he knew it would be to no purpose; and that now he need not fear his troubling him, for lodgings would be taken for his wife and him elsewhere.’ How the matter was made up I don't know; but he was with them the day after they came to town, and almost every one of the succeeding. We were several times entertained by him, and I thought very handsomely, nor was there the least show of dislike on either side. But what I heard my sister say once, on our parting with Mr. Leyborn, made the former proceedings a little clearer, ‘Thus should we have been troubled with that girl's attendance everywhere, if we had gone to lodge at Dr. Shippen's.’

To his Brother Samuel Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1726) Author: John Wesley --- [March 21, 1726] DEAR BROTHER,--I should of certainly have writ you word my success on Friday (all Thursday I was detained at Lincoln [The day of his election as Fellow of Lincoln College. On 'Lincoln College and its Fellows,' see John Wesley, by J. H. Overton (Rector of Lincoln), pp. 16-19. 'There would be at least a tradition of learning and piety about the College when Wesley was elected. Wesley's own incidental remarks fully bear out this theory.... He "seems to have made an equally good impression upon his brother Fellows."' A letter from one of them, Lewis Fenton, shows how he was welcomed (Whitehead's Life of Wesley, i. 414).]), but that I thought it more advisable, since I had promised to send some verses in a. few days, to do both in the same letter. I am at the same time to ask pardon for letting anything prevent my doing the first sooner; and to return you my sincere and hearty thanks, as well for your past kindness, as for the fresh instance of it you now give me, in the pains you take to qualify me for the enjoyment of that success, which I owe chiefly, not to say wholly, to your interest. I am the more ready to profess my gratitude now, because I may do so with less appearance of design than formerly; -- of any other design, I hope, than of showing myself sensible of the obligation; and that, in this respect at least, I am not unworthy of it. I have not yet been able to meet with one or two gentlemen, from whom I am in hopes of getting two or three copies of verses. The most tolerable of my own, if any such there were, you probably received already from Mr. Leyborn. [See letters of June 18, 1725, and April 4, 1725.] Some of those that I had besides I have sent here, and shall be very glad if they are capable of being so corrected as to be of any service to you. The cruel Queen of fierce des'tres, While youth and wine assistants prove, Renews my long-neglected fires And melts again my mind to love. On blooming Glycera I gaze, By too resistless force opprest; With fond delight my eye surveys

The spotless marble of her breast. In vain I strive to break my chain; In vain I heave with anxious sighs: Her pleasing coyness feeds my pain And keeps the conquests of her eyes. Impetuous tides of joy and pain By turns my lab'ring bosom tear; The Queen of Love, with all her train Of hopes and fears, inhabits there. No more the wand'ring Scythian's might From softer themes my lyre shall move; No more the Parthian's wily flight: My lyre shall sing of naught but Love. Haste, grassy altars let us rear; Haste, wreaths of fragrant myrtle twine; With Arab sweets perfume the air, And crown the whole with gen'rous wine. While we the sacred rites prepare, The cruel Queen of fierce desires Will pierce, propitious to my prayer, The obdurate maid with equal fires. Integrity needs no defense; The man who trusts to Innocence, Nor wants the darts Numidians throw, Nor arrows of the Parthian bow. Secure o'er Libya's sandy seas Or hoary Caucasus he strays; O'er regions scarcely known to Fame, Washed by Hydaspes' fabled stream. While void of cares, of naught afraid, Late in the Sabine woods I strayed; On Sylvia's lips, while pleased I sung, How Love and soft Persuasion hung ! A ravenous wolf, intent on food, Rushed from the covert of the wood; Yet dared not violate the grove Secured by Innocence and Love: Nor Mauritania's sultry plain So large a savage does contain; Nor e'er so huge a monster treads Warlike Apulia's beechen shades. Place me where no revolving sun Does e'er h.is radiant circle run, Where clouds and damps alone appear And poison the unwholesome year: Place me in that effulgent day Beneath the sun's directer ray; No change from its fixed place shall move The basis of my lasting love. In imitation of' Quis desiderio sit pugor.' [Horace's Odes, I. xxiv.] What shame shall stop our flowing tears What end shall our just sorrows know Since Fate, relentless to our prayers, Has given the long destructive blow! Ye Muses, strike the sounding string, In plaintive strains his loss deplore, And teach an artless voice to sing The great, the bounteous, now no more For him the Wise and Good shall mourn, While late records his fame declare; And, oft as rolling years return, Shall pay his tomb a grateful tear. Ah I what avail their plaints to thee

My father's words and your reflection upon them were both perfectly unintelligible to me till I read the Canon he mentions. I should then have been exactly as much at a loss as before, but that my brother Charles accidentally, while we were in the country, repeated to me part of a conversation he had with my father in their return from my brother Ellison's. The substance of it, as near as I remember, was this: ‘My father last night was telling me of your disrespect to him; he said you had him at open defiance. I was surprised, and asked him how or when. He said, "Every day, you hear how he contradicts me, and takes your sister's part before my face. Nay, he disputes with me, preach --” And then he stopped short as if he wanted to recall his word, and talked of other things.’ I said I wondered what he meant; till recollecting with my brother that my father, mother, sister Emly, and I had several times been speaking of the treatment we should show ill men; and that my brother having likewise had many disputes with me about it, I told him ‘I had for near a twelvemonth intended writing on Universal Charity, having read over Dr. Clarke and Bishop Atterbury's Sermons for that purpose; that I would set about it immediately, and there he should hear at once, and so would be better able to judge of my arguments.' I wrote it accordingly, and after my mother's perusal and approbation, she making one alteration in the expression, preached it, on Sunday, August 28. I had the same day the pleasure of observing that my father the same day, when one Will. Atkins was mentioned, did not speak so warmly nor largely against him as usual.

The 53rd Canon runs thus: 'If any preacher in the pulpit particularly or narrowly of purpose impugn or confute any doctrine delivered by any other preacher in the same church -- or in any church near adjoining, because upon such public dissenting and contradicting there may grow much offence and disquietness to the people the churchwardens or -party grieved shall forthwith signify the same to the Bishop, and not suffer, &c.' Against this I have offended, if I have in the pulpit particularly or of purpose impugned any doctrine there delivered before. But this plainly supposes the impugner to know that the doctrine he opposes was preached there before; otherwise he can't possibly be said to impugn it particularly or on purpose. Now, it is not possible he should know it was there delivered, unless he either heard it preached himself or was informed of it by others. The disputed point between my father and me was the particular measure of charity due to wicked men; but neither have I heard him, neither did he himself or any other person inform me, that he ever preached at all in Wroot Church on that subject. So that I am in no wise guilty of breaking the Canon, unless it obliges every preacher to inquire what particular tenets have ever been maintained (for the time is not limited) both in his own and the adjoining churches: if he is to inquire of the former, he must inquire of the latter too; the Canon equally speaking of both. If there be any objection made to the sermon itself, I have it by me, and, for the matter of it, am not ashamed or afraid to show it anybody.

Dear mother, I speak what I know: my being little and weak, whereas had it not been for a strange concurrence of accidents (so called in the language of men) I should very probably have been just the reverse, I can easily account for; 'I can readily trace the wisdom and mercy of Providence in allotting me these imperfections. (Though what if I could not since, while I look through a glass, I can only expect to see darkly.) But here the difficulty was likely to lie: Why would Infinite Goodness permit me to contract an habit of sin, even before I knew it to be sinful, which has been a thorn in my side almost ever since ‘How can I skill of these Thy ways' so well, that I am verily persuaded, had it not been for that sinful habit, I had scarce ever acquired any degree of any virtuous one ['How can I skill of these Thy ways ' is adapted from George Herbert's The Temple, ' Justice.' See Wesley's edition, 1773, P. 19. The poem begins: ‘I cannot skill of these Thy ways,’ and ends ‘I cannot skill of these my ways.’] Is not this the finger of God Surely none else could have extracted so much good from evil! surely it was mercy not to hear my prayer!

I have another piece of news to acquaint you with, which, as it is more strange, will, I hope, be equally agreeable. A little while ago Bob Kirkham [Son of the Rev. Lionel Kirkham. See Journal, i. 23-7; Telford's, Life of Wesley, pp. 232-3.] took a fancy into his head that he would lose no more time and waste no more money; in pursuance of which he first resolved to breakfast no longer on tea, next to drink no more ale in an evening, or however but enough to quench his thirst, then to read Greek or Latin from prayers in the morning till noon and from dinner till five at night. And how much may one imagine he executed of these resolutions Why, he has left off tea, struck off his drinking acquaintance to a man, given the hours above specified to Greek Testament and Hugo Grotius, [The Dutch jurist and theologian (1583-1645). His Annotations on the Old and New Testaments appeared in 1641 -- 6.] and spent the evenings either by himself or with my brother and me.--I am, dear mother, Your dutiful and affectionate Son. I don't despair of spending two days with you before Whitsuntide is over.

I would fain imitate, too, that generous ardor which, in spite of all the hindrances that surround you, so strongly inspires you to burst through all and redeem time to the noblest purposes. I am afraid of nothing more than of growing old too soon, of having my body worn out before my soul is past childhood. Would it not be terrible to have the wheels of life stand still, when we had scarce started for the goal; before the work of the day was half done, to have the night come, wherein no one can work I shiver at the thought of losing my strength before I have found [it]; to have my senses fail ere I have a stock of rational pleasures, my blood cold ere my heart is warmed with virtue! Strange, to look back on a train of years that have passed, ' as an arrow through the air,' without leaving any mark behind them, without our being able to trace them in our improvement! How glad am I that this can't be the case of Selima! The hours you have already given to that best of studies, divinity, forbid that, as sufficiently appears by your resolution to pursue it still. That, among the multitude of books writ on this subject, you prefer those that are clear and elegant, is surely right; 'tis doubly prudent to choose those writers before others who excel in speaking as well as thinking.

SIR,--We have determined to leave this place on Monday the 9th of November, and hope to see you on Tuesday at Oxford. Perhaps the weather and your inclinations may be so favorable to us that we may meet sooner (of hiring a coach [This and a similar phrase in the reply evidently refer to some arrangement by which the brothers joined their friends at Burford and rode with them to Oxford. See letter of Nov. 19.]). You are very just to those friends you have lately obliged with your company, when you seem assured of their good wishes. The success that attended your journey was certainly owing to yours and Araspes's merit. Your guardian angels would not forsake a charge so worthy of their care. Happy should we be, could our intercession secure you from accidents. The pleasure you gave us in your conversation we think of daily with thankfulness, and hope nothing will happen to prevent your making the visit you have promised us in January. My mother charges me with her particular compliments to you and your brother. Selima says she will not be contented with my making a bare compliment for her. If time would permit, I would gladly say more for her as well as for myself; but I have been in a hurry all this day. When shall I be worthy to subscribe myself, what I very sincerely desire to be, Cyrus's Friend and most faithful servant, ASPASIA.

Every Sunday evening there is a gentleman in this town has a concert of music. I am invited there to-night, and design to go. I charge you, on the friendship you have professed for me, tell me your sincere opinion about it and all your objections. For if I am in an error by going, you ought to prevent my doing so again. Dear Varanese I have not heard from a great while; why are we denied the happiness and advantage of conversing with such a friend Araspes may justly claim our service and esteem. Selima joins with Aspasia in being to Cyrus a Faithful and obliged friend. I have hardly confidence to expect a return to this.

Araspes (whose great esteem, as well as mine, ever attends Aspasia and Selima) was extremely delighted as well as me with a letter we received some time since, acquainting us with a resolution dear Varanese had lately entered into. Why it is that I am not allowed a stricter intercourse with such a friend is a question I could never fully answer but by another, Why is any intercourse with such a friend as Aspasia or Selima allowed Their most obliged CYRUS. On Monday we are to set out upon a pretty long journey, which will keep us out about three weeks. [This was their journey to Lincolnshire. They stayed three weeks at Epworth, and then walked back to Oxford. Wesley's Diary shows that during this visit to Lincolnshire he was twice at Scotton, where the Rector of his College was lying ill. See letter of June 17.] We should be exceedingly grieved if Selima should be obliged to begin hers before that time, which would prevent our having that pleasure the very expectation of which gives us many agreeable moments. Adieu. From Ann Granville GLOUCESTER, May 8, 1731.

1725 she married the Rev. John Capon, or Chapone, who had a school there. Aspasia and Selima answered, as godmothers, for their daughter. See letter of June 17.] but I have heard she is well. My sister and I answered for her dear little girl, but she is in the hands of a person more capable of instructing her. I suppose you have heard from my sister by this time. If not, I must excuse her, because she is at present very much taken with some business in order to a little ramble she goes upon this summer. We were prodigiously obliged to you for the book you favored us with. The greatest objection I had to London was that I had no time to read it. My sister and I almost quarreled about it when I came away. But she promised to send it me when she had read it. There are some words puzzle us, not understanding shorthand. [See Mrs. Pendarves' letter of April 4.] We must beg of you to explain them; for we cannot consent to lose one word. I am often angry with some of our neighbors, who, impertinently civil, take up more of my time than I am willing to bestow upon them. I am now guilty of the same fault, and write on without considering how many useful good things I may prevent your doing. I will make no excuses, because I hope you look upon my errors as a friend. Show me you are so by telling me as freely of them as I assure Cyrus and Araspes that I am Your most faithful friend and humble servant. My mother's best wishes attend the good brothers.

Perhaps it may not be long before I have it in my power at once to return my thanks for that favor (which I shall wait for with some impatience) and to hear your sentiments more fully on some of these subjects. I extremely desire to see one of my sisters who is lately come to town [His uncle Matthew Wesley, a surgeon, who lived near Temple Bar, visited Epworth in 1731, and offered to take Martha Wesley to live with him in London.]; which, with the hopes of waiting upon Aspasia, makes me greatly wish to spend a few days there. If your journey [In a letter of May 27, ~73~, to her sister, Mrs. Pendarves (Auto. and Corr. i. 272) speaks of a proposed visit to Ireland with Mr. and Mrs. Wesley of Dangan, of whom she had seen much in London. See next letter.] begins before I can have that happiness, yet it will be some satisfaction to me to reflect that you are with those who are equally willing as well as far more able to entertain you than Your most obliged, obedient CYRUS. Araspes joins with me in wishing all happiness to Aspasia. Adieu.

The method of or shortest way to knowledge seems to be this: (1) to consider what knowledge you desire to attain to; (2) to read no book which does not some way tend to the attainment of that knowledge; {3) to read no book which does tend to the attainment of it, unless it be the best in its kind; (4) to finish one before you begin another; and (5) to read them all in such an order that every subsequent book may illustrate and confirm the preceding. The knowledge which you would probably desire to attain to is a knowledge of divinity, philosophy, history, and poetry. If you will be so good as to direct me how I can be of use to you in any of these, it will give me a very particular pleasure. [See letters of June 17 and Dec. 1.] I am glad you passed your time so agreeably in the country, [Mrs. Pendarves writes to her sister on Sept. 10: ' I suppose by this time you are returned from Stanton.] and doubt not but Sappho would have made it yet more agreeable. Surely you are very just in observing that a country life is in many respects preferable to any other; particularly in its abounding with those beauties of nature that so easily raise our thoughts to the Author of them. Methinks, whenever about us round we see Hill, dale, and shady wood and sunny plain, And liquid lapse of murm'ring stream, [Paradise Lost, viii. 261-3, v. 153.] 'tis scarce possible to stop that obvious reflection: These are Thy glorious works, Parent of good. [Paradise Lost, viii. 261-3, v. 153.] Nor is it hard here, where the busy varieties of a great town do not flutter about us and break our attention, to fix that reflection so deep upon our souls that it may not pass away, like the objects that occasioned it.

Now give me leave to say that I can't find out the advantage of losing the conversation of particular sensible and virtuous friends. Their words, their example excite us on to goodness; they blow up and keep alive those sparks of religion which are too apt (with sorrow I speak it) to grow faint and languid. I can recollect many instances where they have been of advantage to me. At church their attention has increased mine. At home they have begun good conversations that I have been the better for; as we were often together, we used to assist each other in bearing a multitude of impertinence that I am now forced to support singly. Now, have I not more reason to imagine 'twas rather for their good than mine that they were removed Now, I fear I show great arrogance to deny anything you say, but I only make this objection in order to be more fully convinced. No one can do it so soon as Cyrus. His arguments are so plain and sensible, and withal so well expressed, they please the fancy while they inform the understanding; which is what I very seldom have met with before, most instructive things being dry and tedious--at least to me, who cannot, like my dear Sappho, search for through all her obscure recesses. I am now reading a book I want your opinion of. 'Tis Mr. Burkitt's Explanation of the New Testament; he calls it Expository Notes with Practical Observations. Sure Cyrus cannot sit without a fire this weather. I hope the good Society prospers; one way I'm sure they do. I often think of them, especially when the cold makes me shrink. They are those that are chosen of peculiar grace; the influence of it will, I hope, extend to their weaker brethren. The last letter I had from Aspasia she said she was very much concerned she had not writ to you, and desired me to assure the good brothers of her friendship and good wishes, as does my mother, who is very much out of order with a cold. The last time I heard from Sappho she was well. Is not Araspes' hymn quite charming You have not sent your poetic herd so far but you can call them in whenever you please.

In November 1729, at which time I came to reside at Oxford, your son, my brother and myself, and one more agreed to spend three or four evenings in a week together. Our design was to read over the classics, which we had before read in private, on common nights, and on Sunday some book in divinity. In the summer following, Mr. Morgan told me he had called at the jail, to see a man that was condemned for killing his wife; and that, from the talk he had with one of the debtors, he verily believed that it would do much good if any one would be at the pains now and then of speaking with them. This he so frequently repeated, that on the 24th of August, 1730, my brother and I walked down with him to the Castle. We were so well satisfied with our conversation there, that we agreed to go thither once or twice a week; which we had not done long, before he desired me, August 31, to go with him to see a poor woman in the town who was sick. In this employment too, when we came to reflect upon it, we believed that it would be worth while to spend an hour or two in a week; provided the minister of the parish in which any such person was were not against it. But that we might not depend wholly on our own judgments, I wrote an account to my father of our whole design; withal begging that he, who had lived seventy years in the world, and seen as much of it as most private men have ever done, would advise us whether we had yet gone too far, and whether we should now stand still or go forward. Part of his answer, dated September 28, 1730, was this:

In pursuance of these directions, I immediately went to Mr. Gerard, the Bishop of Oxford's chaplain, who was likewise the person that took care of the prisoners when any were condemned to die (at other times they were left to their own care): I proposed to him our design of serving them as far as we could, and my own intention to preach there once a month, if the Bishop approved of it. He much commended our design, and said he would answer for the Bishop's approbation, to whom he would take the first opportunity of mentioning it. It was not long before he informed me he had done so, and that his lordship not only gave his permission, but was greatly pleased with the undertaking, and hoped it would have the desired success. Soon after, a gentleman of Merton College, who was one of our little company, which now consisted of five persons, acquainted us that he had been rallied the day before for being a member of The Holy Club; and that it was become a common topic of mirth at his college, where they had found out several of our customs, to which we were ourselves utter strangers. Upon this I consulted my father again, in whose answer were these words: December I.

Your son was now at Holt: however, we continued to meet at our usual times, though our little affairs went on but heavily without him. But at our return from Lincolnshire in September we had the pleasure of seeing him again; when, though he could not be so active with us as formerly, yet we were exceeding glad to spend what time we could in talking and reading with him. It was a little before this time my brother and I were at London, when going into a bookseller's shop (Mr. Rivington, in St. Paul's Churchyard [Charles Rivington published The Christian's Pattern (Wesley's translation of Kempis) in 1735. See letter of May 28, 1725,n.]), after some other conversation, he asked us whether we lived in town; and upon our answering, ‘No; at Oxford,’ - ‘Then, gentlemen,’ said he, ‘let me earnestly recommend to your acquaintance a friend I have there, Mr. Clayton, of Brazen-nose.’ [John Clayton, son of a Manchester bookseller, was born in 1709, entered Brasenose in 1726, and was Hulme's exhibitioner in 1729. He was college tutor. He returned to Manchester in 1733, and became Chaplain of the Collegiate Church. Wesley visited him there on his return from Georgia; but after Wesley's evangelical conversion Clayton held aloof from him. See Tyerman's Oxford Methodists, pp. 24-56.] Of this, having small leisure for contracting new acquaintance, we took no notice for the present. But in the spring following (April 20), Mr. Clayton meeting me in the street, and giving Mr. Rivington's service, I desired his company to my room, and then commenced our acquaintance. At the first opportunity I acquainted him with our whole design, which he immediately and heartily closed with; and not long after, Mr. Morgan having then left Oxford, we fixed two evenings in a week to meet on, partly to talk upon that subject, and partly to read something in practical divinity.

The two points whereunto, by the blessing of God and your son's help, we had before attained, we still endeavor to hold fast: I mean, the doing what good we can; and, in order thereto, communicating as oft as we have an opportunity. To these, by the advice of Mr. Clayton, we have added a third -- the observing the fasts of the Church, the general neglect of which we can by no means apprehend to be a lawful excuse for neglecting them. And in the resolution to adhere to these and all things else which we are convinced God requires at our hands, we trust that we shall persevere till He calls us too to give an account of our stewardship. As for the names of Methodists, Supererogation Men, and so on, with which some of our neighbors are pleased to compliment us, we do not conceive ourselves under any obligation to regard them, much less to take them for arguments. To the law and to the testimony we appeal, whereby we ought to be judged. If by these it can be proved that we are in an error, we will immediately' and gladly retract it; if not, we have not so learned Christ as to renounce any part of His service, though men should say all manner of evil against us, with more judgment and as little truth as hitherto. We do, indeed, use all the lawful means we know to prevent the good which is in us from being evil spoken of: but if the neglect of known duties be the one condition of securing our reputation -- why, fare it well; we know whom we have believed, and what we thus lay out He will pay us again. Your son already stands before the judgment-seat of Him who judges righteous judgment; at the brightness of whose presence the clouds remove: his eyes are open, and he sees clearly whether it was 'blind zeal and a thorough mistake of true religion that hurried him on in the error of his way'; or whether he acted like a faithful and wise servant, who, from a just sense that his time was short, made haste to finish his work before his Lord's coming, that when laid in the balance he might not be found wanting.

I have now largely and plainly laid before you the real ground of all the strange outcry you have heard; and am not without hope that by this fairer representation of it than you probably ever received before, both you and the clergyman you formerly mentioned may have a more favorable opinion of a good cause, though under an ill name. Whether you have or no, I shall ever acknowledge my best services to be due to yourself and your family, both for the generous assistance you have given my father, [Richard Morgan subscribed for five copies of Samuel Wesley’s Dissertation on Job; his son also was a subscriber. See letter of Oct. 15 1735.] and for the invaluable advantages your son has (under God) bestowed on, sir, Your ever obliged and most obedient servant.

As strange as it may appear that one present upon the spot should so far vary from the truth in his relation, I can easily account, not only for his mistake, but for his designed misrepresentation too. The company he is almost daily with (from whom, indeed, I should soon have divided him, had not your letter's coming in the article of time tied my hands) abundantly accounts for the former; as his desire to lessen your regard for me, and thereby obviate the force of any future complaint, which he foresaw I might some time have occasion to make to you, does for the latter. And, indeed, I am not without apprehension that some such occasion may shortly come. I need not describe that apprehension to you. Be pleased to reflect what were the sentiments of your own heart when the ship that took your son from you loosed from shore; and such (allowing for the superior tenderness of a parent) are mine. Such were my father's before he parted from us; when, taking him by the hand, he said, 'Mr. Morgan between this and Easter is your trial for life: I even tremble when I consider the danger you are in; and the more because you do not yourself perceive it.' Impute not, sir, this fear either to the error of my youth or to the coldness of his age. Is there not a cause Is he not surrounded, even in this recess, with those who are often more pernicious than open libertines -- men who retain something of outward decency, and nothing else; who seriously idle away the whole day, and reputably revel till midnight, and ff not drunken themselves, yet encouraging and applauding those that are so; who have no more of the form than of the power of godliness, and though they do pretty often drop in at public prayers, coming after the most solemn part of them is over, yet expressly disown any obligation to attend them. 'Tis true they have not yet laughed your son out of all his diligence; but how long it will be before they have, God knows.

'Tis true they have not yet laughed your son out of all his diligence; but how long it will be before they have, God knows. They zealously endeavor it at all convenient opportunities; and temporal views are as unable to support him under such an attack as his slender notions of religion are; of which, he often says, he thinks he shall have enough if he constantly says his prayers at home and in the chapel. As to my advice on this or any other head, they had secured him pretty wall before; and your authority added to theirs has supplied him with armor of proof against it. I now beg to know what you would have me do. Shall I sit still, and let him swim down the stream Or shall I plunge in, bound as I am hand and foot, and oppose myself to his company, his inclinations, and his father

Is there any fear, is there any possibility, that any son of Adam, of whatever age or degree, should too faithfully do the will of his Creator or too exactly tread in the steps of his Redeemer Suppose the time now come when you feel within yourself that the silver cord of life is loosed, that the dust is returning to the earth as it was, and the spirit unto God who gave it. The snares of death overtake you. Nothing but pain is on the one hand, eternity on the other. The tears of the friends that surround your bed bear witness with the pangs of your own heart that it has few pulses more to beat before you launch out into the sea without a shore, before the soul shall part from your quivering lips and stand naked before the judgment-seat of God. Will you then be content with having served God according to the custom of the place you was in Will you regret your having been, even from your youth, ' more pure and holy than the rest of mankind' Will you complain to the ministering spirits who receive your new-born soul that you have been 'over-zealous in the love of your Master' Ask not me, a poor, fallible, sinful mortal, never safe either from the snares of ill example or the treachery of my own heart; but ask them, ask Him who died to make you and me and your son zealous of good works, whether you may be excused for your solicitude, your too successful solicitude, to prevent his falling into this extreme! How needless has he made that solicitude already ! But I spare you. The good God be merciful to us both!

To Richard Morgan Date: March 15, 1734. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1734) Author: John Wesley --- SIR, -- A journey which I was obliged to begin very soon after the receipt of yours was the occasion of my delaying so long to answer it, which I should otherwise have done immediately. I am satisfied you never designed to give me any uneasiness, either by your last or any of your preceding letters, and am very sensible that the freedom you used therein proceeded from a much kinder intention. And should you ever say anything which I could not approve of, I should as soon as possible mention it to you as the only sure way either to prevent any misunderstanding between us, or at least to hinder its long continuance. As to your son's being a member of our little Society, I once more assure you with all plainness that, were you as much for it as you appear to be against it, I should think it my duty to oppose it to the utmost. I do not conceive him to be any ways qualified for it, and would as soon advise one of his dispositions to go and convert the Indies as to minister to his fellow Christians in the manner wherein my dear friends by the grace of God endeavor to do. I have over and over pressed him to cultivate his acquaintance with Mr. Batteley, [See letter of Jan. 31.] and several other gentlemen of Christ Church, whose characters I am well acquainted with, though little or not at all with their persons. I have seen an answer from Mr. Hulton of Chester to his letter concerning the greyhound, which I hope we shall very shortly have an opportunity of returning to him. Mr. Morgan constantly attends public prayers, nor do I know that he omits private, or willfully runs into any known sins of commission; and I trust he never will.

To William Law Date: LINCOLN COLLEGE, OXON, June 16, 1754. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1734) Author: John Wesley --- REVEREND SIR, -- I must earnestly beg your immediate advice in a case of the greatest importance. Above two years since, I was entrusted with a young gentleman of good sense, an even generous temper, and pretty good learning. [See letter of June 11, 1731, to his father. Wesley's anxiety about this student and also concerning Richard Morgan shows how faithfully he watched over them. At the end of July Charles Wesley tells his brother Samuel that John had spent the last week 'at London, chiefly in consulting Mr. Law about one of his pupils; but he found time, notwithstanding, to dispatch three sheets of Job while there, and still goes on with much more expedition than my father did while upon the spot.' This letter to Law evidently led to a personal consultation.] Religion he had heard little of; but Mr. Jackson's Practice of Devotion, [Lawrence Jackson (1691-1772), Fellow of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, 1716; Prebendary of Lincoln 1747.] your two treatises, and Thomas Kempis, by the blessing of God, awakened him by degrees to a true notion and serious practice of it. In this he continued sensibly improving till last Lent; at the beginning of which I advised him to do as he had done the year before--viz. to obey the order of the Church, by using such a sort and measure of abstinence as his health permitted and his spiritual wants required. He said ' he did not think his health would permit to use that abstinence which he did the year before.' And, notwithstanding my reply, ' that his athletic habit could be in no danger by only abstaining from flesh and using moderately some less pleasing food,' he persisted in his resolution of not altering his food at all. A little before Easter, perceiving he had much contracted the time he had till then set apart for religious reading, I asked him whether he was not himself convinced that he spent too much time in reading secular authors. He answered he was convinced any time was too much, and that he should be a better Christian if he never read them at all. I then pressed him earnestly to pray for strength, according to that conviction; and he resolved to try for a week.

To his Brother Samuel Date: OXON, January 15, 1735. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1735) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER,--Had not my brother Charles desired it might be otherwise, I should have sent you only an extract of the following letter.[ To his father on Dec. 10, 1734.] But if you will be at the pains, you will soon reduce the argument of it to two or three points, which, if to be answered at all, will be easily answered. By it you may observe my present purpose is founded on my present weakness. But it is not, indeed, probable that my father should live till that weakness is removed. Your second argument I had no occasion to mention before. To it I answer, that I do not, nor ever did, resolve against undertaking a cure of souls. There are four cures belonging to our College, and consistent with a Fellowship: I do not know but I may take one of them at Michaelmas. Not that I am clearly assured that I should be false to my engagement were I only to instruct and exhort the pupils committed to my charge. But of that I should think more. I desire your full thoughts upon the whole, as well as your prayers, for, dear brother, Your obliged and affectionate Brother.

To his Brother Samuel Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1735) Author: John Wesley --- Oxon, March 4, 1735. DEAR BROTHER, -- I had rather dispute, if I must dispute, with you than with any man living, because it may be done with so little expense of time and words. The question is now brought to one point, and the whole of the argument will be in a single syllogism: Neither hope of doing greater good nor fear of any evil ought to deter you from what you have engaged yourself to. But you have engaged yourself to undertake the cure of a parish: Therefore neither that hope nor that fear ought to deter you from it. The only doubt is whether I have engaged myself or not. You think I did at my ordination, ' before God and His high-priest.' I think I did not. However, I own I am not the proper judge of the oath I then took. It being certain and allowed by all-- 'Verbis in quibus quis jurejurando adigitur, sensum genuinum, ut et obligationem sacramenti et modum et mensuram praestari a mente non praestantis, sed exigentis juramentum.' [The words are probably a quotation from an English Canonist, and have been thus translated: 'To words in which any one is caused to take an oath, the true meaning, and also the manner and extent of the obligation of the oath, is supplied from the mind, not of the taker of the oath, but of him who demands it.' See Journal, i. 29.] Therefore it is not I, but the high-priest of God before whom I contracted that engagement, who is to judge of the nature and extent of it. Accordingly the post after I received yours I referred it entirely to him,[ Dr. Potter, trs. to Canterbury1737.] proposing this single question to him, Whether I had at my ordination engaged myself to undertake the cure of any parish or no His answer runs in these words: REVD. SIR, -- It doth not seem to me that at your ordination you engaged yourself to undertake the cure of any parish, provided you can as a clergyman better serve God and His Church in your present or some other station.

To Dr. Bray's Associates Date: SAVANNAH, February 26, 1737. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1737) Author: John Wesley --- Our general method is this: A young gentleman, who came with me, teaches between thirty and forty children to read, write, and cast accounts. Before school in the morning, and after school in the afternoon, he catechizes the lowest class, and endeavors to fix something of what was said in their understandings as well as their memories. In the evening he instructs the larger children. On Saturday, in the afternoon, I catechize them all. The same I do on Sunday before the evening service. And in the church, immediately after the Second Lesson, a select number of them having repeated the Catechism and been examined in some part of it, I endeavor to explain at large, and enforce that part, both on them and the congregation. Some time after the evening service, as many of my parishioners as desire it meet at my house (as they do also on Wednesday evening), and spend about an hour in prayer, singing, and mutual exhortation. A smaller number (mostly those who design to communicate the next day) meet here on Saturday evening; and a few of these come to me on the other evenings, and pass half an hour in the same employment.

I thought, gentlemen, before I left England, that from the little knowledge you had of my manner of conversation, you would not easily believe me capable of embezzling yours, any more than my own goods. But since it is otherwise, since you have sent orders to limit my expenses to the Society's 50 a year, be it so: I accept it, and (during my stay here) desire to have neither less nor more. One thing farther I desire, that whenever I am accused to you, on this or any other head (and it is necessary that offences should come), you would allow me the justice due to a common criminal, the knowing my accuser (which I must insist upon before God and man), and the being heard before I am condemned. I can't but acknowledge the readiness of the Magistrates here, Mr. Causton in particular, in assisting me, so far as pertains to their office, both to repress open vice and immorality, and to promote the glory of God by establishing peace and mutual goodwill among men. And I trust their labors have not been quite in vain. Many ill practices seem to lose ground daily, and a general face of decency and order prevails, beyond what I have seen anywhere else in America. Gentlemen, my prayer to God for you is, that you may with one heart and one mind glorify God our Savior in all things, that neither open nor covert opposition may ever be able to disjoin your hearts or weaken your hands; but that you may calmly and steadily pursue His work, even though men should therefore cast out your names as evil. And the God of glory shall accept your service, and reward every one of you sevenfold into his bosom. -- I am, gentlemen, Your most obedient servant.

To the Georgia Trustees Date: SAVANNAH, March 31, 1737. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1737) Author: John Wesley --- GENTLEMEN, -- Robert Hows, a freeholder of this place, has officiated here as parish clerk, not only ever since I came, but, as I am informed, for above two years before. He constantly attends both the morning and evening service (a little before sunrise and after sunset) on other days as well as Sundays, and is in the whole of his behavior a sober, industrious man. But sickness in his family had reduced him to straitness of circumstances even before the 24th instant, on which (while he was employed in the public work) his house was burnt to the ground, and all that was in it (except two saws) consumed. I therefore, gentlemen, take the liberty to recommend him to your favor and assistance: as to the manner of which (whether by way of salary or otherwise) you are the proper judges. I recommend you and all your labors to Him in whose steps you tread, the great Helper of the friendless; and am, gentlemen, Your most obedient servant.

To his Brother Charles Date: OXON, April 28, 1738. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1738) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER, -- If this reaches you at London, I wish you would pay Mrs. Hutton [Mrs. Hutton, of College Street, Westminster, with whom he often stayed.] (with many thanks) what she has paid for my letters and washing. And buy for Mr. Kinchin [Charles Kinchin, Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Rector of Dummer, and one of the Oxford Methodists. See Journal, i. 443-8; and letters of Sept. 10, 1736 (heading), and Dec. 1, 1738.] a pair of leathern bags .as like yours as possible. I wanted much to have seen you before I set out, and therefore stayed to the utmost extent of my time. [Charles had been at Bexley with Henry Piers, and returned to London on the 27th. See letter of May 17, 1742.] My sister is much better. Could not you bring with you a few of Mr. Corbet's Thoughts If so, call at the little hut [About eighteen miles from Oxford, on the London Road. On April 27, 1738, on his way from London to Oxford, his Diary states: ‘11 At the hut, conversed' (Journal, i. 457); Oct. 10, 1738, at 10.30, he was at the hut, where he conversed (ibid. ii. 84).] where the coach usually stops to let the passengers walk, on the brow of Stokenchurch Hill, and give one to the old man. I promised him a little book when I called there in my last walk to town. Adieu!

To James Hutton Date: OXON, April 28, 1738. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1738) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR FRIEND, -- This thing I do; I still follow after, if haply I may attain faith. I preach it to all, that at length I may feel it. [According to Bhler's counsel on March 5: ‘Preach faith till you have it’ (Journal, i. 442).] Only may I never be content with any other portion! I left two little books (which I want, as well as my shoes) at your house [He left London on the 26th, and returned on May L on account of his brother's health. He found him at Hutton's house (Journal, i. 458), where he had removed from his father's on the 28th (C. Wesley's Journal).] --A. M. Schurman and Corbet. If my brother is gone, you will buy the leathern bags for Mr. Kinchin. [See previous letter. Stephen Kinchin was his brother, for whom he and John Wesley went to Manchester in March, and brought him back to be entered at Oxford.] I think he says they cost but half a guinea. But if it be more, it will be repaid with thanks. The shop at Charing Cross is the place. Stephen Kinchin got hither a day before me. I will send you word before I begin another journey. Commend me to all our friends. Adieu. Pray give our brother Bhler [Bhler left for Carolina on May 4. It was probably a letter for one of Wesley's friends in America.] the enclosed, to be delivered with his own hand.

To his Mother Date: AMSTERDAM, June 19, 1738. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1738) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR MOTHER,--I stayed at Stanton Harcourt till Sunday (the 11th instant) in the afternoon. Thence returning to Oxford, I learned that Mr. Ingham was expected to set out on Monday or Tuesday. Therefore I left Oxford on Monday morning, and in the evening met with him and Mr. Tltschig, who were to embark the next morning. On Tuesday (the 13th) we took ship and fell down to Gravesend; many of our acquaintance bearing us company thither, two of whom were determined to go on with us, whithersoever it should please God to call us. We set sail from Gravesend on Wednesday, lost sight of England about four in the afternoon, and before seven the next morning saw the coast of Holland. About eight we entered the Meuse, and, sailing by Brill, [Brielle. See Journal, vi. 417n.] between ten and eleven came to Rotterdam. Never did common fame more grossly vary from the truth than in the English accounts of Holland. They tell us of a dirty, slovenly, unpolished people, without good nature, good manners, or common decency; whereas the very first thing that must strike every one that has eyes, and that before he has gone an hundred yards from Rotterdam Haven, is that this is the cleanest place he ever saw in his life, there being scarce a speck of dirt to be seen either on the doors or steps of any of the houses or on the stones of the street. And all the natives he meets, whether men, women, or children, are of a piece with the place they live in; being so nicely dean from head to foot, both in their persons and clothes, as I have seen very few in my life even of the gentry in England. There is likewise a remarkable mildness and lovingness in their behavior. All you meet on the road salute you. Every one is ready to show the way, or to answer any questions, without anything of the English surliness. And the carriage as well as dress of all the women we have yet seen is exactly modest and altogether natural and unaffected.

To James Hutton Date: OXON, November 26, 1738. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1738) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR FRIEND, -- If the time for the women's meeting apart be fixed before they are excluded from the general meeting, I have no more to say on that head. I gave our brother Shaw the names of six female bands settled already. Why do you speak of the settling some as a thing still to be begun Have you suffered those to fall in pieces again Or has no thought at all been taken about them Doubtless too much caution cannot be used in the admission of strangers. What is proposed as to casting lots concerning a president seems liable to no exception. But you seem to design him (if there should be one) just nothing to do. Would not that [require] more particular consideration

280).] were going about to all parts and confirming the unfaithful. At four we met them (without design), and withstood them again. From five to six we were confirming the brethren. At six I expounded at Mrs. Ford's; as I designed to do at Mrs. Compton's at seven. But Mr. Washington was got thither before me, and just beginning to read Bishop Bull against the Witness of the Spirit. He told me he was authorized by the minister of the parish so to do. I advised all that valued their souls to go away; and, perceiving it to be the less evil of the two, that they who remained might not be. perverted, I entered directly into the controversy, touching both the cause and the fruits of justification. In the midst of the dispute James Mears's wife began to be in pain. I prayed with her a little when Mr. Washington was gone; and then (having comforted the rest as I was enabled) we went down to Sister Thomas's. In the way Mrs. Mears's pains so increased that she could not avoid crying out aloud in the street. With much difficulty we got her to Mrs. Shrieve's (where also Mr. Washington had been before us). We made our request known to God, and He heard us and sent her deliverance in the same hour. There was great power among us, and her husband also was set at liberty. Soon after, I felt such a damp strike into my soul (and so did Mrs. Compton and several others) as I do not remember to have ever found before. I believed the enemy was near us. We immediately cried to our Lord to stir up His power and come and help us. Presently Mrs. Shrieve fell into a strange agony both of body and mind; her teeth gnashed together; her knees smote each other; and her whole body trembled exceedingly. We prayed on, and within an hour the storm ceased. She now enjoys a sweet calm, having remission of sins, and knowing that her Redeemer liveth.

To James Hutton Date: BRISTOL, April 30, 1739. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1739) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BRETHERN, -- Monday, the 23rd, about twenty-four of us walked to Pensford, a little town five or six miles off, where a Society is begun, five of whose members were with us at Baldwin Street the Tuesday before. We sent to the minister to desire the use of the church; and after waiting some time and receiving no answer, being neither able to get into the church nor the churchyard, we began singing praise to God in the street. Many people gathered about us, with whom we removed to the market-place, where from the top of a wall I called to them in the name of our Master, ‘If any man thirst, let him come unto Me and drink.’ At four in the afternoon we met about four thousand people in another brickyard, a little nearer the city. To these I declared, ' The hour is coming, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of Man, and they that hear shall live.’ The rain on Tuesday morning made them not expect me at Bath; so that we had not above a thousand or twelve hundred in the meadow. After preaching, we read over the rules and fixed two bands, one of men and one of women. The men are Joseph Feachem (a man full of the Holy Ghost), Mr. Bush, Mr. Cotton, and Mr. Richards (of Oxford). The women are Rebecca Thomas (one of Lady Cox's servants), Sarah Bush, Grace Bond, Mary Spenser (mourning, and refusing to be comforted), and Margaret Dolling. Their general meeting is on Tuesday, their particular meeting on Monday evening, at five o'clock.

A gray-headed old man, one Dibble, a silversmith, at eleven gladly received me into his house, where I preached on the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees, at the window of an upper room, to those in the yard and street as well as the house. At four in the afternoon I met the colliers by appointment at a place about the middle of Kingswood called Two-Mile-Hill. After preaching to two or three thousand, we went to the stone our brother Whitefield laid. [See letter of April 9,n, to his brother Charles.] I think it cannot be better placed. ‘Tis just in the middle of the wood, two mile every way from either church or school. I wish he would write to me, positively and decisively, that 'for this reason he would have the first school there, or as near it as possible.’ In the evening, at Baldwin Street, John Bush received remission of sins. I was now in some doubt how to proceed. Our dear brethren, before I left London, and our brother Whitefield here, and our brother Chapman since, had conjured me to enter into no disputes, least of all concerning Predestination, because this people was so deeply prejudiced for it. The same was my own inclination. But this evening I received a long letter (almost a month after date) charging me roundly with ' resisting and perverting the truth as it is in Jesus' by preaching against God's decree of predestination. I had not done so yet; but I questioned whether I ought not now to declare the whole counsel of God: especially since that letter had been long handed about in Bristol before it was sealed and brought to me, together with another, wherein also the writer exhorts his friends to avoid me as a false teacher. However, I thought it best to walk gently, and so said nothing this day.

Friday, 27th, all Newgate was in an uproar again, and two women received the Spirit of adoption, to the utter astonishment of all and the entire conviction of some who before doubted. At four on Saturday five-and-twenty hundred (I suppose) were at the Poorhouse. My spirit was enlarged to pray for the rich that were there, especially ‘that our Lord would show them they were poor sinners.’ At night many were convinced of sin and one received remission of sins at Weavers' Hall. On Sunday morning (being so directed again by lot) I declared openly for the first hour against ‘the horrible decree’ before about four thousand persons at the Bowling Green. I then went to Clifton (a little mile off), and thence to a little plain near Hanham Mount, being desired by some of the neigh-hours to remove thither. About three thousand or three thousand five hundred were present. Thence I went to Clifton again. The church was more than full at the prayers and sermon, as was the churchyard at the burial that followed. From Clifton we went straight to Rose Green, where were upwards of seven thousand; and thence to the Society at Gloucester Lane, where also were many that have this world's goods. Two very fine young women, who came in a chariot, stood close to the table on which I was, and patiently heard me expound on the desire of the flesh, the desire of the eye, and the pride of life. And one or two were seized with strong pangs, which, I hope, has before now ended in true comfort. Thence we went to our lovefeast in Baldwin Street, where the spirit of love was present with us. Praise ye the Lord, who reneweth my bodily strength. May I feel in my soul that He is my strength and my salvation! Your affectionate brother.

Saturday, 23rd, I spoke severally with those which had been so troubled the night before; some of whom I found were only awakened, others had peace in the blood of Christ. At four I preached to about two thousand at the Bowling Green on ‘Do all to the glory of God’; at seven, in the morning, to four or five thousand, and at ten to about three thousand at Hanham. As I was riding afterwards to Rose Green in a smooth plain road, my horse pitched upon his head and rolled over and over. I received no other hurt than a little bruise on the side I fell, which made me lame for two or three days; for the present I felt nothing, but preached there on the same words to six or seven thousand people, and in the evening explained the 12th of the Acts to twelve or fifteen hundred at the New Room. On Saturday evening Ann Allin (a young woman) was seized with strong pangs at Weavers’ Hall; they did not continue long before the snare was broken and her soul delivered. Sara Murray (aged thirteen) and four or five other persons (some of whom had felt the power of God before) were as deeply convinced on Sunday evening; and with most of the same symptoms groaned for deliverance. At Weavers’ Hall on Monday, 25th, a young woman named Mary Pritchard was cut to the heart and soon after comforted; as was Mary Greenwood at four in the afternoon. At Gloucester Lane in the evening one Mary Conway (who, as she was sitting at work at ten in the morning, was suddenly seized with strong trembling and bitter agonies of soul, in which she had continued all the afternoon) was restored to peace; as were four or five others who were there cut to the heart. On Tuesday, 26th, I preached the first time under the sycamore-tree near the school at Kingswood, during a violent rain, on those words of Isaiah, ‘As the rain cometh down from heaven, and returneth not thither, but watereth the earth and maketh it bring forth and bud: . . . so shall My word be that goeth forth out of My mouth: it shall not return unto Me void; but it shall accomplish that which I please, and it shall prosper in the thing whereto I sent it.’

To James Hutton Date: BRISTOL, April 12, 1740. DEAR JEMMY, -- I am just come from Wales, where there is indeed a great awakening. God has already done great things by Howell Harris. There is such a simplicity among' the Welsh, who are waiting for salvation, as I have not found anywhere in England. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1740) Author: John Wesley --- I have not had time to read the Count's Sermons yet. I have sent you one more hymn. [See Methodist Hymn-Book Illustrated, pp. 264-5. The hymn, ‘I thirst, Thou wounded Lamb of God,’ appeared in Hymns and Sacred Poems, 1740, and in the Moravian Hymn-Book, 1742. It was based on four hymns in the Appendix to the Herrnhut Gesang-Buch, 1735.] Captain Williams's affidavit [Captain Williams's slanderous affidavit as to Wesley's life in Georgia was sworn before the Mayor of Bristol on March 14, 1740, and led Wesley to publish his Journal. Williams was a Georgia planter, who resented Wesley's attitude as to slavery. See letter of Aug. 3, 1742.] was cried about the streets here. But the hawkers were so complaisant that, when I went by any of them, they stopped till I was a good way off. I want to hear from C. Delamotte. Does his sugar quite swallow him up I have little time and much to write to-night. Dear Jemmy, suffer people to use the means of grace. If this caution is needless, I shall rejoice; for I am Your loving brother.

Fri. 6. -- Between ten and twelve the main shock began. I can but give a faint account of this, not for want of memory, but of words. I felt in my body nothing but storm and tempest, hail-stones and coals of fire. But I do not remember that I felt any fear (such was the mercy of God!) nor any murmuring. And yet I found but a dull, heavy kind of patience, which I knew was not what it ought to be. The fever came rushing upon me as a lion, ready to break all my bones in pieces. My body grew weaker every moment; but I did not feel my soul put on strength. Then it came into my mind, ‘Be still, and see the salvation of the Lord. I will not stir hand or foot; but let Him do with me what is good in His own eyes.’ At once my heart was at ease. ‘My mouth was filled with laughter, and my tongue with joy.’ My eyes overflowed with tears, and I began to sing aloud. One who stood by said, ‘Now he is light-headed.’ I told her, ‘Oh no; I am not light-headed, but I am praising God. God is come to my help, and pain is nothing; glory be to God on high!’ I now found why it was not expedient for me to recover my health sooner: because then I should have lost this experimental proof, how little everything is which can befall the body so long as God carries the soul aloft, as it were on the wings of an eagle. An hour after, I had one more grapple with the enemy, who then seemed to collect all his strength. I essayed to shake myself, and praise God as before, but I was not able; the power was departed from me. I was shorn of my strength, and became weak and like another man. Then I said, ‘Yet here I hold; lo, I come to bear Thy will, O God.’ Immediately He returned to my soul, and lifted up the light of His countenance. And I felt, ‘He rideth easily enough whom the grace of God carrieth.’

You assert, farther, that I was bailed by two freeholders of Savannah for my appearance at the then next Sessions. Here I charge you with a second gross, willful falsehood. You know I never was bailed at all. If I was, name the men (Henry Lloyd is ready to confront you) or produce an attested copy of the Record of Court. You assert, thirdly, that a little before the Sessions came on (viz. the next Sessions after the Bills were found) I deserted my bail. Here is another gross, willful, palpable untruth. For (1) no bail was ever given; (2) I appeared at seven Sessions successively after those Bills were found -- viz. on Thursday, Sept. 1, or Friday, Sept. 2; at three other Sessions held in September and October; on Thursday, Nov. 22 [3]; and lastly, on Thursday, Nov. 22 [24]. Your smaller falsehoods--as that I quitted the colony about the middle of the night, that from Purrysburg to Charlestown is about two hundred miles (you should have said about ninety), that I walked on foot from thence to Charlestown -- I pass over as not material. You, lastly, assert that the Justices threatened to prosecute and imprison my bail for such my desertion, who were in the utmost confusion concerning the same; but by the interposition of this deponent and several others on behalf of the said bail, and to prevent destruction to their several families, the Justices respited their recognizances during pleasure. This is altogether fit to crown the whole. Now, sir, as you know in your own soul that every word of this is pure invention, without one grain of truth from the beginning to the end, what amends can you ever make, either to God, or to me, or to the world Into what a dreadful dilemma have you here brought yourself! You must openly retract an open slander, or you must wade through thick and thin to support it; till that God, to whom I appeal, shall maintain His own cause and sweep you away from the earth. -- I am, sir, Your friend.

N.B. -- This was written July 16, but I had not leisure to transcribe it before August 3, 1742. [Wesley left Bristol on July 18 and found when he got to London that his mother was dying. The letter was transcribed two days after her funeral. It appeared in the Weekly History for Aug. 14, 1742.]

’Tis great pity that your friend, too, did not make affidavit of the extraordinary particulars following: that Mr. Wesley continued to disturb the public peace; that he endeavored to make an insurrection in the public Court while sitting; that the Magistrates received several petitions, laying fresh accusations to his charge, and declaring his design of leaving the colony privately (an extremely private design, of which five days before I had given notice by an advertisement set up in the market-place!); that several persons took an opportunity of going off with him with several sums of money; that they gave out that they would oppose with violence any person that should attempt to seize any of them; and that, immediately after, a great reward was affixed publicly for apprehending of Mr. Wesley. You can't but own these are a great improvement upon your design, and would sound as well as your own affidavit itself. But would it not be needful first for Mr. Christie and you to confer together and agree upon your story else he may again blunder out more than you desire and confute you instead of me. This it is undeniable he has done now, and that in the most material parts of your evidence. For, first, you aver that Mr. Wesley, being bailed for the appearance at the then next Sessions, a little before the Sessions came on, deferred his bail and went away. No, says Mr. Christie, Mr. Wesley, after he was bailed, did appear at the next Court. I desired his trial might be brought on, or his recognizance estreated. Again, Mr. Christie flatly affirms that Mr. John Coats, who was one of his bail, went off with Mr. Wesley and never returned; whereas you aver upon oath that the Justices threatened to prosecute and imprison his bail, who were in the utmost confusion. But by the interposition of this deponent and several others, on behalf of the said bail, and to prevent destruction to their respective families, the Justices respited their recognizances during pleasure.

Do you hold that principle, ‘that we ought to be just (i.e. pay our debts) before we are merciful’ If I held it, I should not give one shilling for these two years either to you or any other. And, indeed, I have for some time stayed my hand; so that I give next to nothing, except what I give to my relations. And I am often in doubt with regard to that, not whether natural affection be not a sin, but whether it ought to supersede common justice. You know nothing of my temporal circumstances and the straits I am in almost continually; so that, were it not for the reputation of my great riches, I could not stand one week. I have now done with myself, and have only a few words concerning you. You are of all creatures the most unthankful to God and man. I stand amazed at you. How little have you profited under such means of improvement! Surely, whenever your eyes are opened, whenever you see your own tempers, with the advantages you have enjoyed, you will make no scruple to pronounce yourself (whores and murderers not excepted) the very chief of sinners. -- I am, &c.

9. This I have endeavored to do with a tender hand: relating no more than I believed absolutely needful; carefully avoiding all tart and unkind expressions, all that I could foresee would be disobliging to you, or any farther offensive than was implied in the very nature of the thing; laboring everywhere to speak consistently with that deep sense which is settled in my heart that you are (though I cannot call you Rabbi, infallible) yet far, far better and wiser than me. 10. And if any of you will smite me friendly and reprove me, if you will show me wherein I have erred, either in the matter or manner of the following relation or any part thereof, I will by the grace of God confess it before angels and men in whatsoever way you shall require. Meanwhile do not cease to pray for Your weak but still affectionate brother.

9. On the second proposition you remark (1) that I ‘ought to havesaid, the merits of Christ are (not the sole cause, but) the sole meritorious cause of this our justification.’ (page 41); (2) That ‘St. Paul and the Church, by justifying faith, mean, faith in the gospel and merits of Christ.’ The very thing; so I contend, in flatopposition to those who say they mean only the object of this faith. Upon the third proposition, ‘By our being justified by faith only,both St. Paul and the Church mean, that the condition of ourjustification is faith alone, and not good works;’ you say, ‘Neither of them mean any such thing. You greatly wrong them, inascribing so mischievous a sentiment to them.’ (Ibid.) Let me begyou, Sir, to have patience, and calmly to consider, (1.) What I meanby this proposition. Why should you any longer run as uncertainly, and fight as one that beateth the air (2.) What is advancedtouching the sentiments of the Church, in the tract referred to above. Till you have done this, it would be mere loss of time todispute with you on this head. I waive, therefore, for the present, the consideration of some of your following pages. Only I cannot quite pass over that (I believe, new) assertion, ‘that the Thirteenth Article, entitled, “Of Works done before Justification,” does not speak of works done before justification, but of works before grace, which is a very different thing!’ (page 45). I beseech you, Sir, to consider the Eleventh, Twelfth, and Thirteenth Articles, just as they lie, in one view: And you cannot but see that it is as absolutely impossible to maintain that proposition, as it is to prove that the Eleventh and Twelfth Articles speak not of justification, but of some very different thing. 10. Against that part of the fourth proposition, ‘Faith is a sure trust which a man hath, that Christ loved him and died for him,’ you object, ‘This definition is absurd; as it supposes that such a sure trust can be in one who does not repent of his sins.’ (page 48). I suppose quite the contrary, as I have declared over and over; nor, therefore, is there any such danger as you apprehend.

13. Another consequence which you charge on my preaching justification by faith, is, the introducing the errors of the Moravians. ‘Had the people,’ say you, ‘gone on in a quiet and regular practice of their duty, as most of them did before you deluded them, it would have been impossible for the Moravian tenets to have prevailed among them. But when they had been long and often used to hear good works undervalued, I cannot wonder that they should plunge into new errors, and wax worse and worse.’ (Page 12.) This is one string of mistakes. ‘Had the people gone on in a quiet and regular practice of their duty, as most of them did before you deluded them.’ Deluded them! Into what Into the love of God and all mankind, and a zealous care to keep his commandments. I would to God this delusion (if such it is accounted) may spread to the four corners of the earth! But how did most of them go on before they were thus deluded Four in five, by a moderate computation, even as other baptized Heathens, in the works of the devil, in all the ‘wretchlessness of most unclean living.’ ‘In a quiet and regular practice of their duty!’ What duty the duty of cursing and swearing; the duty of gluttony and drunkenness; the duty of whoredom and adultery; or of beating one another, and any that came in their way In this (not very ‘quiet or regular’) practice did most of those go on before they heard us, who have now ‘put off the old man with his deeds,’ and are ‘holy in all manner of conversation.’ Have these, think you, ‘been long and often used to hear good works undervalued’ Or are they prepared for receiving the Moravian errors, by the knowledge and love of God O Sir, the Moravians know, if you do not, that there is no such barrier under heaven against their tenets as those very people whom you suppose just prepared for receiving them.

First. ‘With regard to the denying degrees in faith, you mentioned“that the Moravian Church was cleared from this mistake.” But did you not mention this as one of the tenets of the Moravians' No; not of the Moravians in general. ‘Do you not say that you “could not agree with Mr. Spangenberg that none has any faith so long as he is liable to any doubt or fear”’ I do say so still. But Spangenberg is not the Moravian Church. ‘Do you not represent Mr. Molther and other Moravians in England as teaching the same’ I do; three or four in all. But neither are these the Moravian Church. ‘In short, I have not charged the Moravian Church with anything, but only repeat after you.’ Indeed you have, in the very case before us. You charge them with denying degrees in faith. I do not charge them herewith. I openly cleared them from any such charge near six years ago. ‘If, therefore, you have accused them when you knew them to be guiltless, you must bear the blame.’ In this case I must entreat you to bear it in my stead; for I have not accused them -- the Moravian Church. It is you that have accused them. I have again and again declared they are not guilty.

8. ‘In a note at the bottom of page 8 you observe, “The band society in London began May 1, some time before I set out for Germany.” Would you insinuate here that you did not set it up in imitation of the Moravians’ Sir, I will tell you the naked truth. You had remarked thus: ‘You took the trouble of a journey to Germany to them; and were so much in love with their methods that, at your return hither, you set up their bands among your disciples’ (page 17). This was an entire mistake; for that society was set up, not only before I returned, but before I set out. And I designed that note to insinuate this to you without telling your mistake to all the world. ‘I imagined that, supposing your account of the Moravians true, it would be impossible for any serious Christian to doubt of their being very wicked people.’ I know many serious Christians who suppose it true, and yet believe they are in the main good men. ‘A much worse character, take the whole body together, cannot be given of a body of men.’ Let us try: ‘Here is a body of men who have not one spark of either justice, mercy, or truth among them; who are lost to all sense of right and wrong; who have neither sobriety, temperance, nor chastity; who are, in general, liars, drunkards, gluttons, thieves, adulterers, murderers.’ I cannot but think that this is a much worse character than that of the Moravians, take it how you will. 'Let the reader judge how far you are now able to defend them.' Just as far as I did at first. Still I dare not condemn what is good among them; and I will not excuse what is evil.

You proceed: ‘You distinguish between the English brethren and the Moravians. These English brethren, I presume, were your followers. Afterwards you represent them as perverted by the Moravians. “Before they had spoke these wicked things,” you say, “they had joined these men and acted under their direction.” If they did not learn them from these new teachers, from whom did they learn them Not, sure, from yourself or any other Methodists. You cannot, therefore, bring off the Moravians without condemning your own people. Here, therefore, you have certainly overshot yourself.’ (Page 85.) Perhaps not. ‘These English brethren were, I presume, your followers.’ No; this is your first mistake. I was but a single, private member of that Society. ‘Afterwards you represent them as perverted by the Moravians.’ I do; but not yet connected with them. ‘Before they spoke these wicked things, they had joined these men and acted under their direction.’ This is another mistake. They did not join these men nor act by their direction till long after. ‘If they did not learn them from these new teachers, from whom did they learn them You cannot bring off the Moravians without condemning your own people.’ They learned them from Mr. Molther chiefly, whom I am not at all concerned to bring off. Now let all men judge which of us two has overshot himself. 11. ‘In answer to my objections against the inconsistent accounts you have given of the Moravians, you say, “They are, I believe, the most self-inconsistent people under the sun.” Would not one imagine that you here speak of the same persons, or of the whole body of them in general’ I do, thus far: I ascribe the good to the body of them in general; the evil to part only of that body, to some of those same persons. ‘Your method of getting over the contradictions I had charged upon you is much the same, -- to distinguish either between the Moravians and the English brethren, though these had been their disciples’ (this has been abundantly answered), ‘or between some of the Moravians and others’ (page 86). I think a very good method; for propositions are not contradictory unless they both speak of the same persons.

However, since you persist to affirm that I am guilty of the contradictions you charged upon me (page 87), I think there cannot be a sufficient reply without reciting the several instances. 12. (1) ‘You commend them (the Moravians) for loving one another; and yet charge them with biting and devouring one another.’ I answered, ‘Them! Whom Not the Moravians, but the English brethren of Fetter Lane before their union with the Moravians. Herein, then, is no shadow of contradiction; for the two sentences do not relate to the same persons.’ You reply, 'Would you, then, have us to think that so much anger and contradiction reigned among your Methodists' I 'would have you think' this is nothing to the purpose. Prove the contradiction, and you speak to the point. 'It is plain they had before this been perverted by the Moravians, and that they were unwilling to be taught by any others.' They--that is, nearly half of the Society. But here is no proof of the contradiction still. (2) ‘You say, “They had wellnigh destroyed brotherly love from among us, partly by cautions against natural love, partly by occasioning almost continual disputes.”’ So they had; but we had then no connection with them. Neither, therefore, does this contradict their loving one another. You reply, ‘As if they can truly love each other who teach you not to do it and stir up divisions and disturbances among you.’ You should say, if you would repeat after me, ‘Who caution you against natural love and occasion many disputes among you.’ Well; allowing they do this (which is utterly wrong), yet where is the contradiction Yet they may love one another. (3) ‘You praise them for using no diversions but such as become saints; and yet say’ (I recite the whole sentence), '"I have heard some of you affirm that Christian salvation implies liberty to conform to the world, by joining in worldly diversions in order to do good."' And both these are true. The Moravians in general 'use no diversions but such as become saints'; and yet I have heard some of them affirm, in contradiction to their own practice, that 'one then mentioned did well when he joined in playing at tennis in order to do good.' To this you make no reply. Silence, then, consents that there is no contradiction here.

You say, ‘When I read this first, I was amazed, and impatient to look again into your Journal. But I had no sooner done this, but I was still more astonished. For you have very grievously misrepresented the case.’ If I have, then I will bear the blame; but if not, it will light on your head. ‘It is not this account which you had thus introduced, but another, and a very different one, of what happened a day or two before. Sunday, you mention her as being guilty of gross presumption, which you attribute to the power of the devil. But on Monday and Tuesday the opposite revelations happened, which you relate without the least mark of diffidence or blame.’ (Page 131.) I am grieved that you constrain me to say any more. In the sixty-sixth and sixty-seventh pages of the last Journal, [Journal, ii. 415-16.] I gave account of Mrs. Jones, which I term ‘a surprising instance of the power of the devil.’ It includes the occurrences of three days. This you brought as a proof of my enthusiasm. I answer: ‘The very words that introduce this account’ prove it is no instance of enthusiasm; meaning by ‘this account’ (as I suppose is plain to every reader) the following account of Mrs. Jones. You reply: ‘It is not this account which you had thus introduced, but another, and a very different one, of what happened a day or two before.’ Sir, it is the whole account of Mrs. Jones which I thus introduce; and not another, not a very different one. And I attribute the agony which she (Mrs. Jones) was in, and most of the words which she spoke, both on Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, not to the Spirit of God, but to the power of the devil.

8. You remarked, ‘It will be difficult to persuade any sober person that there is anything supernatural in these disorders’ (Remarks, pp. 68-9). The remainder of that paragraph I abridged thus: You attempt to account for those fits, by ‘obstructions or irregularities of the blood and spirits; hysterical disorders; watchings, fastings, closeness of rooms, great crowds, violent heat’; and lastly by ‘terrors, perplexities, and doubts in weak and well meaning men; which’ you think, ‘in many of the cases before us, have quite overset their understandings’ (page 69). I answered, ‘As to each of the rest, let it go as far as it can go.’ (Let it be supposed to have some influence in some cases; perhaps fully to account for one in a thousand.) ‘But I require proof of the last way whereby you would account for these disorders.’ Why, ‘the instances,’ you say, ‘of religious madness have much increased since you began to disturb the world.’ I doubt the fact. You reply, ‘This no way disproves it’ (Second Letter, p. 137). Yes, it does, till you produce some proof. For a bare negation is the proper and sufficient answer to a bare affirmation. I add, ‘If these instances had increased daily, it is easy to account for them another way,’ as is done in the First Part of the Farther Appeal. [See Works, viii. 130-4.] You say, ‘Most have heard of or known several of the Methodists thus driven to distraction.’ I answered, ‘You may have heard of five hundred; but how many have you known Be pleased to name eight or ten of them. I cannot find them -- no, not one of them to this day, either man, woman, or child.’ [See letter of Feb. 2, 1745, sect. III. 10.] You reply, ‘This’ (the naming them) ‘would be very improper and unnecessary’ (Second Letter, p. 138). However, sir, it is extremely necessary that you should name them to me in private. I will then, if required, excuse you to the public; which till then I cannot do. The person I mentioned, whom you threw into much doubt and perplexity, then lived in the parish of St. Ann, Westminster. I related the case just as she related it to me. But she is able and ready to answer for herself.

7. However, with regard to the fruits of our teaching, you say, ‘It is to be feared the numbers of serious men who have been perplexed and deluded are much greater than the numbers of notorious sinners who have been brought to repentance and good life’ ( page 113). ‘Indeed, if you could prove that the Methodists were in general very wicked people before they followed you, and that all you have been teaching them is the love of God and their neighbor, and a care to keep His commandments, which accordingly they have done since, you would stop the mouths of all adversaries at once. But we have great reason to believe that the generality of the Methodists, before they became so, were serious, regular, and well-disposed people.’ (Page 103.) If the question were proposed, ‘Which are greater, the numbers of serious men who have been perplexed and deluded, or of notorious sinners who have been brought to repentance and good life, by these preachers throughout England within seven years’ it might be difficult for you to fix the conclusion. For England is a place of wide dimensions; nor is it easy to make a satisfactory computation, unless you confine yourself within a smaller compass. Suppose, then, we were to contract the question, in order to make it a little less unwieldy. We will bound our inquiry for the present within a square of three or four miles. It may be certainly known by candid men, both what has been and what is now done within this distance; and from hence they may judge of those fruits elsewhere, which they cannot be so particularly informed of.

Sir, I willingly put the whole cause on this issue: What are the general consequences of this preaching Are there more tares or wheat more ‘good men destroyed’ (that is the proper question) or ‘wicked men saved’ The last place where we began constant preaching is a part of Wiltshire and Somersetshire, near Bath. Now, let any man inquire at Road, Bradford, Wrexal, [Wraxhill Green, five miles south of Shepton Mallet.] or among the colliers at Coleford, (1) what kind of people were those ‘before they followed these men’ (2) what are the main doctrines they have been teaching for this twelvemonth (3) what effect have these doctrines upon their followers what manner of lives do they lead now And if you do not find (1) that three in four of these were two years ago notoriously wicked men; (2) that the main doctrines they have heard since were, ‘Love God and your neighbor, and carefully keep His commandments’; and (3) that they have since exercised themselves herein, and continue so to do; -- I say, if you, or any reasonable man, who will be at the pains to inquire, does not find this to be an unquestionable fact, I will openly acknowledge myself an enthusiast or whatsoever else you shall please to style me. Only one caution I would give to such an inquirer. Let him not ask the colliers of Coleford: ‘Were not the generality of you, before you followed these men, serious, regular, well-disposed people’ Were you not ‘offended at the profaneness and debauchery of the age’ and ‘Was it not this disposition which at first made you liable to receive these impressions’ (Page 103.) Because, if he talk thus to some of those who do not yet ‘follow these men,’ perhaps he will not live to bring back their answer.

But you say, ‘Strict order once set aside, confusion rushes in like a torrent.’ It has been so far from rushing in where we have preached most, that the very reverse is true. Surely never was ‘confusion worse confounded’ than it was a few years since in the forest of Kingswood. But how has it been since the word of God was preached there, even in this disorderly manner Confusion heard his voice, and wild uproar Stood ruled, ... and order from disorder sprung. [Paradise Lost, iii. 710-14.] O sir, be not carried away with the torrent, the clamour either of the great vulgar or the small! Re-examine your very first notions of these things; and then review that sentence, ‘The devil makes use of your honest zeal to his dishonest and diabolical purposes. He well knows you do him more service by breach of order than disservice by all your laborious industry.’ I hope not: (1) because I bring the very order you contend for into places where it never was before; and (2) because I bring--yet not I, but the grace of God--that knowledge and love of God also, in conjunction wherewith order is of great price, but without them a worthless shadow. I commend you to God, and to the word of His grace, which is able to build you up, and to give you an inheritance among all them which are sanctified, by faith that is in Him.

To Mrs. Jones, of Fonmon Castle Date: BRISTOL, August 4, 1746 Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1746) Author: John Wesley --- The first thing which it is absolutely necessary for me to do is to finish a volume of Sermons for the press. This is of more extensive use than the visiting any particular place; upon which consideration my brother [Charles was in Cornwall, and met John at Bristol on Aug. 28.] has undertaken to go the Round this autumn in my place. I had intended to go to Neath, if not to Cardigan; and hope he will do the same. I am not sure of returning hither in the beginning of September, as I now propose to do. If nothing prevent this, I hope to see you in Wales still, before the end of autumn. Be perfect, be of one mind. Live in peace, and the God of peace and love shall be with you. -- I am You ever affectionate brother and servant. PS.--Mr. Wesley has altered his design. He now proposes (if nothing unforeseen fall out) to go to Garth, Carmarthen, Cardigan, and then to return by Neath so as to be at Fonmon on Tuesday, the 19th of this month.[Wesley preached at Fonmon Castle on Aug. 19.] May the Lord continually pour His blessings upon you and your family, and make you at last meet for His eternal kingdom and glory! May you daily grow in grace and in the knowledge and love of God and of His Son Jesus Christ I To-morrow I am to set out for Cornwall. Pray for me that I may have a prosperous journey.--I remain Your very affectionate servant, T. RICHARDS. [See letter of March 3, 1747.]

To Joseph Cownley Date: BRISTOL, September 20, 1746. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1746) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BRETHREN, -- As many of you as have set your hands to the plough, see that you go on and look not back. The prize and the crown are before you; and in due time you shall reap if you faint not. Meantime fight the good fight of faith, enduring the cross and despising the shame. Beware that none of you return evil for evil or railing for railing, but contrariwise blessing. Show forth out of a loving heart your good conversation with meekness and wisdom. Avoid all disputes as you would avoid fire: so shall ye continue kindly affectioned one toward another. The God of peace be with you. -- I am Your affectionate brother.

You begin: ‘Will you ask what I mean by “order” Was it not manifest I meant to speak against lay-preaching’ It was; but not against that alone. Therefore, before I entered upon the question, I defined the term in a wider sense, so as to include both this and every irregularity you had objected. You go on: ‘How could you give so strange an answer, “I bring this order you contend for into places where it never was before”’ I reply: This is not my whole answer; it is but one, and that the most inconsiderable, part of it: but it is strictly true. ‘Do you, then, bring in the ministry of regularly ordained ministers, where, before, people were used to the preaching of lay brethren’ Yes; them who were before used to no preaching at all, or to that of those whom you would term lay brethren, I bring to attend on the ministry of those regular preachers who have the charge of their several parishes. But very ‘ill consequences’ of our irregular preaching, you say, have ‘actually happened: a number of unsent persons going about the kingdom, and preaching the worst of heresies.’ ‘A number’! Where Within these nine years past, I have heard of two, and no more (besides that lunatic clergyman [See letter of June 25, 1746, sect. 10.]), who have gone about thus, though I doubt sent neither of God nor man. But I have heard of no heresy which they preached; only a little smooth, undigested nonsense. Nor can the ill done by these balance the thousandth part of the good already done by the preaching of other laymen -- namely, the turning so many bold, barefaced servants of the devil into humble, holy servants of God. However, evil ‘will happen if any State faction shall join the irregulars.’ If they shall! Yea, if they shall attempt it (which is far enough off), the irregulars will not join them. We bless God that the Government is at present very fully convinced of this. ‘But if unsent well-meaning laymen may preach, unsent ill-meaning laymen will, upon the first opportunity, spread sedition like wild-fire.’ Yea, and clergymen as well as laymen, sent as well as unsent. Thus it ever was, and I presume ever will be.

My Lord, this is an accusation of the highest nature. If we are guilty, we are not so much as moral heathens. We are monsters, not only unworthy of the Christian name, but unfit for human society. It tears up all presences to the love of God and man, to justice, mercy, or truth. But how is it proved Or does your Lordship read the heart, and so pass sentence without any proof at all O my Lord, ought an accusation of the lowest kind to be thus received, even against the lowest of the people How much less can this be reconciled with the apostolical advice to the Bishop of Ephesus! -- ‘Against a presbyter receive not an accusation, but before two or three witnesses’; and those face to face. When it is thus proved, ‘them that sin, rebuke before all.’ Your Lordship doubtless remembers the words that follow (how worthy to be written in your heart!): ‘I charge thee, before God, and the Lord Jesus Christ, and the elect angels, that thou observe these things without preferring one before another, doing nothing by partiality’ (I Tim. v. 19-21). IV. 16. ‘They mislead the people into an opinion of the high merit of punctual attendance on their performances, to the neglect of the business of their stations’ (page 26). My Lord, this is not so. You yourself in this very Charge have cleared us from one part of this accusation. You have borne us witness (page 10) that we disclaim all merit, even in (really) good works; how much more in such works as we continually declare are not good, but very evil! such as the attending sermons, or any public offices whatever, ‘to the neglect of the business of our station.’

22. But I must draw to a conclusion. Your Lordship has without doubt had some success in opposing this doctrine. Very many have, by your Lordship's unwearied endeavors, been deterred from hearing at all; and have thereby probably escaped the being seduced into holiness, have lived and died in their sins. My Lord, the time is short. I am past the noon of life, and my remaining years flee away as a shadow. Your Lordship is old and full of days, having past the usual age of man. It cannot, therefore, be long before we shall both drop this house of earth and stand naked before God; no, nor before we shall see the great white throne coming down from heaven, and Him that sitteth thereon. On His left hand shall be those who are shortly to dwell in everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels. In that number will be all who died in their sins, and, among the rest, those whom you preserved from repentance. Will you then rejoice in your success The Lord God grant it may not be said in that hour, 'These have perished in their iniquity; but their blood I require at thy hands’! - I am Your Lordship's dutiful son and servant. To ‘John Smith’ ST. IVES, July 10, 1747. SIR, -- 1. You put me in mind of an eminent man who, preaching at St. James’s, said, ‘If you do not repent, you will go to a place which I shall not name before this audience.’ I cannot promise so much, either in preaching or writing, before any audience or to any person whatever. Yet I am not conscious of doing this very often -- of ‘profusely flinging about everlasting fire’; though it is true I mentioned it in my last letter to you, as I have done now a second time; and perhaps I may mention it yet again. For, to say the truth, I desire to have both heaven and hell ever in my eye, while I stand on this isthmus of life, between these two boundless oceans; and I verily think the daily consideration of both highly becomes all men of reason and religion.

Neither do I want miracles in order to determine my judgment with regard to scriptures variously interpreted. I would not say in this case, ‘Show me a sign,’ but ‘Bring forth your strong reasons’; and according to these, weighed in an even, impartial scale, would I incline to one side or the other. 13. From the beginning of our correspondence I did not expect you to alter your judgment touching those points wherein we differed. But I was willing (and am so still) to hear and consider whatever you should advance concerning them: and so much the rather, because in the greatest points we do agree already; and in the smaller, we can bear with each other, and speak what we apprehend to be the truth in love. Let us bless God for this, and press on to the mark. It cannot be long before we shall be quite of one mind, before the veil of flesh shall drop off, and we shall both see pure light in the unclouded face of God.

To the Clergyman at Tredinny Date: TREDINNY, July 14, 1747. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1747) Author: John Wesley --- REVEREND SIR,--I was exceedingly surprised when I was informed yesterday of your affirming publicly in the church, in the face of a whole congregation, 'Now Wesley has sent down for an hundred pounds; and it must be raised directly. Nay, it is true.' O sir, is this possible Can it be that you should be so totally void, I will not say of conscience, of religion, but of good nature as to credit such a tale and of good manners and common sense as thus to repeat it I must beg that you would either justify or retract this (for it is a point of no small concern), and that I may know what you propose to do, before I set out for London.--I am, reverend sir, Your brother and servant for Christ's sake.

To Westley Hall Date: LONDON, December 22, 1747. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1747) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER, -- I. When you was at Oxford with me fourteen or fifteen years since, you was holy and unblameable in all manner of conversation. I greatly rejoiced in the grace of God which was given unto you, which was often a blessing to my own soul. Yet even then you had frequently starts of thought which were not of God, though they at first appeared to be. But you was humble and teachable, you was easily convinced, and those imaginations vanished away. 2. More than twelve years ago you told me God had revealed it to you that you should marry my youngest sister. I was much surprised, being well assured that you was able to receive our Lord’s saying (so you had continually testified) and to be an ‘eunuch for the kingdom of heaven’s sake.’ But you vehemently affirmed the thing was of God; you was certain it was His will. God had made it plain to you that you must marry, and that she was the very person. So you asked and gained her consent, and fixed the circumstances relating thereto. 3. Hence I date your fall. Here were several faults in one: (1) you cast away the precious gift of God; (2) you leaned altogether to your own understanding, not consulting either me, who was then the guide of your soul, or the parents of your intended wife, before you had settled the whole affair; and (3) while you followed the voice of nature, you said it was the voice of God.

To Howell Harris Date: HOLYHEAD, February 28, 1748. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1748) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--I presume you know how bitter Mr. Ellis (the minister here) used to be against the Methodists. On Friday he came to hear me preach, I believe with no friendly intention. Brother Swindells[Robert Swindells, a man of great zeal and fine spirit, was one of Wesley's devoted preachers for more than forty years. He did much for the poor, and sometimes gave even part of his own clothes to relieve distress. He suffered much, and died suddenly in 1782. See Atmore's Memorial, p. 409; and letter of Feb. 14, 1778, to Mrs. Johnson.] spoke a few words to him, whereupon he invited him to his house. Since then they have spent several hours together, and I believe his views of things are greatly changed. He commends you much for bringing the Methodists back to the Church; and at his request I have wrote a little thing to the same effect. He will translate it into Welsh, and then I design to print it both in Welsh and English: I will send you some as soon as I can, that you may disperse them when you see occasion. I thought it good to apprise you of this before. I know your heart is herein as my heart. O my brother, let us join hand in hand and fight our way through I I want all your prayers. I believe God has detained us here for the sake both of the minister and the people. Grace and peace be with you and yours.--I am, my dear brother, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To John Toltschig Date: CORK STREET, March 26, 1748. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1748) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--Has Mr. Cennick left any orders with you concerning the house in Skinner's Alley If he has, if he is of the same mind, I am ready to do as I said to-day. If he has altered his mind, I design to preach there myself next week.--I am Your loving brother. I expected to have heard from him before he left Ireland.

To John Toltschig Date: CORK STREET March 29, 1748. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1748) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--I don't think Mr. Cennick has used me well. He ought to have let me hear from him before he left the kingdom. It would have been only common civility, to say nothing of brotherly love. Since he has left all things undetermined (whether on purpose or no I leave to the Searcher of Hearts) my conscience is satisfied, and I think it would not be right to let the house lie empty any longer. I therefore design to preach there tomorrow. But whenever Mr. Cennick will indemnify me as to the bonds and covenants I am under, I will relinquish it to him at a month's warning.--I am Your affectionate brother.

To William Mondet Date: CORK STREET, April 16, 1748. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1748) Author: John Wesley --- SIR,--A warm letter, subscribed by Mr. Binns and you, was given me the evening before I left Dublin. The most material part of it ran thus: 'Why did you not settle that affair with Mr. Cennick before you preached in the house, which you could not preach in a fortnight ago for conscience' sake' Have patience: I will tell you why. I did not settle that affair with Mr. Cennick before he went away because I heard not one word of his going till he was agone. Otherwise it was my full design to have settled it then, which might have been done in a few hours' time. I did not preach in the house a fortnight before because I was determined not to preach there till I should have made Mr. Cennick one more offer, as I thought brotherly love required; but after I had done this and he appeared to me (comparing his behaviour to me with his words to others) to trifle and put me off, I could not in conscience delay preaching there any longer. The fault lay at his door, and I now conceived myself to be clear in the sight of God and man, even though I should never have made him another offer of the place at all. You go on: 'How can you venture to take God's name in your mouth, and to call upon God in an house, at which time your own conscience must tell you that you have taken the house over people's heads It is our opinion, if you had the least feeling of God's love in your heart, you could not do it.' I suppose it is your opinion. But I stand before an higher Judge. You entirely mistake my motive of acting. I never looked upon the taking this house as 'the taking it over people's heads.' For it was advertised; and you positively refused to take it. This was not the ground of my scruple. But I desired to do as I would be done to. And I have done so to the best of my knowledge. Lord, what I know not teach Thou me!

To James Hargrave, the Constable at Barrowford Date: WIDDUP, August 26, 1748. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1748) Author: John Wesley --- SIR,--When I came last night to Roughlee, I found abundance of people, many of whom pressed me to preach there. But I told them I had given my word I would not preach there that evening. They then desired me to stay with them all night; but this also I refused, staying no longer than till our horses were ready, and till I had given them a short exhortation not to be out late at night and as much as lay in them to live peaceably with all men. This is a short account of what I've done. I must now mention a little what you have done: I say you, because all that was done yesterday was in the eye of the law as much your act and deed as if you had done all with your own hands; seeing (not to touch now upon some other points, evidence of which may be produced in due time) all those actions are imputable to you which you could have prevented and would not. Between twelve and one o'clock, when I was speaking to some quiet people without any noise or tumult, a drunken rabble came with clubs and staves in a tumultuous and riotous manner; the captain of whom, Richard Bocock by name, said he was a deputy constable, and that he was come to bring me to you. I made no resistance (though he had no warrant to show, and consequently all he did was utterly illegal), but went with him. I had scarce gone ten yards, when a man of his company struck me with his fist in the face with all his might! I told him it was not well, and went on quickly after another threw his stick at my head. I then made a stand, having little encouragement to go forward. But another of the champions, cursing and swearing in the most shocking manner, and flourishing his club over his head, cried out, 'Bring him away!' So, perceiving there was no remedy, I walked on to Barrowford (where they informed me you was); their drummer going before, to draw all the rabble together and encourage them in their work.

I must just stop to inform you (if you know it not) that this whole action of carrying me along against my will was an assault upon the King's highway, contrary to his peace, crown, and dignity. When your deputy had brought me prisoner into the house, he permitted Mr. Grimshaw, the minister of Haworth, Mr. Colbeck [Thomas Colbeck was steward of the Haworth Round, and a devoted class-leader and local preacher. See Laycock's Great Haworth Round, pp. 139-42; and letter of Nov. 25.] of Keighley, and one more [William Batty, one of Ingham's preachers. See Journal, ii. 294n.] to be with me, promising none should hurt them. Soon after, you and your friends came in and required me to promise 'I would come to Roughlee no more.' I told you 'I would cut off my hand rather than make any such promise.' Neither would I promise that none of my friends should come. After abundance of rambling discourse (for I could keep none of you long to one point) from about one o'clock till between three and four, in which one of you justly said, 'No, we will not be like Gamaliel, we will proceed like the Jews,' you seemed a little satisfied with my saying, 'I will not preach at Roughlee this time, nor shall I be here again till August next; then I will show you the authority by which I preach.' You then undertook to quiet the mob; to whom you went and spoke a few words, and their noise immediately ceased, while I walked out with you at the back door. I should have mentioned that I had desired you to let me go several times before, but could not prevail; and that, when I attempted to go with Richard Bocock, the mob came immediately to me, cursing and swearing and throwing whatever came to hand. One of them beat me down to the ground; and when I rose again, the rest came about me like lions and forced me back into the house.

But, before I take any farther step herein, I think myself obliged to make you a fair proposal. If you will promise me under your hand to suppress all mobs at Roughlee and the parts adjacent (as your duty both to God and the King require you to do, even at the hazard of your life); if you will promise to proceed only by law against those you apprehend to act contrary to law (which, indeed, I absolutely deny you to do), nor can it be supposed that none of the lawyers in Leeds, Newcastle, Bristol, or London should find it out (if it were so), but only the Solomons in Pendle Forest;--if I accordingly find a letter from you to this effect when I come to London, directed to the Foundery, near Moorfields, I shall be satisfied and proceed no farther. If not, I shall try another course. Only one piece of advice permit me to give. Do not consult herein with some petty attorney (who will certainly say your cause is good), but with some able barrister-at-law. This is the course I take. The counsel to whom I applied on this very Act of Parliament before I left London were Counsellor Glanville, a barrister of Gray's Inn, [See the next two letters.] and Sir Dudley Rider, the King's Attorney-General.--I am Your real friend.

To William Grimshaw Date: LONDON, November 2, 1748. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1748) Author: John Wesley --- So far as I can judge, the whole costs of information in the King's Bench will be between thirty and forty pounds: part of which should be speedily advanced; because, from the time the cause is first moved here, the counsellors should have their fees paid regularly. 'Tis miserable bad husbandry to starve a cause. Indeed, Mr. Glanville (I apprehend) will return his fees. However, they must be paid (for the present) as duly as those of Sir John Strange. In the end 'tis probable all the costs of suit will fall upon the rioters. The affidavits should be taken and sent without losing one day. The Judges often put off a cause which comes before them at the latter end of a term. Therefore you should not delay; near a fortnight of the term is gone already.

I answer: (1) This is no plea at all for your drinking tea at home. Therefore touch it not there, whatever you do abroad. (2) Where is the trouble given, even when you are abroad, if they drink tea, and you fill your cup with milk and water (3) Whatever trouble is taken is not for 'insignificant me,' but for that poor man who is half starved with cold and hunger; for that miserable woman who, while she is poisoning herself, wipes her mouth and says she does no evil--who will not believe the poison will hurt her, because it does not (sensibly at least) hurt you. O throw it away! Let her have one plea less for destroying her body, if not her soul, before the time! 25. You object farther, 'It is my desire to be unknown for any particularity, unless a peculiar love to the souls of those who are present.' And, I hope, to the souls of the absent too; yea, and to their bodies also, in a due proportion, that they may be healthy, and fed, and clothed, and warm, and may praise God for the consolation. 26. You subjoin: 'When I had left it off for some months, I was continually puzzled with, Why, What, &c.; and I have seen no good effects, but impertinent questions and answers and unedifying conversation about eating and drinking.'

II. 1. But as much as we endeavoured to watch over each other, we soon found some who did not live the gospel. I do not know that any hypocrites were crept in; for, indeed, there was no temptation: but several grew cold and gave way to the sins which had long easily beset them. We quickly perceived there were many ill consequences of suffering these to remain among us. It was dangerous to others; inasmuch as all sin is of an infectious nature. It brought such a scandal on their brethren as exposed them to what was not properly the reproach of Christ. It laid a stumbling-block in the way of others, and caused the truth to be evil spoken of. 2. We groaned under these inconveniences long before a remedy could be found. The people were scattered so wide in all parts of the town, from Wapping to Westminster, that I could not easily see what the behaviour of each person in his own neighbourhood was: so that several disorderly walkers did much hurt before I was apprised of it.

12. If, then, the end of those miraculous powers was 'to overcome inveterate prejudices and to enable the Christians to bear up against the shocks of persecution,' how can you possibly conceive that those powers should cease while some of the Apostles were living With what colour can you assert that they were less wanted for these ends in the second and third than in the apostolic age With what shadow of reason can you maintain that (if they ever subsisted at all) they were finally withdrawn before Christianity was established by the civil power Then, indeed, these ends did manifestly cease, persecution was at an end, and the inveterate prejudices which had so long obtained were in great measure rooted up--another plain reason why the powers which were to balance these should remain in the Church so long, and no longer. 13. You go on to acquaint us with the excellences of your performance. 'The reader,' you say, 'will find in these sheets none of those arts which are commonly employed by disputants to perplex a good cause or to palliate a bad one; no subtile refinements, forced constructions, or evasive distinctions; but plain reasoning, grounded on plain facts, and published with an honest and disinterested view to free the minds of men from an inveterate imposture. I have shown that the ancient Fathers, by whom that delusion was imposed, were extremely credulous and superstitious, possessed with strong prejudices, and scrupling no art or means by which they might propagate the same.' (Page 31.) Surely, sir, you add the latter part of this paragraph on purpose to confute the former; for just here you use one of the unfairest arts which the most dishonest disputant can employ, in endeavouring to forestall the judgement of the reader, and to prejudice him against those men on whom he ought not to pass any sentence before he has heard the evidence.

I answer: (1) It is allowed that before the end of the third century the Church was greatly degenerated from its first purity. Yet I doubt not (2) But abundantly more rank heresies have been publicly professed in many later ages; but they were not publicly protested against, and therefore historians did not record them. (3) You cannot but know it has always been the judgement of learned men (which you are at liberty to refute if you are able) that the far greater part of those spurious books have been forged by heretics, and that many more were compiled by weak, well meaning men from what had been orally delivered down from the Apostles. But (4) There have been in the Church from the beginning men who had only the name of Christians. And these doubtless were capable of pious frauds (so called). But this ought not to be charged upon the whole body. Add to this (5) What is observed by Mr. Daille,--'I impute a great part of this mischief to those men who before the invention of printing were the transcribers and copiers out of manuscripts. We may well presume that these men took the same liberty in forging as St. Jerome complains they did in corrupting books, especially since this course was beneficial to them, which the other was not.'Much more to the same effect we have in his treatise Of the Right Use of the Fathers, Part I. chap. iii. N.B. These transcribers were not all Christians--no, not in name; perhaps few, if any of them, in the first century. (6) By what evidences do you prove that these spurious books 'are frequently cited by the most eminent Fathers as not only genuine but of equal authority with the Scriptures themselves' Or, lastly, that they either forged these books themselves or made use of what they knew to be forged These things also you are not to take for granted but to prove before your argument can be of force. 12. We are come at last to your general conclusion: 'There is no sufficient reason to believe that any miraculous powers subsisted in any age of the Church after the times of the Apostles' (page 91).

3. You aim, indeed, at a proof, which would be home to the point if you were but able to make it out. 'These Fathers themselves seem to disclaim all gifts of a more extraordinary kind. Thus Polycarp in his Epistle to the Philippians says, " Neither I, nor any other such as I am, can come up to the wisdom of the blessed Paul." And in the same Epistle he declares, " It was not granted to him to practice that' Be ye angry, and sin not.' " St. Ignatius also in his Epistle to the Ephesians says, "These things I prescribe to you, not as if I were somebody extraordinary; for though I am bound for His name, I am not yet perfect in Christ Jesus."' (Pages 7-8.) I think verily these extraordinary proofs may stand without any reply. 4. Yet you courteously add: 'If from the passages referred to above or any other it should appear probable to any that they were favoured on some occasions with some extraordinary illuminations, visions, or divine impressions, I shall not dispute that point; but remind them only that these gifts were granted for their particular comfort, and do not therefore in any manner affect or relate to the question now before us' (page 10). I ask pardon, sir. These do so deeply affect, so nearly relate to, the question now before us, even as stated by yourself (Preface, p. 28), that, in allowing these, you give up the substance of the question. You yourself have declared that one great end of the extraordinary gifts conferred on the Apostles was 'to enable them to bear up against the shocks of popular rage and persecution.' Now, were not 'extraordinary illuminations, visions, and impressions,' if given at all, given for this very end--'for their particular comfort,' as you now word it Therefore, in allowing these to the apostolic Fathers, you allow extraordinary gifts, which had been formerly granted to the Apostles, to have subsisted in the Church after the days of the Apostles, and for the same end as they did before.

10. 'These things,' you add, 'are so strange, as to give just reason to suspect that there was some original fraud in the case, and that those strolling wonder-workers by a dexterity of juggling imposed upon the pious Fathers, whose strong prejudices and ardent zeal for the interest of Christianity would dispose them to embrace without examination whatever seemed to promote so good a cause' (page 25). You now speak tolerably plain, and would be much disappointed if those who have no 'strong prejudices for Christianity' did not apply what you say of these 'strolling wonder-workers' to the Apostles as well as their successors. 11. A very short answer will suffice: 'These things are so strange.' They are more strange than true. You have not proved one jot or tittle of them yet; therefore the consequences you draw must fall to the ground till you find them some better support. 12. Nay, but 'it is certain and notorious,' you say, 'that this was really the case in some instances'--that is, that 'strolling, juggling wonder-workers imposed upon the pious Fathers' (page 26). Sir, I must come in again with my cuckoo's note,--The proof! where is the proof Till this is produced, I cannot allow that 'this is certain and notorious' even in one individual instance. 13. Let us now stand still and observe what it is you have made out under this second head. What you proposed was 'to throw together all which the primitive Fathers had delivered concerning the persons said to be then endued with the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit.' And how have you executed what you proposed You have thrown together a quotation from a Jew, two from heathens, three-quarters of a line from Origen, and three lines from Tertullian! Nothing at all, it is true, to the point in question. But that you could not help. 14. And this, it seems, is 'all you have been able to draw from any of the primitive writers concerning the persons who were endued with the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost'! (Page 21.) Permit me, sir, to apply to you what was spoken on another occasion: 'Sir, the well is deep, and thou hast nothing to draw with'--neither sufficient skill, nor industry and application. Besides, you are resolved to draw out of the well what was never in it, and must of course lose all your labour.

I doubt much whether you can produce one single apologist for any 'ridiculous comment on sacred writ,' who anywhere 'alleges that the second or third century could not relish or endure any better.' But if they were all to say this with one voice, yet no reasonable man could believe them; for it is notoriously contrary to matter of fact. It may be allowed that some of these Fathers, being afraid of too literal a way of expounding the Scriptures, leaned sometimes to the other extreme. Yet nothing can be more unjust than to infer from hence 'that the age in which they lived could not relish or endure any but senseless, extravagant, enthusiastic, ridiculous comments on sacred writ.' Will you say that all the comments on Scripture still to be found in the writings of Ignatius, Polycarp, Athenagoras, or even of Origen and Clemens Alexandrinus, are senseless and extravagant If not, this charge must fall to the ground; it being manifest that even 'the age in which they lived' could both 'endure and relish' sound, sensible, rational (and yet spiritual) comments on holy writ. Yet this extravagant charge you have repeated over and over in various parts of your work, thrusting it upon your reader in season and out of season: how fairly, let all candid men judge. 3. Touching the miraculous gift of expounding Scripture, you say, 'Justin Martyr affirms it was conferred on him by the special grace of God' (page 117). I cannot find where he affirms this. Not in the words you cite, which, literally translated (as was observed before), runs thus: 'He hath revealed to us whatsoever things we have understood by His grace from the Scriptures also.' You seem conscious these words do not prove the point, and therefore eke them out with those of Monsieur Tillemont.[Louis Sebastien de Tillemont (1637-98),the ecclesiastical historian; Ordained priest 1676. He took his name from Tillemont, near Paris where he settled.] But his own words, and no other, will satisfy me. I cannot believe it, unless from his own mouth.

6. Perhaps this may obtain in the very case before us. Many may have spoken with new tongues of whom this is not recorded--at least, the records are lost in a course of so many years. Nay, it is not only possible that it may be so, but it is absolutely certain that it is so: and you yourself must acknowledge it; for you acknowledge that the Apostles when in strange countries spoke with strange tongues--that St. John, for instance, when in Asia Minor, St. Peter when in Italy (if he was really there), and the other Apostles when in other countries, in Parthia, Media Phrygia, Pamphylia, spoke each to the natives of each in their own tongues the wonderful works of God. And yet there is no authentic record of this: there is not in all history one well-attested instance of any particular Apostle's exercising this gift in any country whatsoever. Now, sir, if your axiom were allowed, what would be the ,consequence Even that the Apostles themselves no more spoke with tongues than any of their successors. 7. I need, therefore, take no trouble about your subsequent reasonings, seeing they are built on such a foundation. Only I must observe an historical mistake which occurs toward the bottom of your next page. Since the Reformation, you say, 'this gift has never once been heard of or pretended to by the Romanists themselves' (page 122). But has it been pretended to (whether justly or not) by no others, though not by the Romanists Has it 'never once been heard of' since that time Sir, your memory fails you again: it has undoubtedly been pretended to, and that at no great distance either from our time or country. It has been heard of more than once no farther off than the valleys of Dauphiny. Nor is it yet fifty years ago since the Protestant inhabitants of those valleys so loudly pretended to this and other miraculous powers as to give much disturbance to Paris itself. And how did the King of France confute that presence and prevent its being heard any more Not by the pen of his scholars, but by (a truly heathen way) the swords and bayonets of his dragoons.

10. From page 127 to page 158 you relate miracles said to be wrought in the fourth century. I have no concern with these; but I must weigh an argument which you intermix therewith again and again. It is in substance this: 'If we cannot believe the miracles attested by the later Fathers, then we ought not to believe those which are attested by the earliest writers of the Church.' I answer: The consequence is not good, because the case is not the same with the one and with the other. Several objections which do not hold with regard to the earlier may lie against the later miracles,--drawn either from the improbability of the facts themselves, such as we have no precedent of in holy writ; from the incompetency of the instruments said to perform them, such as bones, relics, or departed saints; or from the gross 'credulity of a prejudiced or the dishonesty of an interested relater' (page 145). 11. One or other of these objections holds against most of the later though not the earlier miracles. And if only one holds, it is enough; it is ground sufficient for making the difference. If, therefore, it was true that there was not a single Father of the fourth age who was not equally pious with the best of the more ancient, still we might consistently reject most of the miracles of the fourth while we allowed those of the preceding ages, both because of the far greater improbability of the facts themselves and because of the incompetency of the instruments. (Page 159.) But it is not true that 'the Fathers of the fourth age' whom you mention were equally pious with the best of the preceding ages. Nay, according to your account (which I shall not now contest), they were not pious at all; for you say, 'They were wilful, habitual liars.' And if so, they had not a grain of piety. Now, that the earlier Fathers were not such has been shown at large; though, indeed, you complimented them with the same character. Consequently, whether these later Fathers are to be believed or no, we may safely believe the former, who dared not to do evil that good might come or to lie either for God or man.

To John Bennet Date: LONDON January 23, 1750. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1750) Author: John Wesley --- There ties before me a transcript from a letter of yours sent lately to John Haughton in Ireland. Some of the words are: ‘I was married to Grace Murray on Tuesday by the advice of Mr. C. Wesley and G. Whitefield. But when Mr. Wesley came to hear it and saw us, he was so enraged as if he had been mad, for he himself was inflamed with love and lust unto her.’ I saw you first at William Shents. [In Leeds on Oct. 6, 1749, three days after the marriage, when he kissed him and uttered no word of reproach. See letter of Nov. 3, 1749.] Was I then so enraged as if I had been mad Or was it when I saw her and you together in the chamber at Mr. Towers [See Journal, iii. 330.] How came you to know that I ‘was inflamed with lust’ Did your wife tell you so If she did not, you would not have so roundly affirmed it. If she did, she has made me a fair return. If you only, after having robbed me, had stabbed me to the heart, I might have perhaps endeavored to defend myself But I can now only cover my face and say, ‘Art thou also among them Art thou! my daughter!’

7. You charge me, thirdly, with ‘putting on a sanctified appearance, in order to draw followers, by a demure look, precise behavior, and other marks of external piety. For which reason,’ you say, ‘Mr. Wesley made and renewed that noble resolution not willingly to indulge himself in the least levity of behavior or in laughter -- no, not for a moment; to speak no word not tending to the glory of God, and not a little of worldly things.’ (Pages 18-19.) Sir, you miss the mark again. If this ‘sanctified appearance was put on to draw followers’; if it was for ‘this reason’ (as you flatly affirm it was) that ‘Mr. Wesley made and renewed that noble resolution’ (it was made eleven or twelve years before, about the time of my removal to Lincoln College), then it can be no instance of enthusiasm, and so does not fall within the design of your present work; unless your title-page does not belong to your book, for that confines you to the enthusiasm of the Methodists.

I was beating my brain to find out what itinerant this should be; as I could not but imagine some silly man or other, probably styling himself a Methodist, must somewhere or other have given some ground for a story so punctually delivered. In the midst of this a letter from Cornwall informed me it was I, -- I myself was the very man; and acquainted me with the place and the person to whom I said it. But, as there are some particulars in that letter (sent without a name) which I did not well understand, I transcribe a few words of it, in hopes that the author ‘will give me fuller information: ‘As to the Bishop's declaring what the landlord of Mitchell says in respect to your behavior, I do not at all wonder at the story.’ ‘The Bishop's declaring’! Whom can he mean Surely not the Right Reverend Dr. George Lavington, Lord Bishop of Exeter! When or to whom did he declare it at Truro in Cornwall or in Plymouth, at his Visitation to all the clergy who were assembled before God to receive his pastoral instructions His Lordship of Exeter must certainly have more regard to the dignity of the episcopal office! 28. But to proceed: I was not ‘offended with the Moravians’ for warning men ‘against mixing nature with grace’ (page 71), but for their doing it in such a manner as tended to destroy all the work of grace in their souls. I did not blame the thing itself, but their manner of doing it; and this you know perfectly well: but with you truth must always give way to wit -- at all events, you must have your jest. 29. Had you had any regard to truth or any desire to represent things as they really are, when you repeated Mr. Church's objection concerning lots you would have acknowledged that I have answered it at large. When you have replied to that answer, I may add a word more.

What could the god of this world do in such a case to prevent the spreading of this ‘serious, sober religion’ The same that he has done from the beginning of the world. To hinder the light of those whom God hath thus changed from shining before men he gave them all in general a nickname: he called them Methodists. And this name, as insignificant as it was in itself, effectually answered his intention. For by this means that light was soon obscured by prejudice which could not be withstood by Scripture or reason. By the odious and ridiculous ideas affixed to that name they were condemned in the gross without ever being heard. So that now any scribbler, with a middling share of low wit, not encumbered with good nature or modesty, may raise a laugh on those whom he cannot confute, and run them down whom he dares not look in the face. By this means even a computer of Methodists and Papists may blaspheme the great work of God, not only without blame, but with applause --- at least from readers of his own stamp. But it is high time, sir, you should leave your skulking-place. Come out, and let us look each other in the face. I have little leisure and less inclination for controversy. Yet I promise, if you will set your name to your Third Part, I will answer all that shall concern me in that as well as the preceding. Till then I remain, sir, Your friend and well-wisher. PS. -- When you come to relate those ‘horrid and shocking things,’ there may be a danger you are not aware of. Even you yourself may fall (as little as you intend or suspect it) into seriousness. And I am afraid, if once you put off your fool’s coat, if you stand naked before cool and sober reason, you yourself may appear as inconsiderable a creature (to use your own phrase) ‘as if your name was Perronet.’

To Mrs. Bennet Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1750) Author: John Wesley --- [On the same sheet he wrote these few words to Mrs. Bennet:] MY DEAR SISTER, -- God forbid that I should cease to pray for you as long as I am in the body. This morning my eyes were filled with tears of joy from an hope that my time here is short. Many times in a day I commend you to God. May His grace supply all your wants!

To the Sheffield Society Date: LONDON February 23, [1750]. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1750) Author: John Wesley --- I do not find that John Maddern makes any complaints of Sheffield. You did most of you run well. Why should you turn back The prize and the crown are before you.O let not your hands hang down! Begin afresh. Set out with one heart. Let no more angel or bitterness, or clamour, or evil-speaking be ever found among you. Let the leaders be as parents to all in their classes, watching over them in love bearing their infirmities, praying with them and for them, ready to do and suffer all things for their sake. --I am, &.

I. I am to state the facts. But here I am under a great disadvantage, having few of my papers by me. Excuse me, therefore, if I do not give so full an account now, as I may possibly do hereafter; if I only give you for the present the extracts of some papers which were lately put into my hands, 1. ' THOMAS JONES, of Cork, merchant, deposes, ‘That on May 3, 1749, Nicholas Butler, ballad-singer, came before the house of this deponent, and assembled a large mob: that this deponent went to Daniel Crone, Esq., then Mayor of Cork, and desired that he would put a stop to those riots; asking at the same time whether he gave the said Butler leave to go about in this manner: that Mr. Mayor said he neither gave him leave, neither did he hinder him: that in the evening Butler gathered a larger mob than before, and went to the house where the people called Methodists were assembled to hear the word of God, and as they came out threw dirt and hurt several of them. That on May 4 this deponent with some others went to the Mayor and told what had been done; adding, “If your Worship pleases only to speak three words to Butler, it will all be over”: that the Mayor gave his word and honor there should be no more of it, he would put an entire stop to it: that, notwithstanding, a larger mob than ever came to the house the same evening: that they threw much dirt and many stones at the people, both while they were in the house and when they came out: that the mob then fell upon them, both on men and women, with clubs, hangers, and swords; so that many of them were much wounded and lost a considerable quantity of blood.

‘That on May 5 this deponent informed the Mayor of all, and also that Butler had openly declared there should be a greater mob than ever there was that night: that the Mayor promised he would prevent it: that in the evening Butler did bring a greater mob than ever: that this deponent, hearing the Mayor designed to go out of the way, set two men to watch him, and when the riot was begun went to the ale-house and inquired for him: that the woman of the house denying he was there, this deponent insisted he was, declared he would not go till he had seen him, and began searching the house: that Mr. Mayor then appearing, he demanded his assistance to suppress a riotous mob: that when the Mayor came in sight of them, he beckoned to Butler, who immediately came down from the place where he stood: that the Mayor then went with this deponent, and looked on many of the people covered with dirt and blood: that some of them still remained in the house, fearing their lives, till James Chatterton and John Reilly, Esqrs., Sheriffs of Cork, and Hugh Millard, jun., Esq., Alderman, turned them out to the mob and nailed up the doors.’ 2. ‘ELIZABETH HOLLERAN, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on May 3, as she was going down to Castle Street, she saw Nicholas Butler on a table, with ballads in one hand and a Bible in the other: that she expressed some concern thereat; on which Sheriff Reilly ordered his bailiff to carry her to Bridewell: that afterward the bailiff came and said his master ordered she should be carried to jail: and that she continued in jail from May 3, about eight in the evening, till between ten and twelve on May 5.’ 3. ‘JOHN STOCKDALE, of Cork, tallow-chandler, deposes,

‘That on May 5, while he and others were assembled to hear the word of God, Nicholas Butler came down to the house where they were, with a very numerous mob: that when this deponent came out, they threw all manner of dirt and abundance of stones at him: that they then beat, bruised, and cut him in several places; that, seeing his wife on the ground and the mob abusing her still, he called out and besought them not to kill his wife: that on this one of them struck him with a large stick, as did also many others, so that he was hurt in several parts, and his face in a gore of blood.’ 4. ‘ DANIEL SULLIVAN, of Cork, baker, deposes, ‘That every day but one, from the 6th to the 16th of May, Nicholas Butler assembled a riotous mob before this deponent's house: that they abused all who came into the shop, to the great damage of this deponent's business: that on or about the 15th Butler swore he would bring a mob the next day and pull down his house: that accordingly on the 16th he did bring a large mob, and beat or abused all that came to the house: that the Mayor walked by while the mob was so employed, but did not hinder them: that afterwards they broke his windows, threw dirt and stones into his shop, and spoiled a great quantity of his goods. ‘Daniel Sullivan is ready to depose farther, ‘That from the 16th of May to the 28th the mob gathered every day before his house: that on Sunday, 28, Butler swore they would come the next day and pull down the house of that heretic dog, and called aloud to the mob, “Let the heretic dogs indict you; I will bring you all off without a farthing cost.”

‘That accordingly on May 29 Butler came with a greater mob than before: that he went to the Mayor and begged him to come, which he for some time refused to do, but after much importunity rose up and walked with him down the street: that when they were in the midst of the mob, the Mayor said aloud, “It is your own fault for entertaining these preachers. If you will turn them out of your house, I will engage there shall be no more harm done; but if you will not turn them out, you must take what you will get”: that upon this the mob set up an huzza and threw stones faster than before: that he said, “This is fine usage under a Protestant Government! If I had a priest saying mass in every room of it, my house would not be touched”: that the Mayor replied, “The priests are tolerated, but you are not; you talk too much; go in, and shut up your doors”: that, seeing no remedy, he did so; and the mob continued breaking the windows and throwing stones in till near twelve at night. ‘That on May 31 the said Sullivan and two more went and informed the Mayor of what the mob was then doing: that it was not without great importunity they brought him as far as the Exchange: that he would go no farther, nor send any help, though some that were much bruised and wounded came by: that some hours after, when the mob had finished their work, he sent a party of soldiers to guard the walls. 5. ‘JOHN STOCKDALE deposes farther, ‘That on May 31 he with others was quietly hearing the word of God, when Butler and his mob came down to the house: that, as they came out, the mob threw showers of dirt and stones: that many were hurt, many beat, bruised, and cut; among whom was this deponent, who was so bruised and cut that the effusion of blood from his head could not be stopped for a considerable time.’ 6. ‘JOAN M'NERNEY, of Cork, deposes,

‘That on or about the 12th of June, as this deponent was in her own house, Butler and his mob came before her door, calling her and her family heretic bitches, and swearing he would make her house hotter than hell-fire: that he threw dirt and stones at them, hit her in the face, dashed all the goods about which she had in her window, and she really believes would have dashed out her brains had she not quitted her shop and fled for her life. ‘MARGARET GRIFFIN, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 24th of June, as this deponent was about her business, Butler and his mob came up, took hold on her, tore her clothes, struck her several times, and cut her mouth: that, after she broke from him, he and his mob pursued her to her house, and would have broken in had not some neighbors interposed: that he had beat and abused her several times before, and one of those times to such a degree that she was all in a gore of blood and continued spitting blood for several days after. ‘JACOB CONNER, clothier, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 24th of June, as he was employed in his lawful business, Butler and his mob came up and, without any manner of provocation, fell upon him: that they beat him till they caused such an effusion of blood as could not be stopped for a considerable time: and that he verily believes, had not a gentleman interposed, they would have killed him on the spot.’ 9. ‘ANN HUGHES, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 29th of June she asked Nicholas Butler why he broke open her house on the 21st: that hereon he called her many abusive names (being attended with his usual mob), dragged her up and down, tore her clothes in pieces, and with his sword stabbed and cut her in both her arms. ‘DANIEL FILTS, blacksmith, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 29th of June Butler and a riotous mob came before his door, called him many abusive names, drew his hanger, and threatened to stab him: that he and his mob the next day assaulted the house of this deponent with drawn swords: and that he is persuaded, had not one who came by prevented, they would have taken away his life.’ 10. ‘MARY FULLER, of Cork, deposes,

‘That on the 30th of June Butler at the head of his mob came between nine and ten at night to the deponent's shop with a naked sword in his hand: that he swore he would cleave the deponent's skull, and immediately made a full stroke at her head; whereupon she was obliged to fly for her life, leaving her shop and goods to the mob, many of which they hacked and hewed with their swords, to her no small loss and damage. ‘HENRY DUNKLE, joiner, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 30th of June, as he was standing at the widow Fuller's shop window, he saw Butler accompanied with a large mob, who stopped before her shop: that, after he had grossly abused her, he made a full stroke with his hanger at her head, which must have cleft her in two had not this deponent received the guard of the hanger on his shoulder: that presently after, the said Butler seized upon this deponent: that he seized him by the collar with one hand, and with the other held the hanger over his head, calling him all manner of names and tearing his shirt and clothes: and that, had it not been for the timely assistance of some neighbors, he verily believes he should have been torn in pieces. ‘MARGARET TRIMNELL, Of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 30th of June John Austin and Nicholas Butler with a numerous mob came to her shop: that, after calling her many names, Austin struck her with his club on the right arm, so that it has been black ever since from the shoulder to the elbow: that Butler came next, and with a great stick struck her a violent blow across the back: that many of them then drew their swords, which they carried under their coats, and cut and hacked her goods, part of which they threw out into the street, while others of them threw dirt and stones into the shop, to the considerable damage of her goods and loss of this deponent.’ 11. It was not for those who had any regard either to their persons or goods to oppose Mr. Butler after this. So the poor people patiently suffered whatever he and his mob were pleased to inflict upon them till the Assizes drew on, at which they doubted not to find a sufficient though late relief.

Accordingly twenty-eight depositions were taken (from the foul copies of some of which the preceding account is mostly transcribed), and laid before the Grand Jury, August 19. But they did not find any one of these bills. Instead of this, they made that memorable presentment which is worthy to be preserved in the annals of Ireland to all succeeding generations: ‘We find and present Charles Wesley to be a person of ill fame, a vagabond, and a common disturber of His Majesty's peace; and we pray he may be transported. ‘We find and present James Williams, &c, ‘We find and present Robert Swindle, &c. ‘We find and present Jonathan Reeves, &c. ‘We find and present James Wheatly, &c. ‘We find and present John Larwood, &c. ‘We find and present Joseph M'Auliff, &c. ‘We find and present Charles Skelton, &c. ‘We find and present William Tooker, &c. ‘We find and present Daniel Sullivan, &c.’ 12. Mr. Butler and his mob were now in higher spirits than ever. They scoured the streets day and night, frequently hallooing as they went along, ‘Five pounds for a Swaddler's [A name first given to John Cennick, from his preaching on those words, ‘Ye shall find the babe wrapped in swaddling-clothes, lying in a manger.’ See Journal, iii. 472; C. Wesley's Journal, i. 457; and letter of July 3, 1756.] head!’ their chief declaring to them all he had full liberty now to do whatever he would, even to murder, if he pleased; as Mr. Swain, of North Abbey, and others are ready to testify. 13. The Sessions, held at Cork on the 5th of October following, produced another memorable presentment: ‘We find and present John Horton to be a person of ill fame, a vagabond, and a common disturber of His Majesty's peace; and we pray that he may be transported.’ But, complaint being made of this above as wholly illegal, it vanished into air.

Tuesday, 22. The mob and drummers were moving again between three and four in the morning. The same evening the mob came down to Hammond's Marsh, but stood at a distance from Mr. Stockdale's house, till the drums beat and the Mayor's sergeants beckoned to them, on which they drew up and began the attack. The Mayor, being sent for, came with a party of soldiers. Mr. Stockdale earnestly desired that he would disperse the mob, or at least leave the soldiers there to protect them from the rioters. But he took them all away with him; on which the mob went on and broke all the glass and most of the window-frames in pieces. 22. Wednesday, 23. The mob was still patrolling the streets, abusing all that were called Methodists, and threatening to murder them and pull down their houses if they did not leave ‘this way.’ Thursday, 24. They again assaulted Mr. Stockdale's house, broke down the boards he had nailed up against the windows, destroyed what little remained of the window-frames and shutters, and damaged a considerable part of his goods. Friday, 25, and again on Saturday, 26, one Roger O'Ferrall fixed up an advertisement at the public Exchange (as he had also done for several days before) that he was ready to head any mob in order to pull down any house that should dare to harbor a Swaddler. 23. Sunday, 27. I wrote the following letter to the Mayor. [See letter of May 27, 1750.] II. 1. Your performance is dated May 28, the most material parts of which I am now to consider. It contains (1) a charge against the Methodist preachers; (2) a defense of the Corporation and clergy of Cork. With regard to your charge against those preachers, may I take the liberty to inquire why you drop six out of the eleven that have been at Cork--namely, Mr. Swindells, wheatIcy, Larwood, Skelton, Tucker, and Haughton Can you glean up no story concerning these or is it out of mere compassion that you spare them

8. So far I have been pleading for others. But I am now called to answer for myself; for ‘Theophilus [A letter signed 'Theophilus' appeared in the Gentleman’s Magaxine, 1751, p. 115, affirming that Whitefield and others had taught ‘that man by nature is half brute and half devil.’ See Green's Anti-Methodist Publications, No. 228.] and John Wesley,’ say you, ‘seem to me the same individual person’ (page 4). They may seem so to you, but not to any who knows either my style or manner of writing. Besides, if it had been mine, it would have borne my name; for I do not love fighting in the dark. But were not ‘a great number’ of those books ‘brought from Dublin to be dispersed throughout the city’ Not by me, not by my order, nor to my knowledge. However, I thank you again for dispersing them. 9. But ‘while charity stands in the front of Christian graces, the author of such a book can have none of that grace; for you must allow the vulgar to think’ (page 16). Malapropos enough, a lively saying; but, for any use it is of, it may stand either in the front or rear of the sentence. The argument itself is something new. A man knocks me down; I cry, ‘Help I help I or I shall be murdered!’ He replies, ‘While charity stands in the front of Christian graces, the author of such a cry can have none of that grace.’ So now you have shown to all the world ‘the uncharitable and consequently unchristian spirit of Methodism.’ What l because the Methodists cry out for help before you have beat out their brains What grimace is this! His Majesty's quiet, loyal, Protestant subjects are abused, insulted, outraged, beaten, covered with dirt, rolled in the mire, bruised, wounded with swords and hangers, murdered, have their houses broke open, their goods destroyed, or carried away before their face; and all this in open day, in the face of the sun, yet without any remedy! And those who treat them thus are ‘charitable’ men! brimful of a Christian spirit ! But if they who are so treated appeal to the common sense and reason of mankind, you gravely cry, ‘See the uncharitable, the unchristian spirit of Methodism!’

To Ebenezer Blackwell Date: DUBLIN, July 21, 1750. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1750) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SIR, -- I have had so hurrying a time for two or three months, as I scarce ever had before - such a mixture of storms and clear sunshine, of huge applause and huge opposition. Indeed, the Irish in general keep no bounds I think there is not such another nation in Europe so Impetuous in their love and in their hate. That any of the Methodist preachers are alive is a clear proof of an overruling Providence; for we know not where we are safe. A week or two ago in a time of perfect peace twenty people assaulted one of our preachers, and a few that were riding with him, near Limerick. He asked their captain what they intended to do, who calmly answered, ‘To murder you!’ and accordingly presented a pistol, which snapped twice or thrice Mr. Fenwick [Michael Fenwick, See letter of Sept. 12, 1755.] then rode away. The other pursued and fired after him, but could not overtake him. Three of his companions they left for dead. But some neighboring Justice of the Peace did not take it well; so they procured the cut-throats to be apprehended; and it is supposed they will be in danger of transportation, though murder is a venial sin in Ireland. -- I am, dear sir.

10. One good effect of my thus meeting him on his own ground is visible already. Instead of endeavoring to defend he entirely gives up the First Part of his Comparison. Indeed, I did not expect this, when I observed that the Third Part was addressed to me. I took it for granted that he had therein aimed at something like a reply to my answer; but, going on, I found myself quite mistaken. He never once attempts a reply to one page, any otherwise than by screaming out, ‘Pettiness, scurrility, effrontery,’ and in subjoining that deep remark, ‘Paper and time would be wasted on such stuff' (Third Part, Preface, p. 15). 11. I cannot but account it another good effect that he is something less confident than he was before. He is likewise not more angry or more bitter, for that cannot be, but a few degrees more serious. So that I plainly perceive this is the way I am to take if I should have leisure to answer the Third Part; although it is far from my desire to write in this manner: it is as contrary to my inclination as to my custom. 12. But is it possible that a person of your Lordship's character should countenance such a performance as this It cannot be your Lordship's desire to pour contempt on all that is truly venerable among men! to stab Christianity to the heart under the color of opposing enthusiasm, and to increase and give a sanction to the profaneness which already overspreads our land as a flood! 13. Were the Methodists ever so bad, yet are they not too despicable and inconsiderable for your Lordship’ notice

July 20. -- The Societies both must and shall maintain the preachers we send among them, or I will preach among them no more. The least that I can say to any of these preachers is, ‘Give yourself wholly to the work, and you shall have food to eat and raiment to put on.' And I cannot see that any preacher is called to any people who will not thus maintain him. Almost everything depends on you and me: let nothing damp or hinder us: only let us be alive, and put forth all our strength. July 24. -- As to the preachers, my counsel is, not to check the young ones without strong necessity. If we lay some aside, we must have a supply; and of the two I prefer grace before gifts. [Charles Wesley asks:] Are not both indispensably necessary Has not the cause suffered, in Ireland especially, through the insufficiency of the preachers Should we not first regulate, reform, and bring into discipline the preachers we have before we look for more Should we not also watch and labor, to prevent the mischief which the discarded preachers may occasion July 27. -- What is it that has eaten out the heart of half our preachers, particularly those in Ireland Absolutely idleness; their not bring constantly employed. I see it plainer and plainer. Therefore I beg you will inquire of each, ‘How do you spend your time from morning to evening’ And give him his choice, ‘Either follow your trade, or resolve before God to spend the same hours in reading, &c., [Wesley did his utmost to rouse and help his preachers to cultivate their minds. In Lent 1749 he met seventeen of them at Kingswood, and read lectures to them as he used to do to his pupils at Oxford.] which you used to spend in working.’

To Ebenezer Blackwell Date: BRISTOL, July 3, 1751. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1751) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SIR, -- Before I left London I wrote to Mr. Butterfield, [See letter of April 16, 1752.] informing him of two families which are in great distress. As I have heard nothing since, I suppose the letter miscarried; unless my ominous name prevented its meeting with success. However, I have done my part, and it is only a little labor lost. Nay, in one sense it is not lost; for if we only desire to help one another, the willing mind cannot lose its reward. My brother left us on Saturday. He designed to be at Worcester to-day, and then to proceed slowly towards Scotland. His mind seemed to be altogether changed before he went. He was quite free and open to us, and pressed us much to make use of his house in his absence, just as if it were our own. There is a fair prospect on every side. The people of Bristol in general are much alive to God and they are so united together that the men of false tongues can make no impression upon them. Do you know what is the mater with John Jones [See letter of April 16 1748.] I suppose he will speak freely to you. He seems to be much troubled at something, and I doubt, offended. I know, ff you can remove that trouble, it will be a pleasure to you to do it. We join in good wishes both to Mrs. Blackwell and you. --I am, dear sir, Your very affectionate servant.

After more and more persons are convinced of sin, we may mix more and more of the gospel, in order to beget faith, to raise into spiritual life those whom the law hath rain; but this is not to be done too hastily neither. Therefore it is not expedient wholly to omit the law; not only because we may web suppose that many of our hearers are still unconvinced, but because otherwise there is danger that many who are convinced will heal their own wounds slightly: therefore it is only in private converse with a thoroughly convinced sinner that we should preach nothing but the gospel. If, indeed, we could suppose an whole congregation to be thus convinced, we should need to preach only the gospel; and the same we might do if our whole congregation were supposed to be newly justified. But when these grow in grace and in the knowledge of Christ, a wise builder would preach the law to them again; only taking particular care to place every part of it in a gospel light, as not only a command but a privilege also, as a branch of the glorious liberty of the sons of God. He would take equal care to remind them that this is not the cause but the fruit of their acceptance with God; that other cause, ‘other foundation can no man lay than that which is laid, even Jesus Christ’; that we are still forgiven and accepted, only for the sake of what He hath done and suffered for us; and that all true obedience springs from love to Him, grounded on His first loving us. He would labor, therefore, in preaching any part of the law, to keep the love of Christ continually before their eyes; that thence they might draw fresh life, vigor and strength to run the way of His commandments. Thus would he preach the law even to those who were pressing on to the mark. But to those who were careless or drawing back he would preach it in another manner, nearly as he did before they were convinced of sin. To those meanwhile who were earnest but feeble-minded he would preach the gospel chiefly yet variously intermixing more or less of the law, according to their various necessities.

Hence it is that (according to the constant observation I have made in all parts both of England and Ireland) preachers of this kind (though quite the contrary appears at firs) spread death, not life, among their hearers. As soon as that flow of spirits goes off, they are without life, without power, without any strength or rigor of soul; and it is extremely difficult to recover them, because they still cry out, ‘Cordials, cordials!’ of which they have had too much already, and have no taste for the food which is convenient for them. Nay, they have an utter aversion to it, and that confirmed by principle, having been taught to call it husks, if not poison. How much more to those bitters which are previously needful to restore their decayed appetite! This was the very case when I went last into the North. For some time before my coming John Downes had scarce been able to preach at all: the three others in the Round were such as styled themselves ‘gospel preachers.’ When I came to review the Societies, with great expectation of finding a vast increase, I found most of them lessened by one third; one entirely broken up; that of Newcastle itself was less by an hundred members than when I visited it before; and of those that remained, the far greater number in every place were cold, weary, heartless and dead. Such were the blessed effects of this gospel-preaching, of this new method of preaching Christ!

4. The passage which you quote from the third Appeal I am obliged to relate more at large: ‘There is one more excuse for denying this work of God, taken from the instruments employed there’ --that is, that they are wicked men; and a thousand stories have been handed about to prove it. ‘Yet I cannot but remind considerate men in how remarkable a manner the wisdom of God has for many years guarded against this pretence, with regard to my brother and me in particular.’ ‘This pretence -- that is, “of not employing fit instruments.”’ These words are yours, though you insert them as mine. The pre-fence I mentioned was ‘that they were wicked men.’ And how God guarded against this is shown in what follows: ‘From that time both my brother and I, utterly against our will, came to be more and more observed and known; till we were more spoken of than perhaps two so inconsiderable persons ever were before in the nation. To make us more public still, as honest madmen at least, by a strange concurrence of providences, overturning all our preceding resolutions, we were hurried away to America.’

Here end your labored attempts to show the ‘uncharitable spirit’ of the Methodists, who (for anything you have shown to the contrary) may be the most charitable people under the sun. 30. You charge the Methodists next with ‘violation and contempt of order and authority’ (sect. xviii. p. 124) -- namely, the authority of the governors of the Church. I have answered every article of this charge in the Second and Third Parts of the Farther Appeal and the letter to Mr. Church. When you have been so good as to reply to what is there advanced, I may possibly say something more. What you offer of your own upon this head I shall consider without delay. ‘Women and boys are actually employed in this ministry of public preaching.’ Please to tell me where. I know them not, nor ever heard of them before. You add, what is more marvelous still: ‘I speak from personal knowledge that sometimes, a little before delivering of the elements at the Communion, three or four Methodists together will take it into their heads to go away; that sometimes, while the sentences of the Offertory were reading, they have called out to the minister who carried the basin, reproaching him for asking alms of them; that sometimes, when the minister has delivered the bread into their hands, instead of eating it, they would slip it into their pockets.’ Sir, you must show your face before these stories will find credit on your bare asseveration. ‘Yet they are surprised,’ you say, ‘that every man in his senses does not without the least hesitation join them.’ Sir, I am surprised (unless you are not in your senses) at your advancing such a barefaced falsehood. 31. You go on: ‘Under this head may not improperly be considered their undutiful behavior to the civil powers.’ What proof have you of this Why, a single sentence, on which I laid so little stress myself that it is only inserted by way of parenthesis in the body of another sentence: ‘Ye learned in the law, what becomes of Magna Charta and of English liberty and property Are not these mere sounds while on any pretence there is such a thing as a press-gang suffered in the land’

This proves thus much, that one Society was at that time divided; but not that the Methodists in general were even then ‘altogether by the ears.’ The passage you quote, in the fifth place, is: ‘I believe . . . are determined to go on according to Mr. Molther's direction, and I suppose (says the writer of the letter) above half our brethren are on their side. But they are so very confused, they do not know how to go on; and yet are unwilling to be taught, except by the Moravians.' (if. 327.) Add to this (I recite the whole passages in order; not as you had mangled, and then jumbled them together): ‘Wednesday, December 19. I came to London, though with an heavy heart. Here I found every day the dreadful effects of our brethren’s reasoning and disputing with each other. Scarce one in ten retained his first love; and most of the rest were in the utmost confusion ‘(they were so more or less for several months),’ biting and devouring one another.’ (ii. 328.) This also proves so much, neither more nor less, that some of the Methodists were then in confusion. And just so much is proved by your sixth quotation: ‘Many were wholly unsettled’ (by the Moravians taking advantage of my absence) ‘and lost in vain reasonings and doubtful disputations; . . . not likely to come to any true foundation.’ (ii. 331.) Your seventh quotation (I recite the whole sentence) runs thus: ‘April 19. I received a letter iforming me that our poor brethren at Fetter Lane were again in great confusion.’ This quotation proves just as much as the preceding, or as the following: ‘The plague’ (of false stillness) ‘was now spread to them also’ --namely, to the ‘little Society at Islington.’ (ii. 345.) Your ninth is this: ‘I went to the Society; but I found their hearts were quite estranged. Friday, 4. I met a little handful of them who still stand in the old paths.’ (ii. 363.)

I had occasion once before to say to an opponent, ‘You know not to show mercy.’ Yet that gentleman did regard truth and justice. But you regard neither mercy, justice, nor truth. To vilify, to blacken is your one point. I pray God it may not be laid to your charge! May He show you mercy, though you show none I --I am, sir, Your friend and well-wisher.

I am fully persuaded, if you had always one or two faithful friends near you who would speak the very truth from their heart and watch over you in love, you would swiftly advance in running the race which is set before you. I am afraid you was not forwarded by one who was in town lately; neither was that journey of any service to his own soul. He has not brought back less indolence and gentle inactivity than he carried to London. [Was this Robert Swindells who was in England in Sept. 1751, and now in Ireland See letter of Dec. 20 1751.] Oh how far from the spirit of a good soldier of Jesus Christ, who desires only ‘to be flead alive and to conquer’ [‘Stand thou firm as an anvil when it is smitten. It is the part of a great athlete to be bruised (or flayed) and conquer.’ (Epistle of St. Ignatius to Polycarp, sec. 3.)] Our best wishes attend both Mrs. Blackwell, Mrs. Dewal, and yourself. -- I am, dear sir, Your most affectionate servant.

To Jonathan Maskew Date: LONDON February 22, 1753. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1753) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I cannot blame you at all for writing to me before you determined anything. I believe your staying so long in the Newcastle Circuit has been for good, both for you and for others; and you are still wanted there. But you are wanted more elsewhere. I do not mean you should go to Mr. Grimshaw's circuit [The Haworth Round.] (although you might stay a fortnight there, not more, but to Manchester. I promised you should set out to help Brother Haughton as soon as Brother Hopper could go to Newcastle. So that you are sadly beyond your time; the blame of which is probably (as usual) laid upon me. Therefore the sooner you are at Manchester the better. [See letter of Jan. 16.] Peace be with your spirit. -- I am Your affectionate brother.

To Mr. ---- Date: LONDON October 11, 1753. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1753) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- The most effectual way to proceed with the rioters, and what will probably prevent any disturbance for the time to come, is to move for an information in the King's Bench against as many of them as possible. You must not lay upon the constables only, but upon every one whom you can prove to be concerned, By this means, being made parties themselves, they cannot forswear themselves for their fellows. The main point is this: take a full and clear account of all that relates to the pulling down the house. And see that you have evidences enough to prove on oath every particular. Then, by the Riot Act you are empowered to require the Mayor of Nantwich and any two aldermen to build it up again. If they refuse, you can compel them. You would do well to have affidavits made immediately of the riot and the damage done. --I am Your affectionate brother. Pray much, and you will prosper.

To his Brother Charles Date: LONDON October 31, 1753. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1753) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER, -- My fever intermitted after twelve hours. After a second fit of about fourteen hours, I began taking the bark, and am now recovering my strength. I cannot apprehend that such music has any analogy at all to the inward voice of God. I take it to differ from this toto genere and to be rather the effect of an angel affecting the auditory nerves, as an apparition does the optical nerve or retina. [See previous letter.] Ted Perronet is now thoroughly recovered. I had a letter from him a day or two ago. You say, ‘That is not the will of God which His providence makes impracticable. But His providence made my going to Bedford impracticable.’ Prove the minor and I shall be content. In journeying, which of us lays his plan according to reason Either you move (quite contrary to me) by those impressions which you account divine, or (which is worse) pro ratione voluntas. [The next four paragraphs are omitted in the letter as printed in Wesley’s Works.] ‘I will not believe evil till I am forced.’ They are very good words. ‘I wonder you should ever desire it.’ What I have desired any time these ten years is, either that you would really act in connection, or that you would never say you do. Either leave off professing or begin performing. How can I say, ‘I do not know your intentions, when you had told me you intended to winter in Bristol’ I answer: (1) I heard of your intending to be at Bristol before ever I heard it from you. (2) Did you consult with me in this Was my approbation ever inquired after in the matter Or any other of the traveling preachers or stewards (3) Had you previously consulted with me (which you did not) in this one point, yet one swallow makes no summer.

To Mr. Gillespie Date: LONDON, November 9 1753. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1753) Author: John Wesley --- I have never done so much for any of our preachers (except my brother) as for William Prior. [One of the preachers. See list Wesley had been at Newport on in Tyerman's Wesley, ii. 126-7. Oct. 3-5.] And one of my reasons for it was, that scarce any of our preachers had used me so ill. Therefore I was resolved to be more abundant in kindness toward him, if haply I might overcome evit with good. I am much in hopes I shall (by applying to a great man in town) set him and his family quite above want. His greatest temptation will then be removed, and I trust he will serve God with all his strength.

To Samuel Furly Date: BRISTOL, March 30, 1754. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1754) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SIR, -- I received your letter and rejoiced to find that you are still determined to save yourself by the grace of God from this perverse generation. But this cannot possibly be done at Cambridge (I speak from long experience), unless you can make and keep one resolution -- to have no acquaintance but such as fear God. I know it may be some time before you will find any that truly bear this character. If so, it is best to be alone till you do, and to converse only with your absent friends by letter. [See next letter.] But if you are carried away with the stream into frequent conversation with harmless, good-natured, honest triflers, they will soon steal away all your strength and stifle all the grace of God in your soul. With regard to your studies, I know no better method you could pursue than to take the printed Ruins of Kingswood School, [Printed in 1749. See Green’s Bibliography, No. 127.] and to read all the authors therein mentioned in the same order as they occur there. The authors set down for those in the school you would probably read in about a twelve-month, and those afterwards named in a year or two more; and it will not be lost labor. I suppose you to rise not later than five, to allow an hour in the morning and another in the evening for private exercises, an hour before dinner, and one in the afternoon for walking; and to go to bed between nine and ten. I commend you to Him who is able to carry you through all dangers; and am, dear sir, Your affectionate brother and servant.

To James Hutton Date: January 7, 1755. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1755) Author: John Wesley --- SIR--You justly observe in your letter of December 31, published in the London Daily Advertiser, that several friends and well-wishers of the Moravians into whose hands the writings of their adversaries have fallen ‘are somewhat impatient that the Moravians have hitherto published no direct answer to any wrote in this country and wish they would at last resolve to answer because their adversaries cry out in all companies that they have nothing to answer, and that their silence must be taken for confession.’ I myself am ‘not fond of finding the Moravians guilty without trial I take no pleasure in any abuses thrown out upon them.’ Yet I confess ‘I begin to be almost staggered that so little answer is still given to the many accusations against them.’ In order, therefore, to bring this matter to a short and clear issue, I have ‘summed up’ as briefly as possible the most material parts of ‘the charge against the Moravian’s by reducing of them into the form of Queries at an Examination.’ And I do indeed ‘hope to get plain, positive, and categorical answers’; as this is, you say, ‘the very method the Moravians had so repeatedly desired, in order to enable them to give a reason of the hope that is in them.’ You add: ‘I am glad that at last somebody will be so much concerned for the truth as to make some inquiry. For are not the charges against the Moravians of such a nature as to render an indolent indifference whether things are true or false almost unpardonable And should any man be listened to for a moment who would have the assurance to persuade the world, before he has seen the Queries and their Answers, that they will not come to the point’ None, I think, will have the assurance to deny that the Queries subjoined do ‘come to the point.’ And as ‘this is the very method which the Moravians have so repeatedly desired, who can doubt but they will give without delay plain, positive, categorical answers’

To Ebenezer Blackwell Date: MANCHESTER April 9, 1755. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1755) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SIR, -- Being fully persuaded that my brother would gladly embrace any overture of peace, I told him almost as soon as we met what my wife had agreed to. He answered not a word. After a day or two I spoke to him again. It had the same success. The Sunday before he left Bristol I desired to speak to him, but he did not come. Just as I was going out of town the next morning he sent to me to can at his house. But I could not then; and before I came back he was set out for London, only leaving a note that he had left his answer with Lady Huntingdon. It may be so; but I saw her twice afterwards, and she said nothing of it to me. Nether am I (any more than my wife) willing to refer the matter to her arbitration. [See next letter.] From the whole I learn that there is no prospect of peace. When one is willing, then the other flies off. I shall profit by both; but I am sorry to do it at the expense of others. I have another favor to beg of you -- to procure Mr. Belcher's [See letters of March 15, 1748, and May 28, 1757.] leave for me to enclose my proof-sheets [Explanatory Notes upon the New Testament. The work was begun on Jan. 6, 1754. See Journal, iv. 91; Green’s Bibliography, No. 172; and letter of June 20.] to him. Mr. C. Perronet [Charles Perronet had charge of the Notes, which Wesley was passing through the press. See Jackson’s Ch~s Wesley, ii. 87; and letter of Sept. 12 to Blackwell.] sends them down to me in thanks; then I correct and send them back to him. The next week I am to spend at Liverpool. Toward the end of the week following I hope to be at Haworth, near Keighley, in Yorkshire. God has blessed me with a prosperous journey hither, though the roads and the weather were rough. I hope both Mrs. Blackwell and you are making the best use of a~ things, rough and smooth. That is the part of a good solder of Jesus Christ, -- To trace His example, the world to disdain,

You say: ‘As no seeing eye could be created unless there was antecedent to it a natural visibility of things’ (Why not why might not visible things be created at the same instant with it), ‘so no creature could come into any natural life unless such a state of nature was antecedent to it’ (page 60). ‘All that God does is and must be done in and by the powers of nature’ (page 135). What, then, did it avail that, as you elsewhere say, God was before nature He not only could not then do all things, but He could do nothing till nature existed. But if so, how came nature itself, this second eternal, to exist at all ‘There cannot possibly be any other difference between created beings than arises from that out of which they were created’ (page 60). Why not Who will stay the hand of the Almighty or say unto Him, What doest Thou ‘No fruits or vegetables could have sprung up in the divided elements but because they are parts of that glassy sea where angelical fruits grew before’ (Spirit of Prayer, Part I. p. 19). But how came those fruits to grow before How came they to grow in the glassy sea Were they not produced out of nothing at first If not, God was not before nature. If they were, cannot He still produce out of nothing whatsoever pleaseth Him ‘All outward nature being fallen from heaven’ (that we deny) ‘must, as well as it can, do and work as it did in heaven’ (page 20). ‘As well as it can’! What can it do without God, who upholdeth all things by the word of His power And what can it not do, if He pleaseth Or, rather, what cannot He do, with or without it ‘Matter could not possibly be but from sin’ (Spirit of Love, Part I. p. 23). That is, in very plain terms, God could not have created matter if Satan had not sinned! ‘God could not create man with a soul and a body unless there was such a thing as nature antecedent to the creation of man’ (page 30).

(3) ‘Unless Christ was hidden in the soul, there could not be the least beginning of man’s salvation. For what could begin to desire heaven, unless something of heaven was hid in the soul’ (Page 35.) What could Why, any soul which had nothing but hell in it before, the moment grace was infused from above. (4) ‘The Ten Commandments lay hid in men’s souls’ (how) ‘till called into sensibility by writing them on stone. Just so Christ lies in the soul till awakened by the mediatorial office of the holy Jesus.’ (Page 37.) This is only assertion still, not proof. But what do you mean by the mediatorial office of Christ And how is Christ ‘awakened by the mediatorial office of the holy Jesus' (5) ‘The sea cannot be moved by any other wind than that which had its birth from the sea itself’ (page 40). I think it can. I have seen it ‘moved by a wind which had its birth from the’ land. (6) ‘The musician cannot make his instrument give any other melody than that which lies hid in it as its own inward state’ (page 42). Did the tune, then, lie hid in the trumpet before the trumpeter blew And was this tune, or another, or all that ever were and will be played on it, the inward state of the trumpet ‘No more can the mind have any grief or joy but that which is from itself’ (page 43). An unhappy comparison! For the instrument can have no melody or sound at all from itself. And most unhappily applied to the operations of God upon the souls of men. For has God no more power over my soul than I have over a musical instrument

To his Wife Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1756) Author: John Wesley --- [LEWISHAM, January 7, 1756.] Wednesday Afternoon. When I saw you, my dear, I did not expect to have so large a demand made so suddenly upon me. I shall be puzzled to answer it without coming to town on purpose, which I am unwilling to do before I have flushed the Address. [The Address to the Clergy is dated Feb. 6 1756. It was written in the first week of January. Wesley probably spent the week at Lewisham, returning to town on Friday, when the Sermon Register shows that he preached at Zoar, the chapel he had taken over in Southwark in November. See Journal, iv. 140, 141, 143; Works, x. 480-500; Green’s Bibliography, No. 175.] I desire you would give John Spencer [Sometimes spelt ‘Spenser’ by Wesley.] (taking his receipt) or Brother Atkinson (unless you choose to pay Mr. Davenport yourself) what note-money remains in your hands. Unless you can help me out for a month or two, I must borrow some more in town. If you can, you will do it with pleasure. My dear, adieu.

To Samuel Furly Date: KINGSWOOD, March 14, 1756. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1756) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY, -- You are sick of two diseases: that affection for a poor silly worm like yourself, which only absence (through the grace of God) will cure [See letters of Feb. 21 and April 16.]; and that evil disease which Marcus Antoninus complains of -- the da . [‘Thirst after books,’ Meditations II. sect. 3. See letter of Nov. 30, 1770.] That you are far gone in the latter plainly appears from your not loving and admiring that masterpiece of reason and religion, the Reflections on the Conduct of Human Life, with Regard to Knowledge and Learning, [Extracts from a work by John Norris, published by Wesley in 1734, 12mo 36 pp. The third edition, issued in 1755, has ‘A Scheme of Books suited to the preceding Reflections’' Wesley alludes to page 33 of the extract: ‘I now intend to follow the advice of the heathen (Marcus Antoninus), as I remembeh t da ‘ (“Rid thyself of the thirst after books”); and to study nothing at all but what serves to the advancement of piety and a good life.’ See letters of April 16, 1756 and Sept. 28, 1745, sect. 21.] every paragraph of which must stand unshaken (with or without the Bible) till we are no longer mortal. If your French book is The Art of Thinking, the author is a very poor tool. But there is none like Aldrich. [Henry Aldrich (1647-1710), Dean of Christ Church, Oxford, 1689. See Journal iii. 391, 459.] I scarce know one Latin writer who says so much in so few words. Certainly I shall not write much on Metaphysics or Natural Philosophy. My life is too far spent. But if you can tall me of anything (not stuffed with Mathematics) which is worth abridging, well. Hutcheson’s compendium is entitled Synopsis Metaphysicae Ontologiam et Pneumatologiam complectens. It is a masterly thing. I believe there is nothing yet extant in Natural Philosophy like the abridgement of the Philosophical Transactions. But an abridgement of that abridgement would be far better. Fight, Sammy, fight. If you do not conquer soon, probably God may send a French army [See letter of March 1 to James West.] to help you. -- I am Yours affectionately.

To Samuel Furly Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1756) Author: John Wesley --- DUBLIN, Good Friday, April 16, 1756. How going up to town Are you stark, staring mad Will you leap into the fire with your eyes open [See letters of March 14 and Nov. 20.] Keep off. What else have you to do Fly for your life, for your salvation. If you thus tempt the Spirit of God any more who knows what may be the consequence I should not wonder at all to hear you was confined in St. Luke’s Hospital; and then, farewell study! Farewell all hope either of intellectual or moral improvement; for after this poor machine has received a shock of that kind, it is never more capable of close thinking. If you have either sense or religion enough to keep you close to the College, it is well. If not, I see but one possible way to save you from destruction, temporal and eternal. Quit the College at once. Think of it no more, and come away to me. You can take a little advice from me; from other people none at all. You are on the brink of the pit; fly away, or you perish. There is no disagreement at all between the Reflections and the Address to the Clergy. I have followed Mr. Norris’s advice these thirty years, [He read Norris on Christian Prudence to Mrs. Moore on the voyage to Georgia (Journal, i. 125-6). For An Address to the Clergy, see letter of Jan. 7.] and so must every man that is well in his senses. But whether you study more or less does not signify a pin’s point. You are taking all this pains in a sinking ship. Stop the leak, stop the leak, the first thing you do; else what signifies it to adorn the ship As to the qualifications of a gospel minister -- Grace is necessary; learning is expedient. Grace and supernatural gifts are ninety-nine parts in an hundred. Acquired learning may then have its place. -- I am, dear Sammy, Yours affectionately.

But the question is, ‘How may these be settled on such a footing as one would wish they might be after my death ‘It is a weighty point, and has taken up many of my thoughts for several years [The thoughts did not take practical shape till 1784, when the Deed of Declaration was executed. See letter of July 23, 1784.]; but I know nothing yet. The steps I am now to take are plain. I see broad light shining upon them. But the other part of the prospect I cannot see: clouds and darkness rest upon it. Your general advice on this head to follow my own conscience, without any regard to consequences, or prudence, so called is unquestionably fight; and it is a rule which I have closely followed for many years, and hope to follow to my life’s end. The first of your particular advices is, ‘to keep in full view the interests of Christ’s Church in general and of practical religion; not considering the Church of England or the cause of Methodism but as subordinate thereto.’ This advice I have punctually observed from the beginning, as well as at our late Conference. You advise, secondly, ‘to keep in view also the unlawfulness of a separation from the Church of England.’ To this likewise I agree. It cannot be lawful to separate from it, unless it be unlawful to continue in it. You advise, thirdly, ‘fully to declare myself on this head, and to suffer no dispute concerning it.’ The very same thing I wrote to my brother from Ireland; and we have declared ourselves without reserve. Nor was there any at the Conference otherwise minded. Those who would have aimed at dispute had left us before. Fourthly, all our preachers as well as ourselves purpose to continue in the Church of England. Nor did they ever before so freely and explicitly declare themselves on this subject. Your last advice is, ‘That as many of our preachers as are fit for it be ordained, and that the others be fixed to certain Societies, not as preachers, but as readers or inspectors.’

To Samuel Furly LONDON, February 17, 1759. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1759) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY,--James Kershaw [James Kershaw had been one of Wesley's preachers from 1752 to 1757. He returned to tile ranks, and in 1765 is stationed at Yarm. See letters of March 1, 1762, and Oct. 16, 1765, to Christopher Hopper.] is an independent minister. Probably, if we live till another Conference, he may be in connexion with us. Hitherto he acts as an independent. We have no Society at Renninghall. I take John Pearse [One of the early preachers. See Tyerman's Wesley ii. 127.] to be an honest man. As soon as he sees the truth he will preach it. Dolly Furly was considerably better in health before I came from Bristol. And she was all athirst for God. I think her soul prospers more and more. I will desire Mr. Gilbert [Nicholas Gilbert became an itinerant in 1744, and died in 1763. See Journal, v. 10 n; and for the Christian Library, letter of Aug. 14, 1748, to Ebenezer Blackwell.] to see whether the four volumes of the Library which you mention can be spared. And if they can, if they are not necessary for the making up of sets, they will be sent with the last Journal and the Pilgrim's Progress. It is very possible the day of grace may be at end before the day of life is. But I believe this is very rarely the case. I have narrowly observed, and have found but one indisputable instance in thirty years. Nancy [Probably his young wife.] must give me credit for her letter a little longer, for I am at present much straitened for time. March 1 I hope to be at Mr. Berridge's, whence I must strike off for Colchester; so that you will not see me this spring, unless you come to Everton.--I am, dear Sammy, Yours affectionately.

At Colchester the case is far otherwise. About an hundred and sixty simple, upright people are there united together, who are as little children, minding nothing but the salvation of their souls. Only they are greatly distressed for a larger house. What we could have done last Sunday I know not, but that, the day being mild, I took the field and preached on St. John's Green. I see but one way--to build a commodious house; and I desired them to look out for a piece of ground. It is true they are poor enough; but if it be God's work, He will provide the means. Wishing an increase in all grace both to Mrs. Blackwell, Mrs. Dewal, and you, I remain, dear sir, Your very affectionate servant.

To Miss Johnson () COLCHESTER March 20, 1759. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1759) Author: John Wesley --- My wife, Miss --, surprised me last night by informing me you are left mistress of a large fortune. Shall I say, agreeably surprised me! I cannot tell; because I believe there is another world, and I do not know what influence this change may have on your condition. Therefore I am in fear and in hope. You may be hereby far more happy or far more miserable in eternity! O make a stand! Consider the situation you are in; perhaps never before were you in so great danger. You know a little of your natural tempers: now you have means of indulging and thereby inflaming them to the uttermost. And how many will incite you so to do! How few will dare to warn you against it! Now what food will you have for pride! what infinite temptations to think more highly than you ought to think! You do so already. But O where will you stop! The good Lord arrest the storm in mid career! How impetuously now, unless God interpose, must self-will whirl you along! How deeply, unless He help, will you shortly be immersed in practical Atheism! as ten thousand things will concur to drive God out of your thoughts, as much as if He were not in the world. But, above all, how will you escape from being swallowed up in idolatry! love of the world, such as you never knew before!

To his Wife GRIMSBY, April 9, 1759. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1759) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR MOLLY,--I must write once more. Then, if I hear nothing from you, I have done. About a year ago, while I suspected nothing less, you opened my bureau and took out many of my letters and papers. Mr. Blackwell advised me, before you, if you refused to restore them, to send that instant for a smith, and break open your bureau and take my own. To prevent which you restored them. But it was not long before you robbed me again, and showed my private letters to more than twenty different persons on purpose to make them have an ill opinion of me. For the same end you spoke much evil of me while I was several hundred miles off. Your presence was that I conversed with Sister Ryan and Crosby. [See letters of July 12, 1758, and March 2and Oct. 23, 1759.] I know it was only a presence, and told your friends the humouring you herein would leave matters just where they were. I knew giving a person drink would not cure a dropsy. However, at their instance I made the experiment. I broke off all correspondence with them, whether by speaking or writing. For a while, having gained your point, you was in a good humour. Afterwards it was just as I said. You robbed me again; and your sin (as before) carried its own punishment: for the papers you had stole harrowed up your soul and tore your poor fretful spirit in pieces.

To Dorothy Furly Editor's Introductory Notes: 1759 Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1759) Author: John Wesley --- [11] LONDON, August 19, 1759. MY DEAR SISTER,--The observing that rule might prevent abundance of mischief: I wish others would observe it as well as you. Thomas Walsh was a good and a wise man; yet there were some circumstances, not commonly known, which easily account for the darkness he went through before he went to paradise. [See Wesley's Veterans, v. 190-8.] I hope you have talked with Cornelius Bastable as well as heard him preach. He is an uncommon monument of the power of grace, strengthening the understanding as well as renewing the heart. For so weak an head and so bad a temper as he once had I do not know among all our preachers. Probably the difference between you and others lies in words chiefly. All who expect to be sanctified at all expect to be sanctified by faith. But meantime they know that faith will not be given but to them that obey. Remotely, therefore, the blessing depends on our works, although immediately on simple faith. Enjoy while you may the advantage which I had once, and shall have again when God sees best.--I am Your affectionate brother. Certainly you may say to me whatever you have a mind, either by writing or speaking.

Yet one thing I observed with concern. A great part of these men are almost naked; and winter is now coming upon them in a cold prison and a colder climate than most of them have been accustomed to. But will not the humanity and generosity of the gentlemen of Bristol prevent or relieve this distress! Did they not make a notable precedent during the late war! And surely they are not weary of well-doing. Tuesday night we did a little according to our power; but I shall rejoice if this be forgotten through the abundance administered by their liberality in a manner which they judge most proper. Will it not be both for the honour of their city and country, for the credit of our religion, and for the glory of God, who knows how to return it sevenfold into their bosom!-- I am Your humble servant.

Such are (to go but a few days back)--'that I beat you,' which you told James Burges [One of the masters at Kingswood. Wesley visited the schoolhouse in 1739, and was there during the fire of 1757. See Diary in Journal, ii. 206, 240, 302; iv. 242.]; that I rode to Kingswood with Sarah Ryan, which you told Sarah Crosby; and that I required you, when we were first married, never to sit in my presence without my leave, which you told Mrs. Lee, [Eleanor Lee, 'a mother in Israel,' whom Wesley buried in 1778. See Journal, vi. 213.] Mrs. Fry, and several others, and stood it before my face. I dislike (9) Your common custom of saying things not true. To instance only in two or three particulars. You told Mr. Ireland [James Ireland, of Brislington, near Bristol. See next letter.] 'Mr. Vazeille learnt Spanish in a fortnight.' You told Mr. Fry 'Mrs. Ellison [Wesley's sister Susanna, who spent her last years in London. Evidently some reference to Sophia Hopkey.] was the author as to my intrigue in Georgia.' You told Mrs. Ellison 'you never said any such thing; you never charged her with it.' You also told her 'that I had laid a plot to serve you as Susannah was served by the two elders.' I dislike (10) Your extreme, immeasurable bitterness to all who endeavour to defend my character (as my brother, Joseph Jones, Clayton Carthy [See letter of June 12. ]), breaking out even into foul, unmannerly language, such as ought not to defile a gentlewoman's lips if she did not believe one word of the Bible.

To John Downes, Rector of St. Michael's, Wood Street Editor's Introductory Notes: 1759 Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1759) Author: John Wesley --- [17] To Samuel Furly LONDON, November 21, 1759. DEAR SAMMY,--At present you are just where you ought to be, and as you ought to be. It is of great use to be in suspense. Nothing more effectually breaks our will. While you stay, you do well to give all the assistance you can to the Society. They must be weak and undisciplined as yet. Probably they want you more than once a month. [See letter of June 19, 1760.] I doubt not of Abraham's being perfected in love. But he was rather under the evangelical than the legal dispensation. And none can doubt but all the Jewish believers were perfected before they died. But that many of them were perfected long before they died I see no reason to think. The Holy Ghost was not fully given before Jesus was glorified. Therefore the law (unless in a very few exempt cases) made nothing perfect. It is certain the word 'perfect' in the Old Testament bears several senses. But we lay no stress upon the word at all. The thing is pure love. The promise of this was given by Moses, but not designed to be fulfilled till long after. See Deuteronomy xxx. 1-6. By the whole tenor of the words it appears it was then, when He had gathered the Jews from all nations, that God was so to circumcise their hearts. However, this may be fulfilled in you and me. Let us hasten toward it! With love to Nancy, I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To the Rev. Mr. Furly, At Kippax, Near Ferry Bridge, Yorks.

But possibly you go farther yet; do not you explicitly condemn all your fellow labourers, blaming one in one instance, one in another, so as to be throughly pleased with the conduct of none Does not this argue a vehement proneness to condemn a very high degree of censoriousness Do you not censure even peritos in sua arte ['Those who are clever in their particular profession.' ] Permit me to relate a little circumstance to illustrate this. After we had been once singing an hymn at Everton, I was just going to say, 'I wish Mr. Whitefield would not try to mend my brother's hymns. He cannot do it. How vilely he has murdered that hymn, weakening the sense as well as marring the poetry!' But how was I afterwards surprised to hear it was not Mr. Whitefield, but Mr. B.! In very deed it is not easy to mend his hymns any more than to imitate them. Has not this aptness to find fault frequently shown itself in abundance of other instances sometimes with regard to Mr. Parker or Mr. Hicks, [William Parker, Mayor of Bedford, was excluded by the Moravians from their Society, and preached at the Foundery in 1758 (Journal, iv.86, 201, 248). For William Hicks, see ibid. 335, 344; and letter of June 14, 1780.] sometimes with regard to me And this may be one reason why you take one step which was scarce ever before taken in Christendom: I mean, the discouraging the new converts from reading--at least, from reading anything but the Bible. Nay, but get off the consequence who can: if they ought to read nothing but the Bible, they ought to hear nothing but the Bible; so away with sermons, whether spoken or written! I can hardly imagine that you discourage reading even our little tracts, out of jealousy lest we should undermine you or steal away the affections of the people. I think you cannot easily suspect this. I myself did not desire to come among them; but you desired me to come. I should not have obtruded myself either upon them or you: for I have really work enough, full as much as either my body or mind is able to go through; and I have, blessed be God, friends enough--I mean, as many as I have time to converse with.

To Ebenezer Blackwell Editor's Introductory Notes: 1760 Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1760) Author: John Wesley --- [9] CARRICKFERGUS, May 7, 1760. DEAR SIR,--I can now give you a clear and full account of the late proceedings of the French here; as I now lodge at Mr. Cobham's, under the same roof with Mons. Cavenac, the French Lieutenant-General. When the people here saw three large ships about ten in the morning anchor near the town, they took it for granted they were English, till about eleven the French began landing their men. The first party came to the north gate between twelve and one. Twelve soldiers planted on the wall (there were an hundred and sixty in the town) fired on them as they advanced, wounded the General, and killed several. But when they had fired four rounds, having no more ammunition, they were obliged to retire. The French then entered the town (at the same time that another party entered at the east end of it), keeping a steady fire up the street, till they came near the Castle. The English then fired hotly from the gate and walls, killed their second General (who had burst open the gate and gone in sword in hand), with upwards of fourscore men; but, having no more cartridges nor any man that knew how to make them, they thought it best to capitulate. They agreed to furnish such a quantity of provisions in six hours, on condition the French should not plunder. But they began immediately to serve themselves with meat and drink; having been in such pressing want that, before they landed, the men were glad to eat raw oats to sustain nature. And some hours after, no provisions being brought, they took all they could find, with a good deal of linen and wearing-apparel, chiefly from the houses whose inhabitants were run away. But they neither hurt nor affronted man, woman, or child, nor did any mischief for mischief's sake; though many of the inhabitants affronted them, cursed them to their face, and even took up pokers or other things to strike them.

To the Editor of 'Lloyd's Evening Post' Editor's Introductory Notes: 1760 Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1760) Author: John Wesley --- [15] London, November 22, 1760. SIR,--Just as I had finished the letter published in your last Friday's paper four tracts came to my hands: one wrote, or procured to be wrote, by Mrs. Downes; one by a clergyman in the county of Durham; the third by a gentleman of Cambridge; and the fourth by a member (I suppose, dignitary) of the Church of Rome. How gladly would I leave all these to themselves, and let them say just what they please! as my day is far spent and my taste for controversy is utterly lost and gone. But this would not be doing justice to the world, who might take silence for a proof of guilt. I shall therefore say a word concerning each. I may, perhaps, some time say more to one or two of them. The letter which goes under Mrs. Downes's name scarce deserves any notice at all, as there is nothing extraordinary in it but an extraordinary degree of virulence and scurrility. Two things only I remark concerning it, which I suppose the writer of it knew as well as me: (1) that my letter to Mr. Downes was both wrote and printed before Mr. Downes died; (2) that when I said, Tibi parvula res est [See letter of Nov. 17, 1759.] ('Your ability is small') I had no view to his fortune, which I knew nothing of, but (as I there expressly say) to his wit, sense, and talents as a writer. The tract wrote by the gentleman in the North is far more bulky than this; but it is more considerable for its bulk than for its matter, being little more than a dull repetition of what was published some years ago in The Enthusiasm of the Methodists and Papists Compared. [See letter of Feb. 1, 1750.] I do not find the author adds anything new, unless we may bestow that epithet on a sermon annexed to his Address, which, I presume, will do neither good nor harm. So I leave the Durham gentleman, with Mrs. Downes, to himself and his admirers.

(1) 'But it is said they are all good subjects. Perhaps they are; because under a Protestant Government they have all the indulgence they can wish for.' And do you seriously wish for a Popish Government to abridge them of that indulgence? 'But has not a bad use been made of this? Has not the decency of religion been perverted?' Not in the least: the decency of religion is never so well advanced as by advancing inward and outward religion together. (2) 'Have not the minds of the vulgar been darkened to a total neglect of their civil and social duties?' Just the contrary. Thousands in London as well as elsewhere have been enlightened to understand and prevailed on to practice those duties as they never did before. (3) 'Has not the peace of many families been ruined?' The lost peace of many families has been restored. In others a furious opposition to true religion has occasioned division, as our Lord foretold it would. (4) 'Have not the circumstances of many industrious tradesmen been hurt?' I believe not. I know no instance; but I know an hundred tradesmen in London who began to be industrious since they began to fear God, and their circumstances, low enough till then, are now easy and affluent. I am almost ashamed to spend time upon these threadbare objections, which have been answered over and over. But if they are advanced again, they must be answered again, lest silence should pass for guilt. 'But how can the Government distinguish between tenderness of conscience and schemes of interest?' Nothing more easy. 'They may withdraw the licenses of such.' Sir, you have forgot the question. Before they withdraw them they are to distinguish whether they are such or no. And how are they to do this? 'Oh, it is very easy'! So you leave them as wise as they were before.

To Mrs. Booth Date: SUNDERLAND, May 29, 1761. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1761) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--It is a long time to the 1st of August. Before that time many of us may be in Abraham's bosom. If I am at Sheffield that morning, very probably I may be at Woodseats the same day at noon. I do not know but George Tizard [Tizard became a preacher in 1759, and was afterwards a clergyman.] may be on that Round some time longer. Oh what cause have we to praise God for all the wonders He has wrought!--I am, with love to Brother Booth, Your affectionate brother. I return to Newcastle in a day or two.

To Samuel Furly Date: LONDON, September 8, 1761. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1761) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY,--I hope we have effectually provided against that evil disease the scribendi cacoethes in our preachers, as we have agreed that none shall publish anything for the time to come till he has first submitted it to the judgement of his brethren met in Conference. That is really a fine passage which you cite from Mr. Ridley. He is an excellent writer. I have often seen that text cleared up before, but never in so convincing a manner. What all our brethren think concerning that circumstance of entire sanctification--that it is instantaneous, although a gradual growth in grace both precede and follow it, you may see in the Minutes of the Conference, wherein it was freely debated. Any of the good old Puritans would have been no less amazed had they come into one of our congregations and heard us declare that God willeth every man without exception to be saved. O Sammy, shake off the disputandi cacoethes, and be a quiet, simple, loving Christian!--I am, with love to Nancy, Your affectionate friend and brother. You seem to fear receiving any hurt from Mr. Venn. Therefore I fear he does hurt you. To the Rev. Mr. Furly, At Kippax, Near Ferry Bridge, Yorks.

Persons who talked of being emptied before they were filled were for some time a great stumbling-block to me too; but I have since considered it thus: The great point in question is, Can we be saved from all sin or not? Now, it may please God to act in that uncommon manner, purposely to clear this point--to satisfy those persons that they are saved from all sin before He goes on in His work. Forgive me, dear Miss Hardy, that I do but just touch upon the heads of your letter. Indeed, this defect does not spring from the want of love, but only from want of time. I should not wonder if your soul was one of the next that was filled with pure love. Receive it freely, thou poor bruised reed! It is able to make thee stand.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

'It is allowed also that repentance and "fruits meet for repentance" go before faith (Mark i. 15; Matt. iii. 8). Repentance absolutely must go before faith; fruits meet for it, if there be opportunity. By repentance I mean conviction of sin, producing real desires and sincere resolutions of amendment; and by "fruits meet for repentance," forgiving our brother (Matt. vi. 14-15), ceasing from evil, doing good (Luke iii. 8-9, &c.), using the ordinances of God, and in general obeying Him according to the measure of grace which we have received (Matt. vii. 7, xxv. 29). But these I cannot as yet term good works, because they do not spring from faith and the love of God.'[A Farther Appeal to Men of Reason and Religion, Part I. See Works, viii. 46-7.] 2. 'Faith alone is the proximate condition of present justification.' II. 1. I have shown here at large what is the doctrine I teach with regard to justification, and have taught ever since I was convinced of it myself by carefully reading the New Testament and the Homilies. In many points I apprehend it agrees with yours: in some it does not; these I come now to consider. May God enable me to do it in love and meekness of wisdom! You say: 'Happy times when faith and a good life were synonymous terms!' (page 7). I conceive they never were. Is not faith the root, a good life the tree springing therefrom 'That good works are a necessary condition of our justification may be proved, first, from express testimonies of Scripture. So Isaiah i. 16-17: "Cease from evil, learn to do well." Then "your sins that were as scarlet shall be white as snow." Here ceasing from evil and learning to do well are the conditions of pardon.' I answer: Without them there is no pardon; yet the immediate condition of it is faith. He that believeth, and he alone, is justified before God. 'So Ezekiel xxxiii. 14-16: If the sinner "turn from his evil ways" and "walk in the statutes of life," then "all his sins shall not be once mentioned to him."' Most sure--that is, if he believe; else, whatever his outward walking be, he cannot be justified.

To Thomas Rankin BRISTOL, March 20, 1762. MY DEAR BROTHER,--You should act as an Assistant in Sussex. Therefore see that our Rules be everywhere observed; and spread our books wherever you go, particularly Kempis, Primitive Physick, and Instructions for Children. [See letters of Feb. 20, 1762, and Sept. 21, 1764.] Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1762) Author: John Wesley --- Before eight weeks are ended the Societies will be able to secure you an horse. O be simple! Be a little child before God!--I am Your affectionate brother. Read and pray much. To Mr. Thomas Rankin, At Mr. Barker's, In Sevenoaks, Kent.

To Samuel Furly May 21, 1762. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1762) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY,--This morning I came hither, and received yours. The post-boys in Ireland do not ride Pegasus. A sermon of Ab. Sharp's [John Sharp, Archbishop of York sermon on Rom. xiv. I 7, preached on Aug. 23, 1674, before the Lord Mayor in the Guildhall Chapel: 'Another thing that would make for peace is this--never to charge upon men the consequences of their opinions when they expressly disown them.'] fully convinced me about thirty years ago that it is inconsistent with charity to charge any man with those consequences of his doctrine which he disavows. I always did so before, but not since. Otherwise what work should I make with poor George Whitefield. Another thing I was not so soon nor so easily convinced of, namely, that in spite of all my logic I cannot so prove any one point in the whole compass of Philosophy or Divinity as not to leave room for strong objections, and probably such as I could not answer. But if I could, my answer, however guarded, will give room to equally strong objections. And in this manner, if the person is a man of sense, answers and objections may go on in infinitum. I am therefore weary of altercation. Once or twice I give my reasons. If they do not convince, I have done. My day is far spent, so that I have no hours to spare for what I verily believe will profit nothing. As to that particular expression, 'Dying at the feet of mercy,' I have only farther to add, I do not care, as it is not a scriptural phrase, whether any one takes or leaves it. It is enough for me if he says from the heart Every moment, Lord, I need, The merit of Thy death; Never shall I want it less When Thou the grace hast given, Filled me with Thy holiness And sealed the heir of heaven. I shall hang upon my God, Till I Thy perfect glory see, Till the sprinkling of Thy blood Shall speak me up to Thee.

Mr. Whitefield has fallen upon me in public open-mouthed, and only not named my name. So has Mr. Madan. [See letters of July 12, 1758; and March 20, 1763.] But let them look to it. I go on my way. I have a sufficient answer as to George Bell [Wesley heard George Bell pray for nearly an hour on Nov. 24, and afterwards told him ‘what I did not admire.’ See next letter and that of Feb. 9.]; but I will not give it before the time. We join in love to you both. My wife gains ground. She is quite peaceable and loving to all. Adieu!

4. He was by me (by those who did it at my instance) recommended to the Bishop of Derry to be ordained priest, who told him then (I had it from his own mouth), ‘Mr. Maxfield, I ordain you to assist that good man, that he may not work himself to death.’ 5. When a few years ago many censured him much, I continually and strenuously defended him; though to the disgusting several of the preachers and a great number of the people. 6. I disgusted them, not barely by defending him, but by commending him in strong terms from time to time, both in public and private, with regard to his uprightness as well as usefulness. 7. All this time Mr. Maxfield was complaining (of which I was frequently informed by those to whom he spoke) that he was never so ill persecuted by the rabble in Cornwall as by me and my brother. 8. Four or five years since, a few persons were appointed to meet weekly at the Foundry. When I left London, I left these under Mr. Maxfield’s care, desiring them to regard him just as they did me. 9. Not long after I was gone some of these had dreams, visions, or impressions, as they thought from God. Mr. Maxfield did not put a stop to these; rather he encouraged them. 10. When I returned, I opposed them with my might, and in a short time heard no more of them. Meanwhile I defended and commended Mr. Maxfield as before, and, when I left the town again, left them under his care. 11. Presently visions and revelations returned: Mr. Maxfield did not discourage them. Herewith was now joined a contempt of such as had them not, with a belief that they were proofs of the highest grace. 12. Some of our preachers opposed them roughly. At this they took fire, and refused to hear them preach, but crowded after Mr. Maxfield. He took no pains to quench the fire, but rather availed himself of it to disunite them from other preachers and attach them to himself. He likewise continually told them they were not to be taught by man, especially by those who had less grace than themselves. I was told of this likewise from time to time; but he denied it, and I would not believe evil of my friend.

13. When I returned in October 1762, I found the Society in an uproar and several of Mr. Maxfield’s most intimate friends formed into a detached body. Enthusiasm, pride, and great uncharitableness appeared in many who once had much grace. I very tenderly reproved them. They would not bear it; one of them, Mrs. Coventry, [See letter of Jan. 26.] cried out, ‘We will not be brow-beaten any longer; we will throw off the mask.’ Accordingly, a few days after, she came, and before an hundred persons brought me hers and her husband’s tickets, and said, ‘Sir, we will have no more to do with you; Mr. Maxfield is our teacher.’ Soon after, several more left the Society (one of whom was George Bell), saying, ‘Blind John is not capable of teaching us; we will keep to Mr. Maxfield.’ 14. From the time that I heard of George Bell’s prophecy I explicitly declared against it both in private, in the Society, in preaching, over and over; and at length in the public papers. Mr. Maxfield made no such declaration; I have reason to think he believed it. [Maxfield says in his Vindication, p. 16: ‘At Wapping Mr. Bell mentioned the destruction that was to be on the 28th of February. As soon as he had done speaking, I stood up and set aside all that he had said about it; and went to the Foundery the next morning, and told Mr. Wesley what I had done.] I know many of his friends did, and several of them sat up the last of February at the house of his most intimate friend, Mr. Biggs, [See letter of Feb. 8.] in full expectation of the accomplishment. 15. About this time one of our stewards, [Mr. Arvin. who held the lease.] who at my desire took the chapel in Snowsfields for my use, sent me word the chapel was his, and Mr. Bell should exhort there, whether I would or no. Upon this I desired the next preacher there to inform the congregation that, while things stood thus, neither I nor our preachers could in conscience preach there any more. 16. Nevertheless Mr. Maxfield did preach there. On this I sent him a note desiring him not to do it, and adding, ‘If you do, you thereby renounce connection with me.’

To Christopher Hopper Date: BRISTOL, September 3, 1763. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1763) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--I am much inclined to think you will be more useful this year than ever you have been in your life. From the first hour abate nothing of our Rules, whether of Society or bands. Be a Methodist all over. Be exact in everything. Be zealous; be active. Press on to the one thing, and carry all before you. How much may be done before summer is at an end! Their little misunderstandings at Edinburgh you will soon remove by hearing the parties face to face. I hope a preacher is gone northward, and Brother Roberts come southward. [Robert Roberts, of Leeds, is named in the Deed of Declaration,1784. He was a farmer’s son, born at Upton near Chester in 1731. He became a preacher in 1759, and died in 1799, a zealous, judicious man. See letters of Nov. 2.] I hate delay. ‘The King’s business requires haste!’ -- I am, with love to Sister Hopper, Yours most affectionately. Take the field everywhere as often as possible. Who goes to the Highlands now quickly

To George Merryweather Date: LONDON, October 5, 1763. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1763) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- Your letter was sent from hence to Bristol. But I had left Bristol before it came. I have no objection to Mr. Jaco’s [See letter of Sept. 3, 1756, to Samuel Walker.] coming to Yarm to open the house; but I suppose he cannot stay long. He will soon be wanted again in his own circuit. It is strange that the number of hearers should decrease if you have regular preaching. I hope the morning preaching is never omitted. If it be, everything will droop. What relates to the account I will give Mr. Franks. [See letters of Jan. 25, 1762 (to Matthew Lowes), and Nov. 18, 1765.] Probably he will find where the mistake lies. O be in earnest! -- I am Your affectionate brother.

To his Brother Charles LONDON, March 1, 1764. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1764) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER,--If the parties require it, I will re-hear the cause of William Warren and Abraham Ore [Evidently some disputed matter in Bristol.]; but I do not apprehend there is anything to be said more than what you have heard already. I read Rollin's Belles-Lettres [The publication of extracts from the French historian was probably under consideration, but nothing was done.] several years ago. Some things I liked; some I did not. Mark in him what you admire, and I will give it a second reading and a farther consideration. You 'have no thoughts of venturing to London before May'! Then I must indeed 'do the best I can.' So I will comply with the advice of the Stewards, as well as my own judgement, and insist upon John Jones's assisting me on Sunday. [He was compelled to ask Jones to assist in the heavy sacramental services. See Journal, v. 47n; and letter of Sept. 3, 1756, to Nicholas Norton] I have delayed all this time purely out of tenderness to you. Adieu!

To Christopher Hopper BRISTOL, September 29, 1764. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1764) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--My judgement is this,--that it is best for you to be at Edinburgh (but in a more airy lodging, if it can be had for love or money) before the end of next month, James Kershaw at Dundee, and Tommy Hanby at Aberdeen. If you have either love or pity for him, let him not stay too long at Dundee. His mind is by no means strong enough to bear that weight of applause. At any rate, take him out of the furnace, or he will be consumed. And you well know a change is best for the people as well as best for him. Is it not easiest for him and you to change at a day appointed, and then for you to stay at Dundee till you are relieved by James Kershaw Peace be with your spirits!--I am Your affectionate friend and brother. I hope you have been at Sir Archibald's. [Sir Archibald Grant. See Journal, iv. 451.]

To Thomas Rankin Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1764) Author: John Wesley --- [25] LONDON, December 15, 1764. DEAR TOMMY,--I will send a man down to W. Darney [See letter of Nov. 6.] that is as rough as himself--namely, T. Bryant. But he is much changed for the better, and I think will not now jar with you. You need not, indeed, be very near one another: Cornwall is wide enough. Otherwise let T. Bryant stay in Devonshire and Peter Price move westward. [Price was admitted on trial as a preacher in Aug. 1765.] John Catermole sticks fast at Kingswood, and can get no farther. I wish you could conquer J. Paynter too. And who knows Love may do the deed. Want of sleep will occasion hoarseness. You should sleep at least six hours in twenty-four, either at once or at twice. For hoarseness look into the Primitive Physick; and try, one after another if need be, the garlic, the apple, the conserve, and the balsam. I know not how you will procure subscribers to Goodwin [See letters of Nov. 2and Dec. 31.] while you are pressing the general subscription.--I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend.

But I do not think it is enough for us not to quarrel: I am persuaded we may help each other. Why not O beware of bigotry! of an undue attachment to opinions or phrases! You of all men ought to fly from this; as you appear to be designed by Divine Providence for an healer of breaches, a reconciler of honest but prejudiced men, and an uniter (happy work!) of the children of God that are needlessly divided from each other. Perhaps your very opinion and way of speaking may enable you to do this among those to whom I have no access; as my opinion and way of speaking enable me to calm those who would not give you so favourable an hearing. In the name of Him that has shown you mercy, I beseech you show this mercy to your brethren! Soften and sweeten as far as in you lies their rugged or bitter spirits! Incite them everywhere to insist upon the one point--Faith that worketh by love, or (in other words) Christ enlightning, justifying, sanctifying, reigning in the believing soul. 'Oh, but Mr. Hervey says you are half a Papist.' What if he had proved it too What if he had proved I was a whole Papist (though he might as easily have proved me a Mahometan). Is not a Papist a child of God Is Thomas a Kempis, Mr. De Renty, Gregory Lopez gone to hell Believe it who can. Yet still of such (though Papists) the same is my brother and sister and mother. I have waited a fortnight for a passage to Dublin, but am now determined to move toward Scotland first. If you should favour me with a few lines, please to send direct to Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Peace be with you both.--I am, dear sir, Your affectionate brother and servant. To the Rev. Mr. Newton, At Oulney, Bucks.

To Thomas Rankin Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1765) Author: John Wesley --- [11] LIMERICK, June 9, 1765. DEAR TOMMY,--You see my plan on the other side. [The previous letter.] Tell me of any alteration or addition which you think proper, and fix your Quarterly Meetings as you please, only let full notice be given. Brother Roberts [See letter of Sept. 3, 1763.] has reunited them at the Dock; and I have a mild, loving letter from Brother Jones. [See letter of Jan. 13.] Nevertheless it is a doubt whether I ought to go to the Dock at all before the house is settled. 'Tis pity, if a ready passage should offer, but one could exchange with Geo. Story. You know the man. If it cannot be, we must be content. Peace be with your spirit.--I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Thomas Rankin Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1765) Author: John Wesley --- [12] KILKENNY, July 15, 1765. DEAR TOMMY,--I received yours yesterday. I suppose you have now my answer to your last. The Conference is to begin at Manchester on Thursday, August 20. I have no objection to what you proposed to Mr. Hoskins, only my age. If he had left that gentleman trustee, I would not have given a groat for all his legacies. I wish he would not delay. A day ought not to be lost. Yours affectionately. I hope to set out for Cornwall (as I said before) immediately after the Conference. If possible, let the will be finished before I come. This would prevent much reproach. You will carry Mr. Hoskins's letter directly. To Mr. Rankin, At Mr. John Andrews', In Redruth. Per Gloucester.

To Miss March NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, August 9, 1765. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1765) Author: John Wesley --- I have many fears concerning you, lest you should sink beneath the dignity of your calling, or be moved to the right hand or the left from the simplicity of the gospel. Is your heart still whole with God Do you still desire and seek no happiness but in Him Are you always or generally sensible of His presence Do you generally, at least, find communion with Him And do you expect all that you enjoyed once, and more; to be sanctified throughout before you go hence I hope no inward or outward reasonings are able to move you from walking exactly according to the gospel. O beware of voluntary humility; of thinking, 'Such an one is better than me, and why should I pretend to be more strict than her' 'What is that to thee follow thou Me!' You have but one pattern: follow Him inwardly and outwardly. If other believers will go step for step with you, well; but if not, follow Him! Peace be with your spirit.

To Peggy Dale LONDON, December 31, 1765. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1765) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR PEGGY,--Whether that persuasion [See letter of Nov. 6.] was from nature or from God a little time will show. It will be matter of great joy to me if God gives you many years to glorify Him in the body before He removes you to the world of spirits. The comfort is, that life or death, all is yours, seeing you are Christ's: all is good, all is blessing! You have only to rest upon Him with the whole weight of your soul. Temptations to pride you may have, or to anything; but these do not sully your soul. Amidst a thousand temptations you may retain unspotted purity. Abide in Him by simple faith this moment! Live, walk in love! The Lord increase it in you a thousandfold! Take out of His fullness grace upon grace. Tell me from time [to time] just what you feel. I cannot tell you how tenderly I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother.

To Thomas Rankin Date: COLCHESTER, January 23, 1766. DEAR TOMMY,--Suppose the numbers swell to an hundred (as probably they will), consider what it would amount to to give seventy persons 50s. apiece before I am reimbursed for the expense of the edition! [Explanatory Notes upon the Old Testament, vol. i. (4to, 852 pp.), had been published in 1765. See letter of June 20.] Indeed, I did not think of this till my brother mentioned it. But all the preachers shall, if they desire it, have them at half price. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1766) Author: John Wesley --- I am glad John Ellis takes care of the books while you are in Newcastle Circuit. When Matthew Lowes returns, let Moseley Cheek go into the Barnard Castle Circuit. At Lady Day, or within a few days after, you should return thither yourself. Speak quite freely to John Fenwick. You may trust him.--I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mr. Thomas Rankin, At the Orphan House, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

To George Merryweather Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1766) Author: John Wesley --- [2] LONDON, February 8, 1766. MY DEAR BROTHER,--Where Christian perfection is not strongly and explicitly preached there is seldom any remarkable blessing from God, and consequently little addition to the Society and little life in the members of it. Therefore, if Jacob Rowell is grown faint and says but little about it, do you supply his lack of service. Speak, and spare not. Let not regard for any man induce you to betray the truth of God. Till you press the believers to expect full salvation now you must not look for any revival. It is certain God does at some times, without any cause known to us, shower down His grace in an extraordinary manner. And He does in some instances delay to give either justifying or sanctifying grace for reasons which are not discovered to us. These are some of those secrets of His government, which it hath pleased Him to reserve in His own breast. I hope you and your wife keep all you have and gasp for more.--I am Your affectionate brother.

We do speak of grace (meaning thereby that power of God which worketh in us both to will and to do of His good pleasure), that it is 'as perceptible to the heart' (while it comforts, refreshes, purifies, and sheds the love of God abroad therein) 'as sensible objects are to the senses.' And yet we do not doubt but it may frequently be 'conveyed to us imperceptibly.' But we know no scripture which speaks of it as always conveyed and always working in an imperceptible manner. We likewise allow that outward actions are one way of satisfying us that we have grace in our hearts. But we cannot possibly allow that 'the only way to be satisfied of this is to appeal to our outward actions and not our inward feelings.' On the contrary, we believe that love, joy, peace are inwardly felt, or they have no being; and that men are satisfied they have grace, first by feeling these, and afterward by their outward actions. 12. You assert, fifthly: 'They talk of regeneration in every Christian as if it was as sudden and miraculous a conversion as that of St. Paul and the first converts to Christianity, and as if the signs of it were frightful tremors of body and convulsive agonies of mind; not as a work graciously begun and gradually carried on by the blessed Spirit in conjunction with our rational powers and faculties, the signs of which are sincere and universal obedience' (page 33).

I found more and more undeniable proofs that we have need to watch and pray every moment. Outward trials, indeed, were now removed: but so much the more did inward trials abound; and " if one member suffered, all the members suffered with it." So strange a sympathy did I never observe before: whatever considerable temptation fell on any one, unaccountably spreading itself to the rest, so that exceeding few were able to escape it.' (Pages 122-3.)

3, 'The next mark of the celestial wisdom is, it is "gentle and easy to be entreated," compliant and even obsequious to all men.' And how does it appear that I am wanting in this Why, he is 'a severe condemner of his fellow citizens and a severe exactor of conformity to his own observances.' Now the proof: (1) 'He tells us this in the very appellation he assumes' (page 192). Nay, I never assumed it at all. (2) But 'you say, "Useless conversation is an abomination to the Lord." And what is this but to withstand St. Paul to the face' Why, did St. Paul join in or condemn useless conversation I rather think he reproves it. He condemns as sapros logos, 'putrid, stinking conversation,' all that is not good, all that is not 'to the use of edifying,' and meet to 'minister grace to the hearers' (Eph. iv. 29). (3) Mr. Wesley 'resolved never to laugh nor to speak a tittle of worldly things' (page 193)--'though others may, nay must.' Pray add that with the reason of my so resolving--namely, that I expected to die in a few days. If I expected it now, probably I should resume the resolution. But, be it as it may, this proves nothing against my being both gentle and easy to be entreated. (4) 'He says Mr. Griffith was a clumsy, overgrown, hardfaced man' (page 194). So he was. And this was the best of him. I spare him much in saying no more. But he is gone: let his ashes rest. (5) 'I heard a most miserable sermon, full of dull, senseless, improbable lies.' It was so from the beginning to the end. I have seldom heard the like. (6) '"The persecution at St. Ives"' (which ended before I came; what I saw I do not term persecution) '" was owing to the indefatigable labours of Mr. Hoblyn and Mr. Symonds, gentlemen worthy to be had in everlasting remembrance."Here he tells us it is his purpose to gibbet up the names of his two great persecutors to everlasting infamy.' (Page 195.) These gentlemen had occasioned several innocent people to be turned out of their livelihood; and others to be outraged in the most shocking manner, and beat only not to death. My purpose is, by setting down their names, to make others afraid so to offend.

'Good fruits come next to be considered, which Mr. Wesley's idea of true religion does not promise. He saith' (I will repeat the words a little at large, that their true sense may more clearly appear), '"In explaining those words, The kingdom of God, or true religion, is not meats and drinks, I was led to show that religion does not properly consist in harmlessness, using the means of grace, and doing good, that is, helping our neighbours, chiefly by giving alms; but that a man might both be harmless, use the means of grace, and do much good, and yet have no true religion at all."' (Tract, p. 203.) He may so. Yet whoever has true religion must be 'zealous of good works.' And zeal for all good works is, according to my idea, an essential ingredient of true religion.

Let this passage likewise stand as it is, and who can guess how it is to prove my partiality But by a sleight of hand the thing is done. 'How differently does Mr. Wesley treat these two enthusiasts! The first is accused of spreading lies of his master.' No, he never was any disciple of mine. 'On which Mr. Wesley took his leave of him;--a gentle expression, to signify the thrusting him out head and shoulders from the society of saints.' It signifies neither more nor less than that I went out of the room and left him. 'The other's enthusiasm is made to consist only in want of method.' No. His enthusiasm did not consist in this: it was the cause of it. But he was quite another man than John Adams; and I believe a right honest man. (6) 'I was both surprised and grieved at a genuine instance of enthusiasm. John Brown, who had received a sense of the love of God a few days before, came riding through the town, hallooing and shouting, and driving all the people before him, telling them God had told him he should be a king and should tread all his enemies under his feet. I sent him home immediately to his work; and advised him to cry day and night to God that he might be lowly in heart, lest Satan again "get an advantage over him."' What this proves, or is intended to prove, I cannot tell. Certainly neither this nor any of the preceding passages prove the point now in question--my partiality. So this likewise is wholly unproved still.

What is peculiarly unfair is the lame, false account is palmed upon me by 'So he himself tells the story.' I must therefore tell the story once more in as few words as I can:-- 'Sunday, August 7, 1737. I repelled Mrs. Williamson from the communion. Tuesday, 9. I was required by Mr. Bailiff Parker to appear at the next court. Thursday, 11. Mr. Causton, her uncle, said to me, "Give your reasons for repelling her before the whole congregation." I answered, "Sir, if you insist upon it, I will." But I heard no more of it. Afterward he said (but not to me) "Mr. Wesley had repelled Sophy out of revenge, because he had made proposals of marriage to her, which she rejected." Tuesday, 16. Mrs. Williamson made affidavit of it. Thursday, September 1. A Grand Jury prepared by Mr. Causton found that "John Wesley had broken the laws of the realm, by speaking and writing to Mrs. Williamson against her husband's consent, and by repelling her from the communion." 'Friday, 2, was the third court-day at which I appeared, since my being required so to do by Mr. Parker. I moved for an immediate hearing, but was put off till the next court-day. On the next court-day I appeared again, as also at the two courts following, but could not be heard. Thursday, November 3, I appeared in court again; and yet again on Tuesday, November 22, on which day Mr. Causton desired to speak with me, and read me an affidavit in which it was affirmed that I "abused Mr. Causton in his own house, calling him liar, villain, and so on." It was likewise repeated that I had been reprimanded at the last court by Mr. Causton as an enemy to and hinderer of the public peace. 'My friends agreed with me that the time we looked for was now come. And the next morning, calling on Mr. Causton, I told him I designed to set out for England immediately.

'Friday, December 2. I proposed to set out for Carolina about noon. But about ten the Magistrates sent for me, and told me I must not go out of the province; for I had not answered the allegations laid against me. I replied, "I have appeared at six or seven courts in order to answer them. But I was not suffered so to do." After a few more words, I said, "You use me very ill; and so you do the Trustees. You know your business, and I know mine." 'In the afternoon they published an order forbidding any to assist me in going out of the province. But I knew I had no more business there. So as soon as Evening Prayer was over, the tide then serving, I took boat at the Bluff for Carolina.' This is the plain account of the matter. I need only add a remark or two on the pleasantry of my censurer. 'He had recourse as usual to his revelations: "I consulted my friends whether God did not call me to England"' (page 242). Not by revelations-- these were out of the question; but by clear, strong reasons. 'The Magistrate soon quickened his pace by declaring him an enemy to the public peace.' No; that senseless assertion of Mr. Causton made me go neither sooner nor later. 'The reader has seen him long languish for persecution.' What, before November 1737 I never languished for it either before or since. But I submit to what pleases God. 'To hide his poltroonery in a bravado, he gave public notice of his apostolical intention' (page 243). Kind and civil! I may be excused from taking notice of what follows. It is equally serious and genteel. 'Had his longings for persecution been without hypocrisy.' The same mistake throughout. I never longed or professed to long for it at all. But if I had professed it ever since I returned from Georgia, what was done before I returned could not prove that profession to be hypocrisy. So all this ribaldry serves no end; only to throw much dirt, if haply some may stick.

To Thomas Rankin Date: LONDON, January 22, 1767. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1767) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY,--What has more than once troubled me is this. One Assistant was very zealous for one, two, or three years. Afterwards he quite lost his catholic zeal and usefulness. See that this be not your case. Are the people there willing that John Ellis should come into Lincolnshire If they are, let the exchange be made without delay. There is a good work going on in London. But not like that which George Bell and Thomas Maxfield put a stop to. I know not when we shall see an end of the advantage which Satan gained by their means. They made the very name of Perfection stink in the nostrils even of those who loved and honoured it before. And this I told them and others long ago must be a consequence of proceeding in such a manner. I hope you all labour in training up the children and in visiting from house to house. Take care of the rising generation.--I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To George Whitefeld Date: LIVERPOOL, March 21, 1767. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1767) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--Yesterday I came hither just in good time; for the ship which sailed a few days ago was the next night overtaken by a storm and is gone to the bottom with all the crew. If I can't find a convenient vessel here very soon, I think to go round (as I did before) by Portpatrick. I trust before you receive this you will have reason to bless God for His comfortable presence with you at Brighthelmstone. I should have rejoiced could I have made one of the company; but I was called to buffet with the wind and rain. All is well so we are but about our Master's work. Let us work in earnest while the day is. We are so far from having any travelling preachers to spare that there are not enough to supply the people that earnestly call for them. I have been this very year at my wits' end upon the account. But some of the local preachers are equal both in grace and gifts to most of the itinerants. Such is Richard Moss in particular. And I heartily rejoice when these are removed into a larger field of action. I trust you always remember in your prayers Your ever affectionate brother.

But what can be done to remedy this I wish you would give an attentive reading to the Minutes of the last Conference, and see if it will not be worth our while to enforce them with our might. We have weight enough, and can force them. I know not who can or will when we are gone. Let us now fix things on as firm a foundation as possible, and not depend upon seeing another Conference. Richard Bourke, John Dillon, and one or two more in this kingdom are truly devoted men; so are a few of the preachers in England. Si sic omnes! ['Oh that the rest were likeminded!'] What would be able to stand before them How go you on in London How is G. Whitefield, and my Lady, and Mr. Madan, and Romaine, and Berridge Do you converse with those that are most alive, and sparingly and warily with them that are dead while they live I hope Sally and your young ones are well. Oh what a work is it to train up children for heaven! Peace be with you and yours! Errwso. ['Farewell.']

7. 'My preaching in your chapel would have been in effect to tell the people of Edinburgh that the Methodists did not deny the Calvinist doctrines.' Amazing! Did Mr. Gillies [Dr. John Gillies. See letter of March 24, 1761 n.] tell them so when he preached in our house Just the contrary. He told them: 'In some opinions I do not agree with the Methodists; but I know they are a people of God: therefore I wish them good luck in the name of the Lord.' Might not you have done the very same May you not still Can you be clear before God without doing it I have now told you all that lay upon my mind. If you can receive it, I shall rejoice for your sake and for the people's. If not, I have delivered my own soul. For many years I have been labouring for peace, though I have had little thanks for my pains. However, my record is above, and my reward with the Most High. It is but a little while that I have to endure the contradiction either of sinners or good men. May God enable you, that stand up in my stead, to labour more successfully! So prays, dear sir, Your affectionate brother and servant.

To Robert Costerdine Date: LONDON, November 24, 1767. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1767) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--A few days since, I received a letter from a gentleman, the substance of which with a few alterations I subjoin:-- REVEREND SIR,--In the Minutes of the Conference held at Leeds last year the whole debt of the Methodists, considered as one body, appeared to be 11,338. I suppose it is much the same now, perhaps a little more or less. The Yearly Subscription was designed to pay off this. And it has helped a little toward it, as well as answered many other excellent purposes, for which also it was intended from the beginning. But it must be long before it can answer that design; as it has hitherto been so small, that it has very little more than supplied the yearly wants. Meantime this debt remains as a constant load on your shoulders and a constant reproach on all the Societies. If this debt could be discharged, it would be an ease to your mind, an honour to the whole body, and a glorious proof of our care to provide things honest in the sight of all men. But how is it possible to raise so large a sum as 11,000 I believe it is not only possible, but easy, far easier than many may conceive, to do it in two years' time, by the following simple method, without burthening either the rich or poor. First, as it is for the glory of God and the promoting of His cause, let us beg His blessing upon our honest endeavours. Then let us willingly and earnestly set our shoulders to the work, and by His grace it shall be accomplished. I suppose the Societies in Great Britain and Ireland contain twenty-four thousand members: one-fourth part of these, if they subscribe according to the following scheme, will discharge the whole debt in two years: Subscribers Guineas In two years. 1,000 at two 4,200 1,000 one and a half 3,150 1,000 one 2,100 1,000 three quarters 1,575 1,000 half 1,050 1,000 a quarter 525 In all 12,600

To Ann Foard Date: NORWICH, December 2, 1767. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1767) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--In the way of life you are entering upon you will have need of great resolution and steadiness. It will be your wisdom to set out with two rules, and invariably adhere to them: (1) 'I will do everything I can to oblige you, except what I cannot do with a clear conscience'; (2) 'I will refrain from everything I can that would displease you, except what I cannot refrain from with a clear conscience.' Keep to this on both sides from the hour you meet, and your meeting will be a blessing. You will do well likewise constantly to pray with as well as for one another. Now, Nancy, put on by the grace of God the armour of righteousness on the right hand and on the left! Beware of foolish desires! Beware of inordinate affections! Beware of worldly cares! But, above all, I think you should beware of wasting time in what is called innocent trifling. And watch against unprofitable conversation, particularly between yourselves. Then your union may be (as it ought) a type of the union between Christ and His Church; and you may in the end present each other before Him holy and unblameable at His coming. [See letter of Oct. 14, 1767. ] I am Your affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Moon Date: NORWICH, December 6, 1767. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1767) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--I can easily believe that nothing would be wanting to me which it was in your power to supply; for I am persuaded your heart is as my heart, as is the case with all the 'souls whom Himself vouchsafes to unite in fellowship divine.' What is always in your power is to bear me before the throne of grace. One thing in particular which I frequently desire is 'a calm evening of a various day'; that I may have no conflicts at the last, but rather, if God sees good, before 'my flesh and my heart faileth.' In every place where Mr. Whitefield has been he has laboured in the same friendly, Christian manner. God has indeed effectually broken down the wall of partition which was between us. Thirty years ago we were one; then the sower of tares rent us asunder; but now a stronger than him has made us one again. There is no weakness either in our body or mind but Satan endeavours to avail himself of it. That kind of dullness or listlessness I take to be originally a pure effect of bodily constitution. As such it is not imputable to us in any degree unless we give way to it. So long as we diligently resist, it is no more blameable than sleepiness or weariness of body. Do many of those who were saved from sin in your neighbourhood stand fast in their liberty or have one half, if not the greater part, been moved from their steadfastness How is it that so many are moved that in many places so few comparatively stand Have you lately conversed with Sister Heslop Does she retain all the life she had Does John Eland and some others at Hutton Peace be multiplied upon you!--I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother.

To Christopher Hopper Date: January 9, 1768. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1768) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--I constitute you, Christopher Hopper by name, Lord President of the North. Enter upon your province, Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland, Durham, Yorkshire, and Lincolnshire, without delay. Pray dispatch letters to Jacob Rowell, Jo. Heslop, Richard Boardman, [Rowell was Assistant at the Dales, and Boardman at York: for Heslop, see letters of Sept. 26 and Oct. 1; and Boardman, letter of March 27, 1771.] and your other deputies without loss of time; and quicken them to put forth all their strength and make one push for all. But hold! John Fenwick writes to me: 'I will give 25!' Do not abate him the five! No drawing back! I think the time is come for rolling this reproach from us. Your thought concerning the preachers is a noble one. If fifty of them set such an example, giving a little out of their little, such an instance would have an effect upon many. Let one stir up another. Spare no pains. Write east, west, north, and south. You have a ready mind and a ready pen; and it cannot be used in a better cause.--I am Yours affectionately.

To his Brother Charles Date: LONDON, January 15, 1768. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1768) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER,--Six or seven hundred pounds is brought to a Conference, of which five hundred at least pays debt. Then extraordinary demands are answered. How much remains for law I am now near three hundred pounds out of pocket, which I borrowed to pay Mr. Pardon. When I receive some more from Newcastle, [See previous letter.] I will send it to Bristol; probably very soon. It is highly probable one of the three will stand before the Lord. But, so far as I can learn, such a thing has scarce been for these thousand years before, as a son, father, grandfather, atavus, tritavus, preaching the gospel, nay, and the genuine gospel, in a line. You know, Mr. White, sometime Chairman of the Assembly of Divines, was my grandmother's father. Look upon our little ones at Kingswood as often as you can. A word from you will be a quickening to them. O how many talents are we entrusted with! 'But what account can thy bad steward make' Indeed, we have need to gird up the loins of our mind and run faster the small remainder of our race. 'One thing!' Let us mind one thing only; and nothing great or small but as it ministers to it! Peace be with you and yours! Adieu.

To Joseph Benson Date: LONDON, January 31, 1768. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1768) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JOSEPH,--Tommy Taylor we have tried. Therefore I do not desire to part with him. But was T. Dancer out of his wits How was it possible he could write to me about another master without first consulting you I understood what he wrote to be wrote by you all, and therefore immediately spoke to the young man and desired him to give warning where he was that he might be at liberty in March. Perhaps there is a Providence in this blunder. For if Mr. Williams is what he appears to be, he is deeply devoted to God. You shall have what money you want; if T. Lewis will draw upon Mr. Franks for it, not only sixty pounds, but (if need be) sixty to that. You should write to me often and not too briefly. I am, with love to Brother and Sister Hindmarsh and T. Taylor, dear Joseph, Your affectionate brother. If T. Lewis will not, do you draw on Mr. Franks. To Mr. Joseph Benson, At Kingswood School, Near Bristol.

To Robert Costerdine Date: MANCHESTER, March 28, 1768. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1768) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--Be not discouraged. Go on in faith, and you will gain more subscriptions before the Conference. [For the debts of the Connexion, see letters of Nov. 24 and Dec. 2, 1767, to him.] If God permit, I shall be at York on Friday, June 24; Mond. the 27, Pateley Bridge; Tu. 28, Skipton; W. 29, Otley; Th. 30, Parkgate; Sat. July 2, Keighley; Su. 3, Haworth; Mond. 4, Bradford. This is the best way I could think of to spend a few days. [This fills out the entry in the Journal, v. 277. He left Newcastle on June 13, and 'in the residue of the month visited most of the Societies in Yorkshire.'] But I can preach sometimes at noon.-- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. I commonly preach at six in the evening.

To Christopher Hopper Date: MANCHESTER, March 29, 1768. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1768) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR CHRISTOPHER,--I see no help for it. What must be must be. You must go point-blank to York, Leeds, and Bradford. Our rich men subscribe twenty shillings a year. And neither Brother Boardman, Brisco, Bumstead, nor Oliver can move them. They want a hard-mouthed man. Get you gone in a trice. Show them the difference. I beg of you either mend them or end them. Let this lumber be removed from among us.--I am Ever yours.

To Robert Costerdine Date: KENDAL, April 13, 1768. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1768) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--If the debt of Colne house were given at Leeds Conference, it will be taken in of course. If it were not, I will lay Mr. Shaw's paper before the ensuing Conference. On Monday, June 27, I hope to be at Pateley Bridge (coming from Tadcaster, where I expect to preach at noon--one might meet me at Tadcaster); Tuesday, 28th, at Skipton; Wednesday, 29th, at Otley; Saturday, July 2nd, Keighley. You may have the three volumes. Do not spare to speak when you visit the classes again, and many will enlarge their subscription. --I am Yours affectionately.

To the Stewards of the Foundery Date: PEMBROKE, August 6, 1768. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1768) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BRETHREN,--The thing you mention is of no small concern, and ought not to be determined hastily. Indeed, it would be easy to answer, if we considered only how to save money; but we are to consider also how to save souls. Now, I doubt whether we should act wisely in this respect were we to give up the chapel in Spitalfields. We have no other preaching-place in or near that populous quarter of the town; and a quarter which, upon one account, I prefer before almost any other--namely, that the people in general are more simple and less confused by any other preachers. I think, therefore, it would not be worth while to give up this if we could gain a thousand pounds thereby. I should look upon it as selling the souls of men for money; which God will give us in due time without this. That many who live near the Foundery would be glad of it I allow, because it would save them trouble. But neither can I put the saving of trouble in competition with the saving of souls.--I am, my dear brethren, Your affectionate brother.

To Lawrence Coughlan Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1768) Author: John Wesley --- [22] [August 27, 1768,] DEAR LAWRENCE,--By a various train of providences you have been led to the very place where God intended you should be. And you have reason to praise Him that He has not suffered your labour there to be in vain. In a short time how little will it signify whether we had lived in the Summer Islands or beneath The rage of Arctos and eternal frost! [See Prior's Solomon, i. 264-5:'If any suffer on the polar coast The rage of Arctos and eternal frost.'] How soon will this dream of life be at an end! And when we are once landed in eternity, it will be all one whether we spent our time on earth in a palace or had not where to lay our head.

To Jane Hilton Date: SHOREHAM, December 22, 1768. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1768) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--I do not remember that I ever found a fault in you before. But I do now. I must blame you. Why are you so short You can tell me all that is in your heart. And what should hinder you Suppose I was now sitting by you, would you need to hide anything And sometimes we can write what we cannot speak. But, either in writing or speaking, there need be no reserve between us. You mention trials. But this is a general word. Would it not ease your mind to be more particular Are your trials mostly inward or outward Are they from those of your own household Can any one lay disobedience to your charge Or do they only say you are proud and stubborn Let them say everything they can. Still look unto Jesus! Commune with Him in your heart! Let your eye be singly fixed on Him; your whole soul shall be full of light!--I am, my dear Jenny, Your affectionate brother.

To Robert Costerdine Date: NORWICH, February 18, 1769. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1769) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--If Jer. Cocker now lives in any known sin, he must not be in our Society. If he does not, you did not act wisely in putting him out of it. Stewards are not to govern our Societies; it is no part of their office. This belongs to the Assistant only, under my direction. I myself directed before that Jer. Cocker should have another trial. And you did not do well in running your head against me to please any man living. I say again, unless he now lives in sin, give him another trial.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To John Valton Date: DUBLIN, March 23, 1769, Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1769) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--Certainly the Lord is preparing you for a more extensive work and showing that He can and will give you a mouth. Take care you do not cleave to any person or thing I God is a jealous God. And stay where you are as long as you can stay; but do not resist when He thrusts you out into His harvest. That God has called you to a more extensive work I cannot doubt in the least. [See letter of March 1 to him.] He has given you an earnest of it at Stroud; and your weakness of soul or body is no bar to Him. Leave Him to remove that when and as it pleases Him. But I doubt concerning the time; it does not seem to be fully come. At present you are to do all you can where you are, and to be always hearkening to His voice and waiting till He makes plain the way before your face.--I am Your affectionate brother.

To Ann Bolton Date: LEEDS, July 30, 1769. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1769) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--You see, God gives you a token for good. But I doubt whether your sister will recover. It is probable He gives her this reprieve both that she may be ripe for glory and that she may bear a faithful testimony to Him before He calls her hence. So she has not a moment to lose. With regard to her paralytic disorder, I wonder they have not advised bathing; that often avails when nothing else will. After the Conference I have to traverse all Wales; so that I do not expect to see Bristol before September. I have then all the West of England to visit, which will take me up at least six weeks longer. In October, if it please God to prolong my life, I am in hope of seeing you at Witney. I was almost afraid you had forgotten me; but I think you will not soon. I think death itself will not separate you from, my dear Nancy, Your affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Woodhouse Date: BRISTOL, October 4, 1769. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1769) Author: John Wesley --- How long is it since Mr. Whitelamb died What disease did he die of Did he lie ill for any time Do you know any circumstances preceding or attending his death Oh, why did he not die forty years ago, while he knew in whom he had believed! Unsearchable are the counsels of God, and His ways past finding out.

To Ann Bolton Date: LEWISHAM, January 25, 1770. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1770) Author: John Wesley --- Nancy, Nancy! I had almost said, I wish I could be angry at you; but that would not be an easy thing. I was wondering that you never wrote. I doubt your love is grown cold. Let it not be six weeks before I hear from you again. You find I can chide if you provoke me. You surprise me with regard to the books. I have spoke to Mr. Franks twice; and twice he told me he had sent them. I doubt he sent them among the other books without directing them particularly to you. I shall see that matter set right. You must not leave off riding [See letter of Feb. 12, 1769.] if you would have tolerable health. Nothing is so good for you as exercise and change of air. It was upon that as well as other accounts that I wanted you to come up to London. I do not know whether the objection of 'giving offence' need to affright you from it. I wish you had a week to spare before I go out of town. [She had once before come up to London to meet him. See letter of April 7, 1768.] If I should be called to America [See letters of Dec. 30, 1769, and See Feb. 17, 1770.] (though I determine nothing yet), it might be a long time before we meet again. In every temptation there will be a way made to escape that you may be able to bear it. Do not stay a month longer before you write to, my dear Nancy, Your affectionate brother. I have a room or two to spare now.

To Walter Sellon Date: LEWISHAM, February 21, 1770. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1770) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--Do not make too much haste. Give everything the last touch. It will be enough if the papers meet me at Manchester before the end of March. I believe it will be the best way to bestow a distinct pamphlet on that exquisite coxcomb. [Toplady. See letters of Dec. 30, 1769, and June 24, 1770] Surely wisdom will die with him! I believe we can easily get his other tract, which it would be well to sift to the very foundation, in order to stop the mouth of that vain boaster. I am to set out for Bristol March 5, and from Bristol March 12.--I am Your affectionate brother.

To Samuel Bardsley Date: LONDON, November 24, 1770. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1770) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY,--According to your account the very same difficulty subsists to this day. Your mother is not willing; and I told you before, this is in my judgement an insuperable bar. I am fully persuaded that a parent has in this case a negative voice. Therefore, while matters continue thus, I do not see that you can go any farther. Your affectionate brother.

To Ann Bolton Date: SEVENOAKS, December 15, 1770. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1770) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--It is true there is a danger, and that continually, of thinking too much of yourself. But there is another danger to which you are more immediately exposed: thinking too little of the grace of God which is given you. Instantly resist all reasoning on that head, whether you are in a state of acceptance. As surely as you are in the body hold this fast, by His free almighty grace; and then Expect His fullness to receive And grace to answer grace. It might be of use to you to read again with much prayer the sermon on The Repentance of Believers, which will show you just where you are now, and The Scripture Way of Salvation. [See Works, v. 156-70, Vi. 43-54.] In one sense faith is all you want. If thou canst believe, are not all things possible to him that believeth? What may you not receive to-day? at this hour? at this very moment? Your affectionate brother.

To Thomas Wride Date: LONDON, February 14, 1771. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1771) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY,--If we live till August, the matter of David Evans [David Evans was preacher on trial at Haworth. Sister Evans is among the preachers' wives to be provided for. He ceased from travelling in 1776.] must be throughly inquired into. I do not see that you could do anything more with regard to Longtown. The providence of God has remarkably interposed in behalf of the poor people at Whitehaven. I am in hopes there will be more peace among them, and more life than has been for some time. Now, Tommy, you have good encouragement to stir up the gift of God that is in you. Labour to be steadily serious, to be weighty in conversation, and to walk humbly and closely with God.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To John Fletcher Date: PARKGATE, March 22,1771. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1771) Author: John Wesley --- I always did for between these thirty and forty years clearly assert the total fall of man and his utter inability to do any good of himself; the absolute necessity of the grace and Spirit of God to raise even a good thought or desire in our hearts; the Lord's rewarding no work and accepting of none but so far as they proceed from His preventing, convincing, and converting grace through the Beloved; the blood and righteousness of Christ being the sole meritorious cause of our salvation. Who is there in England that has asserted these things more strongly and steadily than I have done

That remarkable sinking of spirits did not necessarily imply any preceding unfaithfulness. It might possibly be owing to the body. At such a season you have nothing to do but simply to give yourself up into the hands of God. Tell Him, Lord, I am Thine. I will be Thine. I desire to be Thine alone for ever. Thou shalt answer for me. Keep Thou Thine own; and let me do or suffer just as seemeth Thee good.' What can hurt us if our eye be single Look forward! Holiness and heaven are before you. You have no need to determine whether your heart is or is not made new till the witness speaks within you and puts it beyond all doubt. You are led in a rough way: it is a safe one. A more smooth way would be more dangerous. Your earnestly desiring the most excellent means of grace is neither sin nor infirmity. It is right to say, My soul hath a desire and longing to enter into the courts of the house of my God.' Read the 84th Psalm, and try if your heart answers to it. At present exercise all the faith you have, and it will be increased day by day. Your affectionate brother.

The general rule, not to correspond but with those who have both grace and understanding,' admits of several exceptions, in favour of a few who want one of them or the other or both. [See letter of May 28.] While I am in Ireland you may direct to me at Dublin. Be not afraid of writing too long letters. The longer the more agreeable to, my dear Philly, Yours affectionately.

To Mrs. Crosby Date: LONDONDERRY, June 13, 1771. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1771) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--Reading a chapter or part of one and making short observations may be as useful as any way of speaking. I doubt whether at that particular time it was advisable for you to go to Huddersfield. But it is past. All that you can do now (if you have not done it already) is to write lovingly to Mr. A-- [John Atlay was stationed at Birstall.] and simply inform him of those facts, concerning which he was misinformed before. It is not improbable he may then see things clearer; but if he do not, you will have delivered your own soul. And whatever farther is said of you is your cross. Bear it, and it will bear you.-- I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother.

To Thomas Wride Date: ARMAGH, June 23, 1771. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1771) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY,--I said before, we will pay the five pounds to Brother Littledale at the Conference. If T. Colbeck had done as I ordered, it would have been paid long ago. Then also we will make up what Brother Garnet wants. If he desires it, he may come to the Conference in your stead. If not, send your account of things by R. Seed. Will not the Yearly Subscription pay both those debts If there be an overplus, it may lessen the debt on Whitehaven house. I desire that neither any preacher of ours nor any member of our Society would on any presence go to an Anabaptist meeting. It is the way to destroy the Society. This we have experienced over and over. Let all that were of the Church keep to the Church.--I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mrs. Savage Date: BRISTOL, August 31, 1771. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1771) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--Right precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of His saints! And I believe many of the blessings which we receive are in answer to their dying prayers. It is well if the great change be wrought in a soul even a little before it leaves the body. But how much more desirable it is that it should be wrought long before, that we may long glorify Him with our body and with our spirit! O exhort all whom you have access to not to delay the time of embracing all the great and precious promises! Frankly tell all those that are simple of heart what He has done for your soul; and then urge, May not every sinner find The grace which found out me If Mr. Fletcher has time to call upon you, he will surely bring a blessing with him. He is a man full of faith. Be free with Sister Brisco, [Her husband, Thomas Brisco, had been in Devonshire, but was this Conference appointed to Wiltshire North.] who brings this.--My dear sister, adieu!

To James Hutton Date: LEWISHAM, January 10, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JAMES,--Little journeys hither and thither have for these two or three weeks taken up much of my time. You know I am a busy kind of mortal; however, I am always glad to see my old friends. But most of them have taken their flight from hence, and are lodged in Abraham's bosom. I expect to be at West Street Chapel house on Monday, between eleven and twelve. Wishing you every gospel blessing; I remain, dear James, Yours affectionately. The Foundery I had wrote before I received yours.

To Mrs. Pywell Date: NEAR LONDON, January 22, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--You have given me a clear and satisfactory answer to the questions which I proposed, and I rejoice over you for the grace of God which is in you. May He increase it more and more! How should I rejoice to see you and to talk with you more particularly on these heads! I hope that may be in spring; but before then you can tell me,--Are you always sensible of the presence of God Is not that sense ever interrupted by company or by hurry of business Do you pray without ceasing Is your heart lifted up, whatever your hands are employed in Do you rejoice evermore Are you always happy always more or less enjoying God Do you never fret never so grieve at anything as to interrupt your happiness Do you never find lowness of spirits Are you enabled in everything to give thanks I ask you many questions, because I want you to write freely and particularly to, dear Sally, Your affectionate brother.

To Rebecca Yeoman Date: LONDON, February 5, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--As far as I understand, you are now properly in the wilderness state. I advise you to read over that sermon in the fourth volume, [See Works, vi. 77-91] and examine yourself thereby. If you find out the cause of heaviness or darkness, you are more than half-way to the cure. If Jenny Johnson [See letter of Aug. 4, 1770.] is throughly sensible of her fault, you may trust her; if not, she should not meet in band. As your mind is tender and easily moved, you may readily fall into inordinate affection; if you do, that will quickly darken your soul. But watch and pray, and you shall not enter into temptation. If it please God to continue my life and strength, I expect to come through Scotland in April and May, so as to reach Newcastle about the beginning of June [He arrived on May 25.]; but who knows whether we may not before then take a longer journey Our wisdom is to live to-day.--I am, dear Becky, Your affectionate brother.

To Philothea Briggs Date: LIVERPOOL, March 23, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- If useless words or thoughts spring from evil tempers, they are properly evil, otherwise not; but still they are contrary to the Adamic law: yet not to the law of love; therefore there is no condemnation for them, but they are matter of humiliation before God. So are those (seemingly) unbelieving thoughts; although they are not your own, and you may boldly say, 'Go, go, thou unclean spirit; thou shalt answer for these, and not I.'

To Ann Foard Date: NEWCASTLE, June 7, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--Do I flatter myself in judging of you by myself Am I mistaken in thinking we feel alike I believe we do: I believe in this your heart is as mine. But if so, it is not so easy for you to part. Indeed, I judged before, this was only a sudden start, arising from a misapprehension of my meaning. That was really the case. I did not, could not compare one I so tenderly love (with a love of esteem as well as complacence) with him: only with regard to one circumstance. Well, now you have made me amends for the pain you gave me before. And see that you make me farther amends by swiftly advancing in lowliness, in meekness, in gentleness towards all men. So fulfil the joy of, my dear Nancy, Yours affectionately.

Instead of giving a caution once, as to a grown person, you must give it to a child ten times. By this means you may keep a sensible child from an improper familiarity with servants. Cautions should also be given frequently and earnestly to the servants themselves [See letter of Oct. 16, 1771.]; and they will not always be thrown away if they have either grace or sense.

To his Brother Charles Date: DEWSBURY, July 10, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER,--If I can meet with Mr. Hill's book at Leeds to-morrow, perhaps I may write a little before the Conference. I am glad Mr. Davis [Charles Wesley wrote from Bristol to Joseph Benson, 'I have lately escaped death or maiming by a fall.... Mr. Davis has been useful here' (Manuscript Life of Benson, i. 281).] has been with you; but he must not assist you for nothing. If he joins heart and hand, he should have seventy pounds a year. My journeys lie thus, if God permit: Mon. Aug. 10, Sheffield; Tuesd. Burslem; Wedn. Salop; Friday, The Hay; Sat. 15, Brecon; Tues. 18, Haverfordwest; Tues. 25, Swansea; Sat. Aug. 30, Bristol; Mon. Sept. 1, Cullompton; Sat. 13, at Bristol again. I am able to stir a little still. Indeed, I find myself no worse in any respect. In these fifty years I do not remember to have seen such a change. She is now xaritwn mia, tota merum mel [Probably his wife: 'One full of graces, honey quite unmixed.'] Finding fault with nobody, but well pleased with every person and thing! I believe, if you had applied warm treacle to the bruised parts, you would have been well in eight-and-forty hours. Let us work to-day! The night cometh! A little you will pick out of Dr. Boyce's fine music for the use of our plain people. My sister Kezzy was born about March 1710; therefore you could not be born later than December 1708: consequently, if you live till December 1772, you will enter your sixty-fifth year. ['Or, according to Sister Pat's account, my sixty-second.--C.W,' Sister Pat (Mrs. Hall) was wrong. The real date was December 1707. See Telford's Charles Wesley, pp. 18-20.] Peace be with you and yours! Adieu!

To Philothea Briggs Date: LEWISHAM, July 23, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- At many times our advances in the race that is set before us are clear and perceptible; at other times they are no more perceptible (at least to ourselves) than the growth of a tree. At any time you may pray Strength and comfort from Thy word Imperceptibly supply. And when you perceive nothing, it does not follow that the work of God stands still in your soul; especially while your desire is unto Him, and while you choose Him for your portion. He does not leave you to yourself, though it may seem so to your apprehension.

To Alexander Clark Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- WAKEFIELD, August I, 1772. MY DEAR BROTHER,--The five pounds which I am willing to add to poor Grace Ellis's legacy (provided it will do her good) I do not charge to the Conference: I give it her myself. Whatever Brother Hall [William Hall was a trustee of Whitefriar Street Chapel, Dublin. Grace Ellis was probably an in mate of the Widows' Alms Houses there.] advances will be repaid. You may be assured we shall take no money from Ireland. With faith and patience we shall do well!--I am Your affectionate brother.

To Mary Bishop Date: PEMBROKE, August 22, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR MISS BISHOP,--Such a degree of sickness or pain as does not affect the understanding I have often found to be a great help. It is an admirable help against levity as well as against foolish desires; and nothing more directly tends to teach us that great lesson, to write upon our heart, 'Not as I will, but as Thou wilt.' Mr. Baxter well observes (or, indeed, Archbishop Usher, to whom he refers, had done before him), 'that whoever attempt to profit children will find need of all the understanding God has given them.' But, indeed, natural understanding will go but a little way. It is a peculiar gift of God. I believe He has given you a measure of it already, and you may ask and expect an increase of it. Our dear sisters at Publow [Mrs. Owen and her daughters. See letter of Nov. 22, 1769.] enjoy it in as high a degree as any young women I know. It certainly must be an inordinate affection which creates so many jealousies and misunderstandings. I should think it would be absolutely needful, the very next time that you observe anything of that kind, to come to a full explanation with the parties concerned; to tell them calmly and roundly, 'I must and I will choose for myself whom I will converse with, and when and how; and if any one of you take upon you to be offended at me on this account, you will make it necessary for me to be more shy and reserved to you than ever I was before.' If you steadily take up this cross, if you speak thus once or twice in the band or class in a cool but peremptory manner, I am much inclined to think it will save both you and others a good deal of uneasiness. When you see those ladies (with whom I have no acquaintance), you would do well to speak exceeding plain. I am afraid they are still entire strangers to the religion of the heart. On Saturday, the 29th instant, I hope to be at Bristol, and on the Wednesday evening following at Bath. Let notice be given of this.--I am, dear Miss Bishop, Your affectionate brother.

To his Niece Sarah Wesley Date: CARDIFF, August 28, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- Excuse me, my dear Sally, if I do not stay so long, if I write a line before I come to Bristol, and remember the condition you are in. Write to Nancy Bolton without delay. You gave me much satisfaction when I was with you both yesterday and the day before. And yet I felt a good deal of pain for you, lest you should lose the desires which God has given you, surrounded as you are with those who hardly consider whether there is any God or devil. Oh what a strange, unaccountable creature is man while he is following his own imaginations! Is this silly, laughing, trifling animal born for eternity Is this he that was made an incorruptible picture of the God of glory he that was born to live with angels and archangels and all the company of heaven And is it thus that he is preparing to meet Him that is coming in the clouds of heaven What a fool, what a blockhead, what a madman is he that forgets the very end of his creation! Look upon such in this and no other view, however lively, good-natured, well-bred, and choose you your better part! Be a reasonable creature! Be a Christian! Be wise now and happy for ever! --My dear Sally, adieu.

To Ann Bolton Date: October 25, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--The subject on which we were lately talking requires to be a little farther explained. You cannot imagine what trouble I have had for many years to prevent our friends from refining upon religion. Therefore I have industriously guarded them from meddling with the Mystic writers, as they are usually called; because these are the most artful refiners of it that ever appeared in the Christian world, and the most bewitching. There is something like enchantment in them. When you get into them, you know not how to get out. Some of the chief of these, though in different ways, are Jacob Behmen and Madame Guyon. My dear friend, come not into their secret; keep in the plain, open Bible way. Aim at nothing higher, nothing deeper, than the religion described at large in our Lord's Sermon upon the Mount, and briefly summed up by St. Paul in the 13th chapter [of the First Epistle] to the Corinthians. I long to have you more and more deeply penetrated by humble, gentle, patient love. Believe me, you can find nothing higher than this till mortality is swallowed up of life. All the high-sounding or mysterious expressions used by that class of writers either mean no more than this or they mean wrong. O beware of them! Leave them off before they are meddled with. I had much satisfaction in your company when I saw you last. Be more and more filled with humble love. Yours most affectionately.

To Thomas Wride Date: COLCHESTER, November 5, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY,--You was in the right. Let the allotment for the wives of the preachers (at least for the present) stand as it did before. It seems to me that the alteration made in the travelling-plan by Brother M'Nab is wise and well grounded. I advise you to adhere thereto till you see some good reason to the contrary. You are the Assistant, [Wride was at Newry, with John Murray as one of his colleagues. Alexander M'Nab was at Londonderry. See letter of Dec. 16 to Wride.] not Brother Pepper: you need suffer none to ride over your head. Only be mild! I require John Murray to follow the same plan. If he does not, I will let him drop at once. I suspect the hives to be what we call the nettle rash. I know nothing that helps it but rubbing the part with parsley. --I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Francis Wolfe Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- LONDON, November, 22, 1772. DEAR FRANCIS,--At what place are the fifty-four pounds (old debt) due, and at what places the three hundred and sixty-three [Wolfe (who ceased to travel in 1782) was now Assistant in Gloucestershire.] You should speak plainly and freely to Brother Seed. [See letter of June 23, 1771.] Before his illness I am afraid he had lost much ground. He should receive this stroke as a call from God, and for the time to come live as he did when he travelled first. Let both of you strongly exhort the believers everywhere to 'go on to perfection'; otherwise they cannot keep what they have.--I am, with love to Sister Wolfe, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Ann Bolton Date: LONDON, November 28, 1772. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1772) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--I have some business too; but I know not what business would be able to hinder my writing to you. But, whether you think of me or no, I shall hardly be angry at you. Too much attention to business (with the natural consequence of it), too little exercise in the open air, you may expect will always bring back your headache. Therefore you should never intermit your riding. It is not even worldly prudence; for one fit of sickness would take up more time than an hundred little rides. If, therefore, you would preserve yourself fit for business, to waive all other considerations, in every fair day which this season of the year affords you should snatch an hour for riding. Sammy Wells will always be useful, for he can take advice. But how is it with Billy Brammah [Samuel Wells and William Brammah were the preachers in Oxfordshire. See letter of Feb. 18, 1773.] Does he follow the advice I gave him concerning screaming and the use of spirituous liquors If not, he will grow old before his time, he will both lessen and shorten his own usefulness. Drop a word whenever you find an opportunity. He is upright of heart. He enjoys a good deal of the grace of God, but with a touch of enthusiasm.

5. Why are beef and mutton so dear Because most of the considerable farmers, particularly in the northern counties, who used to breed large numbers of sheep or horned cattle, and frequently both, no longer trouble themselves with either sheep or cows or oxen, as they can turn their land to far better account by breeding horses alone. Such is the demand, not only for coach- and chaise-horses, which are bought and destroyed in incredible numbers; but much more for bred horses, which are yearly exported by hundreds, yea thousands, to France. 6. But why are pork, poultry, and eggs so dear Because of the monopolizing of farms, as mischievous a monopoly as was ever yet introduced into these kingdoms. The land which was formerly divided among ten or twenty little farmers and enabled them comfortably to provide for their families is now generally engrossed by one great farmer. One man farms an estate of a thousand a year, which formerly maintained ten or twenty. Every one of these little farmers kept a few swine, with some quantity of poultry; and, having little money, was glad to send his bacon, or pork, or fowls and eggs, to market continually. Hence the markets were plentifully served, and plenty created cheapness; but at present the great, the gentlemen farmers, are above attending to these little things. They breed no poultry or swine unless for their own use; consequently they send none to market. Hence it is not strange if two or three of these living near a market town occasion such a scarcity of these things by preventing the former supply that the price of them will be double or treble to what it was before. Hence (to instance in a small article) in the same town, where within my memory eggs were sold eight or ten a penny, they are now sold six or eight a groat. Another cause why beef, mutton, pork, and all kinds of victuals are so dear is luxury. What can stand against this

To Joseph Benson Date: LONDON, March 2, 1773. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1773) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JOSEPH,--Certainly you cannot stir unless you are clearly satisfied of your call from God. An impression on the mind of another man is no rule of action to you. The reasons you give on the other side are weighty, and will not early be answered. At present you do seem to be in your place, and your labor will not be in vain. If you could transfer a night in a week from Newcastle to some new place, I think it might do well.--I am, dear Joseph, Your affectionate brother.

To Ann Boron Date: CORK, May 2, 1773. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1773) Author: John Wesley --- I have, indeed, often grieved on your account, but it was for your sufferings. And yet I constantly saw the wise end of your sufferings, that you might be more largely a partaker of His holiness. Indeed, you have reason to be satisfied with our Lord’s disposal of you, and to praise Him for all His dispensations. Even those circumstances which are not joyous but grievous yet work together for good. At first this does not always appear; but in a little while light springs out of darkness. It is no wonder you should many times be at a loss how to express what you feel. The language of men is too weak to describe the deep things of God. But sometimes one word may express much. One of our preachers that sometime since labored in this town, though full of faith and love, could find no utterance till he just said ‘Peace! Peace!’ and died [This may have been John Dillon, who labored at Cork in 1786 and died in 1770]. You make me amends for not answering me before on that head by doing it so distinctly now. That is the danger, lest on such an occasion we should not be so fully recollected. But in this and all things His grace is sufficient for us--sufficient to make us more than conquerors, especially when we give ourselves to prayer for this very thing before the trial comes. In most parts of this kingdom there is such a thirst after holiness as I scarce ever knew before. Several here in particular who enjoy it themselves are continually encouraging others to press after it. And two of our traveling preachers who for some years disbelieved it are now happy witnesses of if. I hope you do not forget poor Ally Eden. She has need of comfort; so we will not reprove her. Yours most affectionately.

To Christopher Hopper Date: LONDON, August 7, 1773. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1773) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--Before any more money is paid for Dundee house security must be given that the house shall be settled according to our plan as soon as the debt upon it is paid. As to Edinburgh house, you say, ‘ If they pay the interest and the out-rent, it is no mater whether you pay one shilling more.’ No matter! What becomes then of the Preaches' Fund Blessed committee, who lent near two hundred pounds out of it! We have gone a few steps farther towards a general trust; but that matter goes on very slowly. You are to cure Robert Swan of preaching too long. We all judge it best that the four preachers should follow one another through the whole circuit.--I am, with love to Sister Hopper, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Hannah Ball Date: BRISTOL, September 1, 1773. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1773) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--I was glad you had an opportunity of spending a few days in London, and also that you was not ashamed to declare what God had done for your soul This is the way, not only to receive an increase of grace yourself, but likewise to impart it to others. Even this kind of simplicity, the speaking artlessly, as little children, just what we feel in our hearts, without any reasoning what people will think or say, is of great use to the soul. I hope you will be able to speak to Mr. Saunderson [Hugh Saunderson, Assistant of the Oxford Circuit] without the least reserve. He has tasted of the pure love of God, and should be encouraged to hold it fast. But I wonder a little how some of our friends at Witney come to take exception at honest John Wittam [Wittam, who had come from Armagh, was second preacher]. He is an Israelite indeed; not much polished but serious, solid, and sensible. I preferred him before two or three young men (who offered for Oxfordshire), because I have seen the proof of him.--I am, my dear sister, Yours affectionately.

To Hannah Ball Date: LONDON, November 18, 1773. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1773) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--You never did anything to disoblige me yet, nor anything (that I remember) which I wished undone. At all hazards you should prevent any misunderstanding between Mr. Saunderson and Brother Westrup. The best way is for them to talk calmly and freely together and reason the matter over. Then I think both of them will agree to what shall appear best upon the whole. Those fears are not from Him that calleth you. Give no place to them any farther than as they stir you up to prayer. A trying time there may be, and yet a growing time: this we frequently find. You should in any wise speak freely to Mr. Saunderson and tell him whatever you think or fear. Discipline must be kept up; only I would make an exception with regard to that gentlewoman you mention. Be more and more zealous and active for God!--I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Bennis Date: SHEERNESS, December 1, 1773. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1773) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--Some time since, when I heard Brother Bennis had got very rich, I was in fear for you lest the world should again find a way into your heart and damp your noblest affections. I am not sorry that you have not that temptation. It is most desirable to have nether poverty nor riches; but still you cannot be without temptation unless you would go out of the world. How far that sudden emotion which you speak of is a preternatural dart from Satan and how far it springs from your own heart it is exceeding hard to judge. It is possible it may be nether one nor the other, but a mere effect of the natural mechanism of the body, which has no more of good or evil than blushing or turning pale. But whether it be natural or preternatural, it is grievous to one whose conscience is tender. We may therefore undoubtedly pray against it. And surely He can and will deliver us. Come, therefore, boldly to the throne of grace, and find grace to help in time of need. You will find full employment in Waterford: I believe that Society wants your exertions. See, therefore, that you be not weary of well doing.--I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother.

To Thomas Wride Date: LONDON, January 22, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY,--John Hilton [See letters of Nov. 12, 1773 (to Christopher Hopper), and Aug. 18, 1775] is a pleasing preacher, but perhaps not so deep as some others. Yet I suppose he is and will be a popular one. He has a good person and an agreeable utterance. You did exactly right in not countenancing hymns [Wride said in a letter to Wesley that he refused to sing or sell certain fine new hymns made and printed by William Ramsden] not publicly received among us. Were we to encourage tittle poets, we should soon be overrun. But there is not the least pretence for using any new hymns at Christmas, as some of my brother's Christmas hymns are some of the finest compositions in the English tongue. Arthur Kershaw [See letter of Oct. 22, 1773] should have wrote to me before he left Northampton. Where is he or what is he doing Tommy, be mild, be gentle toward all men.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Walter Churchey Date: NEAR LONDON, February 25, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--The deliverance of our two fellow travelers should certainly be matter of thankfulness, to grace prevailing over nature. And should it not be a means of stirring up those that remain to greater zeal and diligence in serving Him who will be our Guide even unto death Should not you labor to convince and stir up others, that they may supply the place of those that are called away And let us lose no time. Work while it is day; the night cometh, wherein no man can work.--I am Your affectionate brother.

To John Fletcher Date: LONDON, February 26, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SIR,--In going down, my route lies, Tuesday, March 8, Bristol; Wednesday, the 16th, Worcester; Saturday, the 19th, Birmingham; Monday, the 21st, and Tuesday, Wednesbury. I do not know that I shall come any nearer to Madeley then. But if I live to return, I hope to be at Salop on Thursday, July 28, and at Madeley on Saturday and Sunday. The prejudiced will say anything, everything of us; but it is enough that we stand or fall to our own Master. That expression 'the necessary union between faith and good works' must be taken with a grain of allowance; otherwise it would infer irresistible grace and infallible perseverance. You will please to send the Essays and Equal Check to London unstitched. I hope they will do good; but I doubt they will not shame the Calvinists. The young man did act by her instructions, which I never heard she had recalled. So at present what they do is her act and deed. 'Tis well He that is higher than the highest doth regard it. And what can hurt us while we cleave to Him with our whole heart--I am, dear sir, Ever yours.

To Joseph Benson Date: LONDON, March 4, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JOSEPH,--I am glad you have been at Greenock, and think it highly expedient that you should follow the blow. Meantime let Brother Broadbent supply Glasgow and Billy Thompson Edinburgh. I think with you that it is no great matter if Dunbar be left for a season. When you have been three or four weeks at Greenock and Port Glasgow, Brother Broadbent should change with you. But I agree with you the harvest cannot be large till we can preach abroad. Before I settled my plan that thought occurred, 'It would be better to go a little later into Scotland.' Accordingly I have contrived not to be at Glasgow till Friday, the 6th of May, coming by way of Edinburgh. Probably it may then be practicable to take the field. I incline to think it will be of use for you to spend another year in that circuit.--I am, dear Joseph, Your affectionate brother.

To Thomas Stedman Date: BRISTOL, March 10, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SIR,--I thank you for your welcome present. It pleases God to carry on His work in every part of the nation, although at some places in a more especial manner, particularly in Yorkshire. The Works will be comprised in thirty volumes, two shillings and sixpence each. The twenty-eighth is now in the press. The Preface concludes thus: 'It may be needful to mention one thing more, because it is a little out of the common way. In the Extract from Milton's Paradise Lost and in that from Dr. Young’s Night Thoughts I placed a mark before those passages which I judged were most worthy of the reader’s notice. The same thing I have taken the liberty to do throughout the ensuing volumes.' Commending you to Him whose you are, and whom you serve, I am, dear sir, Your affectionate brother.

To Mary Bishop Date: SUNDERLAND, June 17, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--It is something strange that I should never hear of your illness till I hear of your recovery. Both the one and other were designed for blessings, and I doubt not have proved so to you. Since I saw you first I have not observed much reason for reproving. But we have all need of advice and exhortation, else we should soon be weary and faint in our minds. It is to be expected that above one half of those who not only profess great things, but actually enjoy the great salvation, deliverance from inbred sin, will nevertheless sooner or later be moved from their steadfastness. Some of them, indeed, will recover what they had lost; others will die in their sins. The observing this should incite us to double watchfulness lest we should fall after their example. The English tongue is derived from the German: in both, the imperfect tense in the indicative mood is generally the same or nearly the same with the participle, and to be distinguished from it by the preceding and following words.--I am, my dear sister, Yours affectionately.

10. To confirm this good understanding, I wrote to you a few days after all that was in my heart. But from your answer I learned it had a quite contrary effect: you resented it deeply; so that for ten or twelve weeks together, though I wrote letter after letter, I received not one line. Meantime you told Mrs. Vigor and twenty more, 'Mr. Wesley never writes to me. You must inquire concerning him of Sarah Ryan; he writes to her every week.’ So far from it, that I did not write to her at all for above twelve weeks before I left Ireland. Yet I really thought you would not tell a willful lie--at least, not in cool blood; till poor, dying T. Walsh asked me at Limerick, 'How did you part with Mrs. W. the last time' On my saying 'Very affectionately,' he replied, 'Why, what a woman is this! She told me your parting words were, "I hope to see your wicked face no more." I now saw you was resolved to blacken me at all events, and would stick at no means to accomplish it. Nevertheless I labored for peace; and at my return to Bristol, to avoid grieving you, did not converse with Sarah Ryan (though we were in the same house) twenty minutes in ten days' time. I returned to London. Soon after, you grew jealous of Sarah Crosby, and led me a weary life, unless I told you every place to which I went and every person I saw there. 11. Perceiving you still rose in your demands, I resolved to break through at once, and to show you I would be my own master, and go where I pleased, without asking any one's leave. Accordingly on Monday, December 18, I set out for Norwich; the first journey I had taken since we were married without telling you where I was going.

To Joseph Benson Date: BRISTOL, August 8, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JOSEPH,--I just snatch time to write two or three lines. Consider the thing thoroughly, and then send me word of the exact circuit wherein three preachers may follow one another. If this be steadily done, I am not without hope that before the next Conference there will be such a flame kindled as has not been seen for some years in poor Scotland. I was sorry to find that Mr. P---was almost discouraged from proceeding in his little labor of love. I commend you for dealing tenderly with him. Certainly he is an honest man, and undoubtedly he is useful in his little way. Pray what becomes of Mrs. L--- Is she gaining or losing ground O Joseph, fight through and conquer all!--I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mrs. Woodhouse Date: BRISTOL, August 12, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER--It was the particular desire of William Thom that he might labor a little longer with Mr. Robertshaw. He judged it might be of great advantage to his soul; and I believe he was not mistaken. Therefore I have appointed him to be with Mr. Robertshaw in the east of Lincolnshire. I know not whether I had ever so much satisfaction with you before as in my last journey. Indeed, we have not before had such opportunities of conversing together. I was well pleased with your seriousness and your openness. Indeed, why should we hide anything from each other I doubt you have but few near you with whom you can converse to any real advantage. You have need, therefore, to make the best of those, and whenever you meet to provoke one another to love and to good works. The time is short! There is but one step between us and death.--I am, my dear sister, Your ever affectionate brother.

To John Bredin Date: BRISTOL, August 28, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--I have deeply considered the state of Scotland, and have stationed the preachers thus: Edinburgh--Jos. Benson, Wm. Eels, John Bredin. Dundee--Thos. Rutherford, Jo. Wittam, P. Milne. Aberdeen--Robert Wilkinson, Jam. Watson. If the preachers sit still this year, as they have done hitherto, I will send no more of them into Scotland. I cannot do it with a clear conscience. It is destroying both their soul and body. I hope it will not be long before all the preachers stationed in Scotland reach their appointed places. The staying too long before they get into their circuits has been attended with many inconveniences. It is well that Jamey Watson is come to Aberdeen. Pray tell him, if we live till another Conference, we will repay what he is now obliged to borrow for necessaries. And I trust Brother Wilkinson and he will regularly attend the northern Societies. Then they will increase (perhaps more than any others) both in number and strength.--I am Yours affectionately.

To Mary Bishop Date: BRISTOL, September 13, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--The difference between heaviness and darkness of soul (the wilderness state) should never be forgotten. Darkness (unless in the case of bodily disorder) seldom comes upon us but by our own fault. It is not so with respect to heaviness, which may be occasioned by a thousand circumstances, such as frequently neither our wisdom can foresee nor our power prevent. It seems your trial was of the latter kind; perhaps, too, it was partly owing to the body. But of whatsoever kind it was, you may profit thereby: it need not leave you as it found you. Remember the wise saying of Mr. Dodd, 'It is a great loss to lose an affliction.' If you are no better for it, you lose it. But you may gain thereby both humility, seriousness, and resignation. I think the seldom you hear the Moravians the better. I should have heard them two or three times in a year; and perhaps I might have done it without any hurt. But others would have been emboldened by my example to hear them. And if any of these had been destroyed thereby their blood would have been upon my head. Some have lately advised me to omit what relates to them in the present edition of my Journals. So I would if the evil were removed. But I have no reason to believe it is. I never found them acknowledge any one fault. And without this there can be no amendment. On Wednesday the 21st instant I hope to see you at Bath on my way to Bradford. I purpose preaching about noon, and dining at one with the person who lives opposite to Brother Hemmings.--I am, my dear sister, Yours affectionately.

To Mary Bishop Date: REIGATE, November 30, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--We so become all things to all, as not to hurt our own souls, when we first secure a single eye, a steady design, to please all for their good to edification, and then take care that our discourse be always good to the use of edifying and such as may minister grace to the hearers. But in order to this we have need of power from on high and of the wisdom that sitteth by the throne. This alone can give us to order our conversation aright, so as to profit both others and our own souls. Before this can effectually be done, you must conquer your natural reserve, and exercise it only to those of whom you know nothing at all or of whom you know nothing good. Perhaps there is one occasion more on which it will be highly expedient, if not necessary--namely, when good persons (at least in some measure so) sink beneath their character, trifle away time, or indulge themselves in a conversation which has no tendency to improve either the speaker or the hearer.

To Miss March Date: REIGATE, November 30, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- You are in the safer extreme. When I formerly removed from one college to another, I fixed my resolution not to be hastily acquainted with any one; indeed, not to return any visit unless I had a reasonable hope of receiving or doing good therein. This my new neighbors generally imputed to pride; and I was willing to suffer the imputation. I 'sum up the experience' of persons, too, in order to form their general character. But in doing this we take a different way of making our estimate. It may be you chiefly regard (as my brother does) the length of their experience. Now, this I make little account of; I measure the depth and breadth of it. Does it sink deep in humble, gentle love Does it extend wide in all inward and outward holiness If so, I do not care whether they are of five or five-and-thirty years’ standing. Nay, when I look at Miss Betsy Briggs or Miss Philly Briggs, I am ready to hide my face: I am ashamed of having set out before they were born. Undoubtedly Miss Johnson is deep in grace, and lives like an angel here below. Yet some things in her character I do not admire; I impute them to human frailty. Many years ago I might have said, but I do not now, Give me a woman made of stone, A widow of Pygmalion. And just such a Christian one of the Fathers, Clemens Alexandrinus describes; but I do not admire that description now as I did formerly. I now see a Stoic and a Christian are different characters; and at some times I have been a good deal disgusted at Miss Johnson's apathy. When God restores our friends to us, we ought to rejoice; it is a defect if we do not. In that and several other instances I take knowledge of Sarah Ryan's littleness of understanding: and this, as well as our temper, we ought to improve to the utmost of our power; which can no otherwise be done than by reading authors of various kinds as well as by thinking and conversation. If we read nothing but the Bible, we should hear nothing but the Bible; and then what becomes of preaching

To Mrs. Barton Date: LONDON, December 30, 1774. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1774) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--One observes well that, in order to judge of the grace which God has given us, we must likewise consider what our temptations are, because a little grace will balance little temptations, but to conquer great temptations much grace is requisite. Formerly you had comparatively little temptation, and through His grace you could rejoice with joy unspeakable. At present you do not find that joy. No; for you have the temptations which you had not then. You have little children, you have worldly care, and frequently a weak body. Therefore you may have far more grace than you had before, though you have not so much joy; nay, though you should for a time have no joy at all, but sorrow and heaviness; yea, though you should say with your Master, 'My soul is exceeding sorrowful, even unto death.' Oh what a gainer are you by this! when you are enabled to say in the midst of all, 'The cup which my Father hath given me, shall I not drink it 'See how He loveth whom He chasteneth! And what is at the end An eternal weight of glory! It is laid up for you both. Taste of it now!--I am Your affectionate brother.

To Ann Bolton Date: BOLTON, July 25, 1775. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1775) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--I wanted much to hear from you, and am glad to find you are not moved from your steadfastness. At present I have but just time to tell you that on Monday, August the 14th, I hope to be at Witney, in my way to Wales, and to see my dear friend there. I can hardly preach before seven o'clock, as I am to come from London that day. Time is short. Remember, my dear Nancy, Your ever affectionate brother. PS.--I did not receive yours of May 8 till yesterday.

To Ann Bolton Date: NEAR LEEDS, July 30, 1775. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1775) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--God has done great things for us already. But we shall see greater things than these. We have reason to hope that there will be a larger shower of grace than any we have yet known. But we cannot tell whether the general blessing will be preceded by a general visitation. God has long been drawing us to our good and using every gentle means of reforming a sinful nation. But if this will not avail, He will take another way; He will send affliction to cure sin. If Miss Hurrell and you are separated for a season, it may be a means of making you more useful to each other when you are restored to each other. In the meantime you have a Friend who is able to supply all your wants, and from whom you never need be separated in time or in eternity. From the time that the fever burned I have been continually recovering strength, though by slow degrees. At present I am nearly the same as before my illness. And I ever am, my dear Nancy, Yours affectionately.

To his Brother Charles Date: LEEDS, July 31, 1775. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1775) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER,--I must not delay answering your important question, ' What can be done with William Pine ' If he still, after my earnest warning, 'every week publishes barefaced treason,' I beg you would once more warn him in my name and in your own; and if he slights or forgets this warning, then give him his choice either to leave us quietly or to be publicly disowned. At such a time as this, when our foreign enemies are hovering over us and our own nation is all in a ferment, it is particularly improper to say one word which tends to inflame the minds of the people. My strength is gradually increasing. Except the shaking of my hand, I am now nearly as I was before my illness, but I hope more determined to sell all for the pearl. Peace be with you and yours! Adieu!

Even where I was last, in the West Riding of Yorkshire, a tenant of Lord Dartmouth was telling me, ' Sir, our tradesmen are breaking all round me, so that I know not what the end will be.' Even in Leeds I had appointed to dine at a merchant's; but before I came the bailiffs were in possession of the house. Upon my saying, 'I thought Mr.---- had been in good circumstances,' I was answered, 'He was so; but the American war has ruined him.' When I began the enclosed, I designed to send it to Mr. Wharton, according to his desire. But upon reflection, I judged it not improbable that he might make a bad use of it; and thought it might be more advisable to send it directly to your Lordship.

To Samuel Bradburn Date: LAUNCESTON, August 31, 1775. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1775) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY,--Trust in the Lord, and do good; so shalt thou dwell in the land, and verily thou shalt be fed. Yours affectionately. Bradburn replied: REVERAND AND DEAR SIR,--I have often been struck with the beauty of the passage of Scripture quoted in your letter, but I must confess that I never saw such useful explanatory notes upon it before. --I am, reverend and dear sir, your obedient and grateful servant,

To Robert Costerdine Date: LONDON, October 20, 1775. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1775) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--I am sorry for poor Jer. Cocker. Twice or thrice God has lifted him out of the mire. If he fall again, I doubt he will rise no more. It is the business of Tho. Hanson to remit that money to you. I know it was allowed at the Quarterly Meeting, for I was there myself. I wonder Tommy has not sent it to John Atlay. However, you may draw upon Brother Atlay for it. Visit all the Society from house to house, and you will soon see fruit of it.--I am Your affectionate brother.

To Thomas Rankin Date: LONDON, October 20, 1775. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1775) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY,--The account given in our newspapers of my death was not wholly without foundation; for I was only not dead, my pulse being quite gone and 'the wheel at the cistern without motion.' But then our Lord stepped in, and The fever owned His touch, and fled. My strength returned by swift degrees; and I am now at least as well as before my illness. In the country places I believe you will have the largest harvest, where they know little and talk little about politics. Their hearts are engaged with something better, and they let the dead bury their dead. I am glad you are going into North Carolina; and why not into South Carolina too I apprehend those provinces would bear much fruit, as most parts of them are fresh, unbroken ground: And as the people are farther removed from the din of war, they may be more susceptible of the gospel of peace. A paper was sent to me lately, occasioned by the troubles in America; but it would not do good. It is abundantly too tart; and nothing of that kind will be of service now. All parties are already too much sharpened against each other; we must pour water, not oil, into the flame. I had written a little tract upon the subject before I knew the American ports were shut up. [A Calm Address to our American Colonies. ' The ports being just then shut up by the Americans, I could not send it abroad, as I designed. However, it was not lost; within a few months, fifty or perhaps an hundred thousand copies, in newspapers and otherwise, were dispersed throughout Great Britain and Ireland.’ See Green’s Bibliography, No. 305.] I think there is not one sharp word therein; I did not design there should. However, many are excessively angry, and would willingly burn me and it together. Indeed, it is provoking; I suppose above forty thousand of them have been printed in three weeks, and still the demand for them is as great as ever.

To his Brother Charles Date: LONDON, October 28, 1775. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1775) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER,--I am just returned from Bedford. I have not seen the King these dozen years. I don't know what you mean by Dr. Smyth's book. It was best to take no notice of the angry ones. At Ramsbury Park, about a mile to the left of the high road, lives James Nind, local preacher, and general steward for the circuit, on a farm of five hundred pounds a year. His wife, Sally Nind, is one of the most amiable women I know. They mightily desire that you would spend a few nights with them. I am just putting into the press 'a new edition of the Address, corrected'; in which my change is accounted for, and two of the questions fully answered To the third, ' Why did not the Parliament tax them before' Mr. Madan answers, ' Because they were wiser; they knew the mischief that would ensue.' Dr. Johnson is in France. I have not heard lately from Shoreham. If the worst comes, you must make shift at the Foundery for a week or two. I can put up another bed in that which was Jenny's room. I do not think you are wise in destroying those papers. Some of them might have been useful to many. When I was in Bristol, I ordered that Hugh Saunderson should preach on Thursday night. None but you should take his place. Joseph Pilmoor may preach on Friday or Monday. Some much like, others much dislike, H. Saunderson; but his audience generally is not small. However, I will refer him to you; but I wish you would fix Thursday. Mr. Fletcher would not be safe without you or me. I should like a conference with Mr. Madan. I have a second friendly letter from him to-day. Peace be with you and yours! Adieu! Pray give my love to T. Lewis, and tell him I thank him for his letter. If the persons now taken up are hanged, it may be the saving of the nation.

To Samuel Bardsley Date: NORWICH, November 27, 1775. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1775) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY,--Whenever you want anything, you should tell me without delay. If Tommy Colbeck will give you two guineas, it may be deducted out of the book money. I am glad you go again to Skipton, and hope to see it myself if I live till summer. At present I am better than I was before my fever; only it has stripped me of my hair. The more pains you take, the more blessing you will find, especially in preaching full salvation receivable now by faith.--I am, dear Sammy, Yours affectionately.

To Elizabeth Ritchie Date: NORWICH, November 29, 1775. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1775) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BETSY,--' Temptations,' says one, ' and distinct deliverances from temptations avail much.' I do not doubt but you have found it so with regard to your late trials; although there are none which it is harder to withstand at your time of life. I am glad you were enabled to withstand that plausible temptation which few young women have power to resist, particularly when you had to encounter the persuasions of those you esteemed and loved. Mr. Cayley, I think, will do some good; and I am persuaded he will do no hurt. I am glad Mr. Tennant has given you a little more employment; and a glorious employment it is! to be' a fellow worker with God!' Oh may you be found faithful! Be zealous for God! Be diligent! Be patient! And never forget Yours affectionately.

either bodily health, or spiritual life, with this exercise ? And if he is but half alive, what will the people be ? Just so it is at Greenock too. Wed. 18.-I went to Edinburgh, and on Thursday to Perth . Here likewise the morning preaching had been given up : Con- sequently the people were few, dead, and cold. These things must be remedied, or we must quit the ground. In the way to Perth, I read that ingenious tract, Dr. Gre- gory's " Advice to his Daughters." Although I cannot agree with him in all things ; (particularly as todancing, decent pride, and both a reserve and a delicacy which I think are quite unnatural ; ) yet I allow there are many fine strokes therein,. and abundance of common sense : And if a young woman followed this plan in little things, in such things as daily occur, and in great things copied after Miranda, she would form an accomplished character. Fri. 20.-1 rode over to Mr. Fraser's, at Monedie, whose mother-in-law was to be buried that day. O what a difference is there between the English and the Scotch method of burial ! The English does honour to human nature; and even to the poor remains, that were once a temple of the Holy Ghost ! But when I see in Scotland a coffin put into the earth, and covered up without a word spoken, it reminds me of what was spoken concerning Jehoiakim, " He shall be buried with the burial of anass !" Sat. 21. I returned to Perth, and preached in the evening to a large congregation. But I could not find the way to their hearts. The generality of the people here are so wise that they need no more knowledge, and so good that they need no more religion ! Who can warn them that are brimful of wisdom and goodness, to flee from the wrath to come ? Sun. 22. I endeavoured to stir up this drowsy people, by speaking as strongly as I could, at five, on, "Awake, thou that sleepest ; " at seven, on, " Where theirworm dieth not ;" and in May,1774.1 the evening, on, " I saw the dead,small and great, stand before God." In the afternoon ayoung gentleman, in the west kirk, preached such a close, practical sermon, on, " Enoch walked with

that aman who admires him can admire the Bible ? Wed. JUNE 1.-I went on to Edinburgh, and the next day examined the society one by one. Iwas agreeably surprised. They have fairly profited since Iwas here last. Such a number ofpersons having sound Christian experience I never found in this society before. I preached in the evening to a very elegant June, 1774.] JOURNAL . 17 congregation, and yetwith great enlargement of heart. Satur- day, 4. I found uncommon liberty at Edinburgh in applying Ezekiel's vision of the Dry Bones. As I waswalking home, two men followed me, one ofwhom said, " Sir, you are my prisoner. Ihave awarrant from the Sheriff, to carryyou to the Tolbooth." At first I thought he jested ; but finding the thing was serious, When Idesired one or two of our friends to go up with me. we were safe lodged in a house adjoining to the Tolbooth, I desired the Officer to let me see his warrant. I found the prose- cutor was one George Sutherland, once a member of the society. He had deposed, " That Hugh Saunderson, one of John Wes- ley's Preachers, had taken from his wife one hundred pounds in money, and upwards of thirty pounds in goods ; and had, besides that, terrified her into madness ; sothat, through the want of her help, and the loss of business, he was damaged five hundred pounds." Before the Sheriff, Archibald Cockburn, Esq. , he had deposed, "That the said John Wesley and Hugh Saunderson, to evade her pursuit, were preparing to fly the country ; and therefore he desired his warrant to search for, seize, and incarcerate them in the Tolbooth, till they should find security for their appear- ance. " To this request the Sheriff had assented, and given his warrant for that purpose. But why does he incarcerate John Wesley ? Nothing is laid against him, less or more. Hugh Saunderson preaches in con- nexion with him. What then ? Wasnot the Sheriff strangely overseen ? Mr. Sutherland furiously insisted that the Officer should carry us to the Tolbooth without delay. However, he waited till two or three of our friends came, and gave a bond for our appearance on the 24th instant. Mr. S. did appear, the cause was heard, and the prosecutor fined one thousand pounds.

with decency. At six I preached at the end of our House in Barnard-Castle. I was faint and feverish when I began ; but the staying an hour in a cold bath (for the windwas very high and sharp) quite refreshed me ; so that all my faintness was gone, and I was perfectly well when I concluded. Wed. 15. I went on by Durham to Sunderland. Saturday, 18, I preached at Biddick. It was fair while I was preaching, but rained very hard both before and after. Sunday, 19. I preached at the east end of the town, I think, to the largest congregation I ever saw at Sunderland. Theraindid not begin till I had concluded. At two I preached at the Fell, at five in the Orphan-House. Mon. 20. About nine I set out for Horsley, with Mr. Hopper and Mr. Smith. I took Mrs. Smith and her two little girls, in the chaise with me. About two miles from the town just on the brow of the hill, on a sudden both the horses set [June, 1774. out, without any visible cause, and flew down the hill, like an arrow out of a bow. In a minute John fell off the coach-box. The horses then went on full speed, sometimes to the edge of the ditch on the right, sometimes on the left. A cart came up against them : They avoided it as exactly as if the man had been on the box. A narrow bridge was at the foot of the hill, They went directly over the middle of it. They ran up the next hill with the same speed ; manypersons meeting us, but getting out of theway. Near the top of the hill was agate, which led into a farmer's yard. It stood open. They turned short, and run through it, without touching the gate on one side, or the post on the other. I thought, " However, the gate which is on the other side of the yard, and is shut, will stop them : " But they rushed through it as if it had been a cobweb, and galloped on through the corn-field. The little girls cried out, " Grandpapa, save us ! " I told them, " Nothing will hurt you : Do not be afraid ;" feeling no more fear or care,

Thur. 14.-About nine I preached at Wakefield, and in the evening at Doncaster. Here also God has a few names. Fri- day, 15. About eleven I preached at Thorne, and in the even- ing at Rotherham, to a people who both understand and love the Gospel. Sat. 16. I went to Epworth, and preached in the market- place to a numerous and quiet congregation. Sunday, 17. About eight I preached at Misterton. The sun shining in my face was a little troublesome at first; but was soon covered with clouds. We had an useful sermon at Haxey church. About one I preached at Overthorpe ; and between four and five, the rain being stayed, I began in Epworth market-place. Such a congregation never met there before; and they did not meet in vain. Mon. 18.-I reached Brigg before eight ; and, by the request of the chief persons in the town, preached at nine in the market- place, to a large and attentive congregation. Hence I went on to Tealby, and preached near the church to a multitude ofplain, serious country-people : Very different from the wild, unbroken herd, to whom I preached at Horncastle in the evening. Tues. 19. I preached at Louth about noon, and at Grimsby in the evening. At ten, on Wednesday, 20, I preached at Wimberton. None of the hearers was more attentive than an old acquaintance of my father's,-Mr. George Stovin, formerly a Justice of the peace near Epworth, now as teachable as a little child, and determined to know nothing save Christ crucified. About two I preached in an open place at Scotter, and in the evening at Owston. One ofmy audience here was Mr. Pinder, acontemporary of mine at Oxford. But any that observed so feeble, decrepid an old man, tottering over the grave, would imagine there was a difference of forty, rather than two, years between us ! On Friday and Saturday I made a little excursion into Yorkshire. Sunday, 24. I preached at eight at Gringley-in- the-Hill, to anhuge congregation, amongwhom I could observe but one person that was inattentive. Here I received an invi- tation from Mr. Harvey, to give him a sermon at Finningley. I came thither a little before the service began; and the church was filled, but not crowded. Between three and four I returned 24 REV. J. WESLEY'S [July, 1774.

night, being weak and faint, he fell asleep, anddreamed that his wife, who had been some time dead, came to him, and greatly comforted him. In the morning, a gentleman going a hunting, Aug. 1774.] anhare started up just before the hounds, ran straight to the mouth ofthe pit, andwas gone ; no man could tell how. The hunters searched all round the pit, till they heard a voice from the bottom. They quickly procured proper help, and drew up the man unhurt. Mon. AUGUST 1.-I preached at Bewdley, in an open place at the head of the town ; and in the evening at Worcester, which still continues one of the liveliest places in England. Here I talked with some who believe God has lately delivered them from the root of sin. Their account was simple, clear, and scriptural ; so that I saw no reason to doubt of their testimony. Tues. 2.-I preached at ten in the Town-Hall, at Evesham, and rode on to Broadmarston. Thursday, 4. I crossed over to Tewkesbury, and preached at noon in a meadow near the town, under a tall oak. I went thence to Cheltenham. As it was the high season for drinking the waters, the town was full ofGentry : So I preached near the market-place in the evening, to the largest congregation thatwas ever seen there. Some of the footmen at first made a little disturbance ; but I turned to them, and they stood reproved. Sat. 6.-I walked from Newport to Berkeley-Castle. It is a beautiful, though very ancient, building ; and every part of it kept in good repair, except the lumber-room and the chapel ; the latter of which, having been of no use for many years, is now dirty enough. I particularly admired the fine situation, and the garden on the top of the house. In one corner of the castle is the room where poor Richard II. was murdered. His effigy is still preserved, said to be taken before his death. If hewas like this, he had an open, manly countenance, though with a cast of melancholy. In the afternoon we went on to Bristol. The Conference, begun and ended in love, fully employed me on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday ; and we observed Friday, 12, as aday of fasting and prayer for the success of theGospel.

" 8. For some time her disorder seemed at a stand, growing. neither better nor worse ; but in spring, after she had taken a quantity of the bark, she was abundantly worse. Her cough continually increased, and her strength swiftly decayed ; so that before Easter, she was obliged to take to her bed : And having now a near prospect of death, she mightily rejoiced in the thought, earnestly longing for the welcome moment ; only still with that reserve, ' Not as I will, but as thou wilt.' " 9. Mr. Harper (the Preacher) took several opportunities of asking hermany questions. She answered them all with readi- ness and plainness, to his entire satisfaction. She told him abundance of temptations which she underwent from time to time; but still witnessed, that the blood of Christ had cleansed her from all sin. She often said to us, The race we all are running now ! And if I first attain, Ye too your willing heads shall bow ; Ye shall the conquest gain ! " 10. Commonly, when I came into her room, I was not able to speak for a time. She would then say, ' Why do not you speak ? Why do not you encourage me ? I shall love you better when we meet in heaven, for the help you give me now.' " 11. In the last week or two, she was not able to speak manywords at a time ; but as she could, with her feeble, dying voice, she exhorted us to go forward. Yet one day, some of her former companions coming in, her spirit seemed to revive ; and she spoke to them, to our great surprise, for near an hour together. They seemed deeply affected ; and it was some time before the impression wore off. •Elizabeth Padbury. 34 REV. J. WESLEY'S [Nov. 1774. " 12. Her father now frequently came, sat by her bedside, and expressed tender affection; weeping much, and saying he should now be quite alone, and have no one left to whom he could speak. She spoke to him without reserve. He received every word, and has never forgotten it since. " 13. A few days before she died, afterwe had been praying with her, we observed she was in tears, and asked her the reason.

thought it high time to begin ; and about one I preached to a very well-dressed and yet well-behaved congregation. Thence my new friend (how long will she be such ? ) carried me to Godmanchester, near Huntingdon. A large barn was ready, in which Mr. Berridge and Mr. Vennused to preach. And though the weather was still severe, it was well filled with deeply atten- tive people. Saturday, 26. I set out early, and in the evening reached London. Mon. 28.-I paid a visit to the amiable family at Shoreham , and found the work of God there still increasing. Wednesday, 30. I crossed over to Ryegate, and had a larger congregation thanever before. 38 REV. J. WESLEY'S [Jan. 1775. Thur. DECEMBER 1.-I preached at Dorking, and was much pleased with the congregation,who seemed to " taste the good word." Friday, 2. I returned to London. Mon. 5.-I preached at Canterbury ; and Tuesday, 6, at Dover. As I was setting out thence on Wednesday morning, awagon, jostling us, disabled our chaise. Our coachmanwent back to procure another, saying, he would soon overtake us. He did so after we had walked nine or ten miles, and brought us safe to Canterbury, where I spent a day or two with much satisfaction ; and on Saturday, returned home. Mon. 12.-I opened the new House at Sevenoaks . Tuesday, 13. About noon I preached at Newbounds ; and in theevening at Sevenoaks again, where our labour has not been in vain. Wed. 14. I rode to Chatham, and found that James Wood, one of our Local Preachers, who, being in a deep consumption, had been advised to spend some time in France, had come back thither two or three days before me. The day after he came he slept in peace : And two days after, his body was interred, all our brethren singing him to the grave, and praising God on his behalf. I preached his funeral sermon to a crowded audience, on the text which he had chosen : " Let me die the death of the righteous; and let my last end be like his ! " Monday,19, and the following days, I read with the Preachers what I judged most useful: And we endeavoured to " provoke one another to love andto good works." Thur. 22-. I walked, with one that belongs to the family,

designed to set out early in the morning ; but doubting if I should ever have such another opportunity, (the Major of the Highland Regiment standing behind me, with several of his Officers, many ofthe soldiers before me, and the centinel at the entrance of the court,) I gave notice of preaching at ten the next morning, and at four in the afternoon. I did so to a well-behaved congregation, and in the evening went on to Carrick. Sat. 29. Early in the evening we reached Rathcormuck, but found the inn filled with Officers. It is true they were but five, and there were seven beds ; but they hadbespoke all, and would not spare us one ! So we were obliged to go some miles further. We drove this day just threescore (English) miles. Sun. 30.-I came to Cork time enough to preach. The con- gregation was not small, and it was not large: But it was very large in George-Street at four in the afternoon, aswell as deeply attentive. At six I preached in theRoom, and could not but observe such singing as I have seldomheard inEngland. The women, in particular, sang so exactly that it seemed but one voice. Monday, MAY 1. I examined the society, and found it in such order, so increased both in grace and number, as I apprehend it had not been before, since the time of William Pennington. Wed. 3.-I rode to Bandon, and preached in the main street to a very numerous congregation. All behaved well, except three or four pretty gentlemen,who seemed to know just nothing ofthematter. I found this society likewise much established in grace, and [May, 1775. greatly increased innumber. So has God blessed the labours of two plain men, who put forth all their strength in his work. Sat. 6.-I returned to Cork, and in the evening preached at Blackpool. It rained a little all the time Iwas preaching, but the people regarded it not. Sun. 7.-I was desired to preach on 1 John v. 7 : " There are three that bear record in heaven." The congregation was exceeding large ; but abundantly larger in the evening. I never saw the House so crowded before. It was much the same the next evening. Tuesday, 9. I preached my farewell sermon in the afternoon ; and going to Mallow in the evening, went on

quite confused, andmy strength entirely gone. Yet I breathed freely, and had not the least thirst, nor any pain, from head to foot. I was now at a full stand, whether to aim at Lisburn, or to push forward for Dublin. But my friends doubting whether I could bear so long a journey, I went straight to Derry-Aghy; a gentleman's seat, on the side of a hill, three miles beyond Lisburn. Here nature sunk, and I tookmy bed. But I could July, 1775.] no more turn myself therein, than a new-born child. My memory failed, as well as my strength, andwell nigh my under- standing. Only those words ran in my mind, when I saw Miss Gayer on one side of the bed, looking at her mother on the other:- She sat, like Patience on a monument, Smiling at grief. But still I had no thirst, no difficulty of breathing, no pain, from head to foot. I cangive no account ofwhat followed for two or three days, beingmore dead than alive. Only I remember it was difficult for me to speak, my throat being exceeding dry. But Joseph Bradford tells me I said on Wednesday, " It will be determined before this time to-morrow ; " that my tongue was much swollen, and as black as a coal ; that I was convulsed all over ; and that for some time my heart did not beat perceptibly, neither was any pulse discernible. In the night of Thursday, 22, Joseph Bradford came to me with a cup, and said, " Sir, you must take this." I thought, " I will, if I can swallow, to please him; for it will do me neither harm nor good." Immediately it set me a vomiting ; myheart began to beat and my pulse to play again ; and from that hour the extremity ofthe symptoms abated. The nextday I sat up several hours, and walked four or five times across the room. On Saturday I sat up all day, and walked across the room many times, without any weariness ; on Sunday, I came down stairs, and sat several hours in the parlour ; on Monday, I walked out before the house ; on Tuesday, I took an airing in the chaise, and on Wednesday, trusting in God, to the aston-

Manwas not born in shades to lie ! Up and be doing ! Labour on, till Death sings a requiem to the parting soul. Sun. 30.-I preached under Birstal-Hill, and the greater part of the huge audience could hear while I enforced, " When the breath ofman goeth forth, he turnethagain to his dust, and then all his thoughts perish." I preached at Leeds in the even- ing, and found strength inproportion tomy work. Tues. AUGUST1.-Our Conferencebegan. Having received several letters, intimating that many of the Preachers were utterly unqualified for the work,having neither grace nor gifts sufficient for it, I determined to examine this weighty charge Aug. 1775.1 51 withall possibleexactness. Inorder to this,I read those letters to all the Conference ; and begged that every one would freely propose andenforcewhatever objectionhe hadto any one. The objections proposed were considered at large: In two or three difficult cases, Committees were appointed for that purpose. In consequence of this, we were all fully convinced that the charge advanced was without foundation; that God has really sent those labourers into his vineyard, and has qualified them for the work: And we were all more closely united together than wehave been for many years. Fri. 4.-I preached at Bradford,where the people are all alive. Many here have lately experienced the great salvation, and their zeal has been a general blessing. Indeed, this I always observe, wherever awork of sanctification breaks out, the whole work of God prospers. Some are convinced of sin, others justified, and all stirred up to greater earnestness for salvation. I breakfasted at Great-Horton. Two or three of the neigh- bours then came in to prayer. Quickly the house was filled ; and, a few minutes after, all the space before the door. I saw the opportunity, andwithout delaygot upon the horse-block, in the yard. Abundance of children crowded roundme, and round them a numerous congregation. So I gave them an earnest exhortation, and then commended them to the grace ofGod. Sun. 6. At one I proclaimed the glorious Gospel to the usual congregation at Birstal, and in the evening at Leeds. Then, judging it needful to pay a short visit to our brethren at London, I took the stage-coach,with five of my friends, about eight o'clock. Before nine, a gentleman in asingle-horse chaise struck his wheel against one of ours. Instantly the weight of

the men at top overset the coach ; otherwise, ten times the shock would not have moved it; but neither the coachman, nor the men at top, norany within,were hurt at all. On Tuesday, in the afternoon, wewere met at Hatfield bymany of our friends, who conducted us safe to London. Having spent a few days in town, on Monday, 14, I set out for Wales; and Wednesday, 16, reached the Hay. Being desired to give them one sermon at Trevecka, I turned aside thither, and on Thursday, 17, preached at eleven to a numerous congregation. What alovelyplace ! And what a lovely family ! still consisting of about sixscore persons. So the good "man 52 REV. J. WESLEY'S [Aug. 1775. is turned again to his dust ! " But his thoughts do not perish. I preached at Brecon the next day, and on Saturday, 19, went on to Carmarthen. How is this wilderness become a fruit- ful field ! A year ago I knew no one in this town who had any desire of fleeing from the wrath to come ; and now we have eighty persons in society. It is true not many of them are awakened ; but they have broke off their outward sins. Now let us try, whether it be not possible to prevent the greater part of these from drawing back. About this time I received a remarkable letter, from one of our Preachers at West-Bromwich, near Wednesbury. The substance of it is as follows :- "August 16, 1775. "ABOUT three weeks since, a person came and told me, Martha Wood, of Darlaston, was dying, and had a great desire to see me. When I came into the house, which, with all that was in it, was scarce worth five pounds, I found, in that mean cottage, such a jewel as my eyes never beheld before. Her eyes even sparkled with joy, and her heart danced like David before the ark : In truth, she seemed to be in the suburbs of heaven, upon the confines ofglory . " She took hold of my hand, and said, ' I am glad to see you; you are my father in Christ. It is twenty years since I heard you first. It was on that text, Now ye have sorrow : But I will see you again, and your heart shall rejoice, and

would fain have sent him back without delay, offering him my chaise and my servant to attend him ; though I could ill spare either one or the other. But he could not in anywise be prevailed on to accept of the proposal. I afterwards heard, he had been insane before he left London. However, I could now only make the best of it. Dec. 1775.1 Fri. DECEMBER 1.-After preaching at Loddon, I returned to Norwich, and procured Mr. - a lodging in a friend's house, where I knew he would want nothing. I now again advised him to go straight to London inmy chaise ; but it was lost labour. Sat. 2-. I procured " the History of Norwich," published but a few years since. The author shows, that it was built about the year 418. But it increased in succeeding ages, till it was more than double to what it is now, having no less than sixty churches. Its populousness may be indisputably proved, by one single circumstance :-The first time it was visited with the sweating-sickness, (which usually killed in ten hours,) there died, in about six months, upwards of fifty-seven thousand persons ; which is a considerably greater number than were in the whole city a few years ago. He remarks concerning this unaccounta- ble kind of plague, 1. That it seized none but Englishmen ; none of the French, Flemings, or other foreigners then in the kingdom, being at all affected : 2. That it seized upon English- men in other kingdoms, and upon none else : And, 3. That the method at last taken was this, The patient, if seized in the day-time, was immediately to lie down in his clothes, and to be covered up; if in the night-time, he was to keep in bed ; and if they remained four-and-twenty hours without eating or drink- ing any thing, then they generally recovered. In the evening a large mob gathered at the door of the preaching-house, the captain of which struck many (chiefly women) with a large stick. Mr. Randal going out to see what was the matter, he struck him with it in the face. But he was soon secured, and carried before the Mayor ; who knowing him to be a notorious offender, against whom one or two warrants were then lying, sent him to gaol without delay.

Thur. 14. I returned to Canterbury, and had a long con- versation with that extraordinary man, Charles Perronet. What a mystery of Providence ! Why is such asaint as this buried alive by continual sickness ? In the evening we had a larger congregation than before. I never saw the House thoroughly filled till now : And I am sure the people had now a call from God, whether they will hear or whether they will forbear. Fri. 15. In the evening I preached at Chatham, and on Saturday returned to London. In the evening Ipreached akind of funeral sermon at Snowsfields, for that upright woman, Jane Binknell. Formany years she was a pattern of all holiness ; and, for the latter part of her life, of patience. Yet as she laboured under an incurable and painful disorder, which allowed her little rest, day or night, the corruptible body pressed down the soul, and frequently occasioned much heaviness. But,before she went, the clouds dispersed, and she died in sweet peace; but not in 64 REV. J. WESLEY'S JOURNAL. [Jan. 1776. such triumphant joy as did Ann Davis, two or three weeks before. She died of the same disorder ; but had withal, for some years, racking pains in herhead day and night, which in a while rendered her stone-blind. Add to this, that she had a kind husband; whowas continually reproaching her for living so long, and cursing her for not dying out of the way. Yet in all this she did not " charge God foolishly ;" but meekly waited till her change should come. To-day I read Dr. Beattie's Poems ; certainly one of the best Poets of the age. He wants only the ease and simplicity of Mr. Pope. I know one, and only one, that has it. Mon. 18.-I took another little journey, and in the evening preached at Bedford. Tuesday, 19. I dragged on, through miserable roads, to St. Neot's, and preached in a large room to a numerous congregation. Understanding that almost all the Methodists, by the advice of Mr.-, had left the church, I earnestly exhorted them to return to it. In the evening I preached at Godmanchester. Wed. 20. I preached at Luton ; the next evening, at Hert- ford ; and on Friday morning, returned to London. This day we observed as a day of fasting and prayer, and

Sat. 23.-About noon I preached in the Town-Hall at Eves- ham, to a congregation of a very different kind. Few of them, I doubt, came from any other motive than to gratify their curi- osity. However, they were deeply attentive ; so that some of them, I trust, went away a little wiser than they came. I had been informed that Mr. Weston, the Minister of Campden, was willing I should preach in his church ; but, before I came, he had changed his mind. However, the Vicar of Pebworth was no weathercock ; so I preached in his church, Sunday, 24, morning and evening; and, I believe, not invain. Mon. 25.-I went on to Birmingham. I was surprised to hear that a good deal of platina was used there ; but, upon inquiry, I found it was not the true platina, an original metal between gold and silver, (being in weight nearest to gold, even as eighteen to nineteen,) but a mere compound of brass and spelter. Wed. 27. I preached at Dudley, in the midst of Antino- mians and backsliders, on , " We beseech you not to receive the 70 REV. J. WESLEY'S [April, 1776. grace of God in vain." In the evening I preached to our old flock at Wednesbury ; and the old spirit was among them. Fri. 29.-About eight I preached to avery large congregation even at Wolverhampton; and at six in the evening, to a mixed multitude in the market-place at Newcastle-under-Lyne. All were quiet now; the gentleman who made adisturbance when I was here last having been soon after called to his account. Sun. 31.I preached at Congleton. The Minister here having much disobliged his parishioners, most of the Gentry in thetowncame to the preaching, both at two in the afternoon, and in the evening ; and it was an acceptable time : I believe very few, rich or poor, came in vain. Mon. APRIL 1.-I went on to Macclesfield. That evening I preached in the House ; but it being far too small, on Tues- day, 2, I preached on the Green, near Mr. Ryle's door. There are no mockers here, and scarce an inattentive hearer. So mightily has the word of God prevailed ! Wed. 3.-Having climbed over the mountains, I preached at the New-Mills, in Derbyshire. The people here are quite

Wed. 8-. We set out early, but found the air so keen, that before noon our hands bled as if cutwith aknife. In the even- ing I preached at Edinburgh ; and the next evening near the river-side in Glasgow. Fri. 10. I went toGreenock. It being their fast-daybefore the sacrament, (ridiculously so called, for they do not fast at all, but take their three meals, just as on other days,) the con- gregation was larger thanwhen Iwas here before, and remark- ably attentive. The next day I returned to Glasgow, and on Sunday, 12, went in the morning to the high-kirk, (to show I was no bigot,) and in the afternoon to the Church of England chapel. The decency of behaviour here surprises me more and more. I know nothing like it in these kingdoms, except among the Methodists. In the evening the congregation by the river- side was exceeding numerous ; to whom I declared " the whole counsel ofGod." Monday, 13. I returned to Edinburgh, and the next day went to Perth, where (it being supposed no house would contain the congregation) I preached at six on the South- Inch, though the wind was cold and boisterous. Many are the stumbling-blocks which have been laid in the way of this poor people. They are removed ; but the effects of them still con- tinue. Wed. 15. I preached at Dundee, to nearly as large a con- gregation as that at Port-Glasgow. Thursday, 16. I attended an Ordination atArbroath. The Service lasted about four hours ; but it did not strike me. It was doubtless very grave ; but I thought it was verydull. Fri. 17. I reached Aberdeen in good time. Saturday, 18. I read over Dr. Johnson's "Tour to the Western Isles." It is a very curious book, wrote with admirable sense, and, I think, great fidelity ; although in some respects, he is thought to bear hard on the nation, which I am satisfied he never intended. Sunday, 19. I attended the Morning Service at the kirk, full as formal as any in England ; and no way calculated either to awaken sinners, or to stir up the gift of God in believers. In May, 1776.1 75 the afternoon I heard a useful sermon in the English chapel ; andwas again delighted with the exquisite decency both of the

Minister and the whole congregation. The Methodist congre- gations come the nearest to this ; but even these do not come up to it. Our House was sufficiently crowded inthe evening ; but some of the hearers did not behave like those at the chapel. Mon. 20.-I preached about eleven at Old Meldrum, but could not reach Banff till near seven in the evening. I went directly to the Parade, and proclaimed to a listening multitude, "the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ." All behaved well but a few Gentry, whom I rebuked openly; and they stood corrected. After preaching, Mrs. Gordon, the Admiral's widow, invited me to supper. There I found five or six as agreeable women as I have seen in the kingdom ; and I know not when I have spent two or three hours with greater satisfaction. In the morning I was going to preach in the assembly-room, when the Episcopal Minister sent and offered me the use of his chapel. It was quickly filled. After reading prayers, I preached on those words in the Second Lesson, " What lack I yet ? " and strongly applied them to those in particular who supposed them- selves to be " rich and increased in goods, and lacked nothing." I then set out for Keith. Banff is one of the neatest and most elegant towns that I have seen in Scotland. It is pleasantly situated on the side of a hill, sloping from the sea, though close to it ; so that it is sufficiently sheltered from the sharpest winds. The streets are straight and broad. I believe it maybe esteemed the fifth, if not the fourth, town in the kingdom. The county quite from Banff to Keith is the best peopled of any I have seen in Scotland. This is chiefly, if not entirely, owing to the late Earl of Findlater. He was indefatigable in doing good, took pains to procure indus- trious men from all parts, and to provide such little settlements for them as enabled them to live with comfort. About noon I preached at the New-Mills, nine miles from Banff, to a large congregation of plain, simple people. As we rode in the afternoon the heat overcame me, so that Iwas weary and faint before we came to Keith ; but I no sooner stood up in

us God-speed ! Saturday, 25. I preached at Westhaven (a town of fishermen) about noon ; and at Dundee in the evening. Sunday, 26. I went to the new church, cheerful, lightsome, and admirably well finished. A young gentleman preached such a sermon, both for sense and language, as I never heard in North- Britain before ; and I was informed his life is as his preaching. At five we had an exceeding large congregation ; and the peo- ple of Dundee, in general, behave better at public worship than any in the kingdom, except the Methodists, and those at the June, 1776.] 77 Episcopal chapels. In all other kirks the bulk of the people are bustling to and fro before the Minister has ended his prayer. In Dundee all are quiet, and none stir at all till he has pro- nounced the blessing. Mon. 27-. I paid a visit to St. Andrew's, once the largest city in the kingdom. It was eight times as large as it is now, and a place of very great trade : But the sea rushing from the north-east, gradually destroyed the harbour and trade together : In consequence of which, whole streets (that were) are now meadows and gardens. Three broad, straight, handsome streets remain, all pointing at the old cathedral ; which, by the ruins, appears to have been above three hundred feet long, and pro- portionably broad and high : So that it seems to have exceeded York Minster, and to have at least equalled any cathedral in England. Another church, afterwards used in its stead, bears date 1124. A steeple, standing near the cathedral, is thought tohave stood thirteen hundred years. What is left of St. Leonard's College is only a heap of ruins. Two Colleges remain. One ofthem has a tolerable Square ; but all the windows are broke, like those of a brothel. We were informed, the students do this before they leave the College. Where are their blessed Governors in the mean time ? Are they all fast asleep ? The other College is a mean building, but has ahandsome library newly erected. In the two Colleges, we learned, were about seventy students ; near the same number as at Old-Aberdeen. Those at New-Aberdeen are not more numerous : Neither those at Glasgow. In Edinburgh, I suppose there are ahundred. So four Universities contain three hun-

they are to give an account before men and angels ! In the evening I preached at York. Iwould gladly have rested the next day, feeling my breast much out of order. But notice having been given of my preaching at Tadcaster, I set out at nine in the morning. About ten the chaise broke down. I borrowed a horse ; but as hewas none of the easiest, in riding three miles I was so thoroughly electrified, that the pain inmy breastwas quite cured. I preached in the evening at York ; on Friday took the diligence ; and on Saturday afternoon came to London. MAY 18.-(Being Whit-Sunday.) Our Service at the Foun- dery began as usual at four. I preached in West-Street chapel *Afever produced by an incautious exposure to the sun. EDIT. May, 1777.1 JOURNAL. 99 in the forenoon ; and at the Foundery in the evening. In the afternoon I buried the body of Joseph Guilford, a holy man, and a useful Preacher. Surely never before did a man of so weak talents do so much good ! He died, as he lived, in the full triumph of faith, vehemently rejoicing and praising God. Tues. 20.-I met the Committee for building, which indeed was my chief business at London. We consulted together on several articles, and were confidently persuaded, that He who had incited us to begin, would enable us to finish . Sat. 24. Mybrother and I paid another visit to Dr. Dodd, and spent a melancholy and useful hour. He appears, so far as man canjudge, to be a true, evangelical penitent. To ease myjourney, I went to Stevenage, on Sunday even- ing. Monday, 26. I went on to Witham-Common; and on Tuesday reached Sheffield. The next day I went to Leeds ; and, after preaching in the evening, pushed on to Otley. Here I found E- R- weaker and happier than ever. Her life seemed spun out to the last thread. I spent half an hour with her, to Teach her, at once, and learn ofher, to die. I then rested two or three hours ; and took chaise at two, on Thursday, 29, hoping to reach Whitehaven in the evening ; but I could only get to Cockermouth. Friday, 30. I went on to Whitehaven, where I found a little vessel waiting for me.

ago. In the evening I preached in the little chapel at Broad- marston. Sun. 6. I preached in Pebworth church morning and after- noon, and at Bengeworth in the evening. The church, large as it is, was well filled ; and many, for the present, were much affected. I preached there once more at eight in the morning, and then rode on to Worcester. On Tuesday evening the Rec- tor of the parish was at the preaching; acandid, sensible man. He seemed much surprised, having neverdreamed before that there was such a thing as common sense among the Methodists ! The society here, by patient continuance in well-doing, has quite overcome evil with good; even the beasts of the people are now tame, and opennot their mouths against them. They profitedmuch when thewaves and storms went over them : May they profit as much by the calm ! Wed. 9. I went through a delightful vale to Malvern-Wells, lying on the side of a high mountain, and commanding one of the finest prospects in the world; the whole vale of Evesham. Hitherto the roads were remarkably good; but they grew worse and worse till we came to Monmouth. Much disturbance was expected here ; but we had none: All were deeply attentive. About six in the evening, on Thursday, 10, I preached on the bulwarks at Brecon. Friday, 11. I called upon Mr. Gwynne, just recovering from a dangerous illness. But he is not recovered from the seriousness which it occasioned. May this be a lasting blessing ! Sat. 12. We dined at Llandeilo ; after dinner we walked in Mr. Rees's park, one of the pleasantest I ever saw ; it is so finely watered by the winding river, running through and round the gently rising hills. Near one side of it, on the top of a high eminence, is the old Castle ; a venerable pile, at least as old as William the Conqueror, and "majestic though in ruins." July, 1777. ] JOURNAL. 105 In the evening I preached to a large congregation in the market-place at Carmarthen. I was afterwards informed, the Mayor had sent two Constables to forbid my preaching there. But if he did, their hearts failedthem, for they said not one word. Sun. 13. We had a plain, useful sermon from the Vicar, though some said, " Hedid not preach theGospel." He preached

not stir till about eight the next evening. We had asmall, fair wind. From Fishgard to Dublin is about forty leagues. We had run ten or twelve, till, atabout eight in the morning, Friday, 3, it fell dead calm. The swell was then such as I never felt before, except in the Bay of Biscay. Our little sloop, between twenty and thirty tons, rolled to and fro witha wonderful motion. Aboutnine, the Captain, finding he could not get forward, would have returned, but he could make no way. About eleven I desired we might go to prayer. Quickly after the wind sprung up fair; but it increased, till, about eight at night, it blew a [Oct. 1777. storm, and it was pitch dark ; so that,having only the Captain and a boy on board, we had much ado to work the vessel. However, about ten, though we scarce know how, we got safe into Dublin Bay. Sat. 4.-Between seven and eight I landed at Ring's End. Mr. M'Kenny met me, and carried me to his house. Our friends presently flocked from all quarters, and seemed equally surprised and pleased at seeing me. I moved no dispute, but desired a few of each side tomeet me together at tenon Mondaymorning. In the evening, although on so short a warning, we had an exceeding large congregation ; on whom (waiving all matter of contention) I strongly enforced those solemn words, " I must work the works of Him that sent me, while it is day; the night cometh, when no man can work." Sun. 5.-I was much comforted at St. Patrick's, where an uncommon awe seemed to rest on the whole assembly. In the evening I preached on Eph. iv. 30, &c., being the conclusion of the Epistle for the day. Nothing could be more seasonable, and I read it as a presage of good. Mon. 6.-At ten I met the contending parties ; the Preachers on one hand, and the excluded members on the other : I heard them at large, and they pleaded their several causes with earnest- ness and calmness too. But four hours were too short to hear the whole cause ; so we adjourned to the next day : Meantime, in order to judge inwhat statethe society reallywas, I examined them myself ; meeting part of them to-day, and the rest on

well. On our approaching the third, seven or eight countrymen presently ran to help us. One of them carried me over on his shoulders ; others got the horses through ; and some carried the chaise. We then thought the difficulty was past ; but in half anhour we came to another slough : Being helped over it, I walked on, leaving Mr. Delap, John Carr, Joseph Bradford, and Jesse Bugden, with the chaise, which was stuck fast in the slough. As none of them thought of unharnessing the horses, the traces were soon broke: At length they fastened ropes to the chaise, and to the stronger horse ; and the horse pulling, and the men thrusting at once, they thrust it through the slough to the firm land. In an hour or two after we all met at Ballin- acurrah. While I was walking, a poor man overtook me, who appeared to be in deep distress : He said, he owed his landlord twenty shillings rent, for which he had turned him and his family out of doors ; and that he had been down with his relations to beg their help, but they would do nothing. Upon my giving him [May, 1778. a guinea, he would needs kneel down inthe road to pray for me; and then cried out, " O, I shall have a house ! I shall have a house over my head!" So perhaps God answered that poor man's prayer, by the sticking fast of the chaise in the slough! Tues. 19. In the evening I preached at Sligo, in the old Court-House, an exceeding spacious building : I know not that ever I saw so large a congregation here before ; nor (considering their number) so well behaved. Will God revive his work even in this sink of wickedness, and after so many deadly stumbling-blocks ? Upon inquiry, I found, there had been for some time a real revival of religion here. The congregations have considerably increased, and the society is nearly doubled. We had in the evening a larger congregation than before, among whom were most of the Gentry of the town: And all but one or two young gentlemen (so called) were remarkably serious and attentive. I now received an intelligible account of the famous massacre at Sligo. A little before the Revolution, one Mr. Morris, a

into one, supplied us with a spacious preaching-house ; but it would not contain a third of the congregation; but standing at the door, I had them all before me in the barrack-square. Sat. 6.-I was desired to take a ride to the celebrated Giant's Causeway. It lies eleven English miles from Coleraine. When we came to the edge of the precipice, three or four poor boys were ready to hold our horses, and show us the waydown. It being dead low water, we could go any where, and see every thing to the best advantage. It is doubtless the effect of subter- raneous fire. This manifestly appears from many of the stones which composed the pillars that are now fallen down : These evidently bear the mark offire, being burnt black on one or the other surface. It appears likewise from the numerous pumice- stones scattered among the pillars : Just such pillars and pumices are found in every country which is, or ever was, subject to volcanoes. In the evening I sawa pleasing sight. A few days ago a young gentlewoman, without the knowledge of her relations, entered into the society : She was informed this evening that her sister was speaking to me upon the same account. As soon as we came into the room, she ran to her sister, fell upon her neck, wept over her, and could just say, " O sister, sister !" before she sunk down upon her knees to praiseGod. Her sister could hardly bear it; she was in tears too, andsowere all in the room. Such are the first fruits at Coleraine. May there be a suitable harvest ! Sun. 7-. I breakfasted with Mr. Boyd, the twin-soul, for humility and love, with Mr. Sh , of Staplehurst. I read June, 1778.1 127 Prayers for him, and administered the sacrament to such a number of communicants as I suppose never met there before. Alittle before the time of preaching, the rain ceased, andwe had awonderful congregation in the barrack-yard in the evening. Many of them were present at five in the morning, when I left them full oflove and good desires. About nine I preached in the Town-Hall at Ballimannely ; about twelve, at anotherlittle town; and in the evening, at Ballymena. Tues. 9. We rode through a small village, whereinwas a

houses; so that Armagh is at length rising out of its ruins into a large and populous city. So much good may any man of a large fortune do, if he lays it out to the best advantage ! Tues. 23.-I went on to Tanderagee, one of the pleasantest towns in Ireland. As itwas afair, calm evening, I had designed to preach in the avenue to the Castle ; but being desired to preach in the court-yard, I took my place under a tall spread- ing tree, in the midst of a numerous congregation, who were still as night. There could not be devised a more pleasing scene : The clear sky, the setting sun, the surrounding woods, the plain, unaffected people, were just suitable to the subject, "My yoke is easy, and my burden is light." Wed. 24. For exactly two months, we have had only two days without rain. In the evening I preached in the same lovely place. I dined, supped, and lodged at Dr. Lesley's, the Rector ; a well-bred, sensible, and I believe a pious man. We had family prayers before supper, which he read with admirable propriety and devotion; and I know not that I have spent a more agreeable evening since I came into the kingdom. Thur. 25. I walked round Dr. Lesley's domain : A plea- santer spot I never saw. It lies on the top of a fruitful hill, at a small distance from the town ; and commands the whole view of a lovely country, east, west, north, and south ; and it is laid out with the finest taste imaginable. The ground I took for a park I found was an orchard, tufted with fruit-trees, and flowering-shrubs ; and surrounded with a close, shady walk. I spent another hour with the amiable family this morning; and it was an hour I shall not soon forget : But it will never return ! For one, if not more, ofthat lovely company, are since removed to Abraham's bosom. In the evening I preached to a large congregation at Newry ; and on Saturday morning returned to Dublin. I had now just finished Xenophon's Κυρε Παιδεια ; some parts of which I think are exceeding dull, particularly his numerous speeches, and above all the tedious dialogue between Cyrus and Cambyses. Butwhat a beautiful picture does he

must observe, that the doctrine contained therein is not only quite unproved, quite precarious from beginning to end, as depending entirely on the assertion of a single brain-sick man ; but that, inmany instances, it is contradictory to Scripture, to reason, and to itself. But, over and above this, it contains many sentiments that are essentially and dangerously wrong. Such is that concerning the Trinity ; for he roundly affirms God to be only one person, who was crucified : So that he revives and openly asserts the long-exploded heresy of the Sabellians and Patripassians ; yea, and that of the Anthropo- morphites ; affirming that God constantly appears in heaven in the form of a man. And the worst is, he flatly affirms, " None can go to heaven, who believes three persons in the Godhead : " Which is more than the most violent Arian or Socinian ever affirmed before. Add to this, that his ideas of heaven are low, grovelling, just suiting a Mahometan paradise ; and his account of it has a natural tendency to sink our conceptions, both of the glory of heaven, and of the inhabitants of it ; whom he describes as far inferior both in holiness and happiness to Gregory Lopez, or Monsieur De Renty. And his account of hell leaves nothing terrible in it ; for, first, he quenches the unquenchable fire. He assures us there is no fire there ; only he allows that the gover- nor of it, the devil, sometimes orders the spirits that behave ill, to [April, 1779. be " laid on a bed of hot ashes." And, secondly, he informs you, that all the damned enjoy their favourite pleasures. He that delights in filth is to have his filth ; yea, and his harlot too ! Now, how dreadful a tendencymust this have in such an age and nation as this ! I wish those pious men, Mr. Clowes and Clotworthy, would calmlyconsider these things, before they usher into the world any more of this madman's dreams. Mon. 26. I preached at Huddersfield, where there is a great revival of the work ofGod. Manyhave found peacewithGod: Sometimes sixteen, eighteen, yea, twenty in one day. So that the deadly wound they suffered, when their Predestinarian brethren left them, is now fully healed ; and they are not only

6. The Prayers, preceding a sound, useful sermon, were seri- ously and devoutly read: 7. After Service, none bowed, or cour- tesied, or spoke, but went quietly and silently away. After church, I preached again by the river side, to ahuge multitude of serious people: I believe, full as many more as we had the Sunday before, at Newcastle. Surely we shall not lose all our labour here. Mon. 31. I returned to Edinburgh; and, JUNE 1, set out on my northernjourney. In the evening I preached at Dundee. The congregation was, as usual, very large and deeply attentive. But that was all. I did not perceive that any one was affected at all. I admire this people : So decent, so serious, and so per- fectly unconcerned. Wed. 2. We went on to Arbroath, where was near as large a congregation as at Dundee, but nothing so serious. The poor Glassites here, pleading for a merely notional faith, greatly hinder either the beginning or the progress of any real work of God. Thursday, 3. I preached at Aberdeen, to a people that canfeel as well as hear. Friday, 4. I set out for Inverness, and about eight preached at Inverury, to a considerable number of plain country-people, just like those we see in Yorkshire. My spirit was much refreshed among them, observing several of them in tears. Before we came to Strathbogie, (now new- named Huntley,) Mr. Brackenbury was much fatigued. So I desired him to go into the chaise, and rode forward to Keith. Mr. Gordon, the Minister, invited us to drink tea at his house. In the evening I went to the market-place. Four children, after they had stood a while to consider, ventured to come near me ; then a few men and women crept forward; till we had upwards of a hundred. At nine on Sunday, 6, I suppose they were doubled ; and some of them seemed a little affected. I dined at Mr. Gordon's, who behaved in the most courteous, yea, and affectionate, manner. At three I preached in the kirk, one of the largest I have seen in the kingdom, but very ruinous. It was thoroughly filled, and God was there in an uncommon manner. He sent forth his voice, yea, and that a mighty voice ; so that I believe many of the stout-hearted trembled. In the

Sun. 27-. I preached at eight in the Room, and at five in the market-place, to a huge congregation. They were deeply attentive ; but no more affected than the stones they stood upon. Mon. 28. I preached in the new preaching-house, at Robin Hood's Bay, and thenwent on to Scarborough. Tuesday, 29, I spent agreeably and profitably with my old friends ; and inmy way toBridlington, Wednesday, 30, took a view ofFlamborough- Head. It is an huge rock, rising perpendicular from the sea to an immense height, which gives shelter to an innumerable multitude of sea-fowl of various kinds. I preached in the evening at Brid July, 1779. ] 157 lington, and afterwards heard a very uncommon instance of paternal affection:-A gentleman of the town had a favourite daughter, whom he set up in a milliner's shop. Some time after she had a concern for her soul, and believed it her duty to enter into the society. Upon this her good father forbad her his house ; demanding all the money he had laid out ; and required her instantly to sell all her goods, in order to make the payment! In this journey I looked over the " History of Whitby," in which are many curious things. Among others, there is an account of St. Ninian, a Monk of Whitby Abbey, long before the Conquest. Here is also an account of the father of the Percy family : He came over with William the Conqueror, and took his name from a town in Normandy. So the pretty tale of piercing the eye of the Scotch King proves to be mere inven- tion! Thur. JULY 1.-This was the first of eighteen or twenty days full as hot as any I remember in Georgia; and yet the season is remarkably healthy. I preached in Beverley at noon, and at Hull in the evening. Saturday, 3. I reached Grimsby, and found a little trial. In this, and many other parts of the kingdom, those striplings, who call themselves Lady Hunting- don's Preachers, have greatly hindered the work of God. They have neither sense, courage, nor grace, to go and beat up the devil's quarters, in any place where Christ has not been named ; but wherever we have entered as by storm, and gathered a few souls, often at the peril of our lives, they creep in, and, by doubt-

Conference, not by me, and would not suffer the Clergy to ride over their heads ; Mr. Smyth in particular, of whom he said all manner of evil. Others warmly defended him. Hence the society was torn in pieces, and thrown into the utmost con- fusion. Tues. 23. I read to the society a paper which I wrote near twenty years ago on alike occasion. Herein I observed, that " the rules of our Preachers were fixed by me, before any Con- ference existed," particularly the twelfth : "Above all, you are to preach when and where I appoint." By obstinately opposing which rule, Mr. M'Nab has made all this uproar. In the morn- ing, at a meeting of the Preachers, I informed Mr. M'Nab, that, as he did not agree to our fundamental rule, I could not receive him as one of our Preachers, till he was of another mind. Wed. 24. I read the same paper to the society at Bristol, as I found the flame had spread thither also. A few at Bath separated from us on this account : But the restwere thoroughly satisfied. So on Friday, 26, I took coach again, and on Satur- day reached London. In this journey I read Dr. Warner's History of Ireland, from its first settlement to the English Conquest ; and, after calm deliberation, I make no scruple to pronounce it a mere senseless romance. I do not believe one leaf of it is true, from the begin- ning to the end. I totally reject the authorities on which he builds : I will not take Flagherty's or Keating's word for a far- thing. I doubt not, Ireland was, before the Christian era, full as barbarous as Scotland or England. Indeed it appears from their own accounts, that the Irish in general were continually [Dec. 1779. plundering and murdering each other from the earliest ages to that period: And so they were ever since, by the account of Dr. Warner himself, till they were restrained by the English. How then were they converted by St. Patrick ? Cousin-german to St. George! To what religion? Not to Christianity. Neither in his age, nor the following, had they the least savour of Chris- tianity, either in their lives or their tempers. Sun. 28.-I preached acharity sermon at St. Peter's, Corn- hill. Monday, 29. I visited the societies in Kent, and returned

sailing for the Isle of Man the next morning, as a little vessel was waiting for us ; but the wind then turned full against us. By this means I had an opportunity given me of meeting the select society. Iwas pleased to find, that none of them have lost the pure love of God, since they received it first. I was particularly pleased with apoorNegro. She seemed to be fuller of love than any of the rest. Andnot only her voice had an unusual sweetness, but her words were chosen and uttered with a peculiar propriety. I never heard, either in England or America, such a Negro speaker (man or woman) before. Tues. 9. Finding no hopesof sailing, after preaching morn- ing and evening, I went to Cockermouth. Wednesday, 10. At eight I preached in the Town-Hall ; but to the poor only : The rich could not rise so soon. In the evening I preached in the Town-Hall at Carlisle ; and from the number and seriousness May, 1780.1 JOURNAL. of the hearers, I conceived a little hope, that even here some good willbe done. Thur. 11. I reached Newcastle ; and on Friday, 12, went to Sunderland. Many of our friends prosper in the world. I wish their souls may prosper also. Sunday, 14. I preached at Gateshead-Fell at two o'clock, andhoped to preach at the Garth- Heads at five ; but the rain drove us into the House. But all was well ; for many found God was there. Mon. 15-. I set out for Scotland ; and Tuesday, 16, came to Berwick-upon-Tweed. Such a congregation I have not seen there for many years. Perhaps the seed which has so long seemed to be sown in vain, may at length produce agoodharvest. Wed. 17.-I went on to Dunbar. Ihave seldom seen such acongregation here before. Indeed some of them seemed at first disposed to mirth ; but they were soon as serious as death. Andtruly the power of the Lord was present to heal those that werewilling to come to the throne of grace. Thursday, 18. I read, with great expectation, Dr. Watts's " Essay on Liberty ;" but I wasmuch disappointed. It is abstruse and metaphysical. Surely he wrote it either when he was very young or very old. Inthe evening I endeavoured to preach to the hearts of a large

designed for wit, concerning the large pension which the famous Wesley received for defending the King. This so increased the congregation in the evening, that scores were obliged to go away. AndGod applied that wordto many hearts, " I will not destroy the city for ten's sake !" Wed. 7.-I preached at Pocklington and Swinfleet. Thurs- day, 8. I preached on theGreen at Thorne, to a listening multi- tude. Only two or three were much diverted at the thought ofseeing the dead,small andgreat, standing before God ! Fri. 9.-About noon Ipreached at Crowle ; and in the even- ing at Epworth, on, " I willnot let thee go, except thou bless me." Saturday, 10. In the evening I preached atOwstone ; and passing the Trent early in the morning, on Sunday, 11, preached at Kirton, about eight, to a very large and very serious congre- gation. Only before me stood one,something like a gentleman, with his hat on even at prayer. I could scarce help telling him a story :-In Jamaica, aNegro passing by the Governor, pulled off his hat ; so did the Governor ; at which one expressing his surprise, he said, " Sir, I should be ashamed if a Negro had more good manners than the Governor ofJamaica." About two I preached atGainsborough,andagainat five, to a very numerous congregation. We had then a love-feast, and one of the most lively which I have known for many years. Many spoke, and with great fervour, as well as simplicity ; so that most who heard blessed God for the consolation. Mon. 12.-About eleven I preached at Newton-upon-Trent, to a large and very genteel congregation. Thence we went to June, 1780.1 Newark : But our friends were divided as to the place where I should preach. At length they found a convenient place, covered on three sides, and on the fourth open to the street. It contained two or three thousand people well, who appeared to hear as for life. Onlyone big man, exceeding drunk, was very noisy and turbulent, till his wife (fortissima Tyndaridarum ! *) seized him by the collar,gave him two or three hearty boxes on the ear, and dragged him away like a calf. But, at length, he got out of her hands, crept in among the people, and stood as quiet as alamb. Tues. 13. I accepted of an invitation from agentleman at

end of Radcliff-Parade. Great part of the immense congrega- tion had never heard this kind of preaching before ; yet they were deeply attentive, while I opened and applied those awful words, " I saw the dead, small and great, stand before God." Sun. 6.-We had the largest numbers of communicants that had ever met at the new Room ; and the largest congregation, at [Aug. 1780. five, that had ever met near King's Square. Wednesday, 9. We concluded the Conference in much peace and love. Fri. 11. The sultry heat continuing, I would not coop myself up in the chapel, but preached again near Radcliff- Parade, with much comfort and peace. Mon. 14. For fear of the violent heat,we set out for Corn- wall very early in the morning. But we feared where no fear was ; for that very day the heat was at an end, andamild rain began ; which, at intervals, followed us almost to the Land's End. After preaching at South-Brent, Taunton, and Collumpton, on Friday, 16, we came to Exeter. It is still a day of small things here, for want ofa convenient preaching-house. Thurs- day, 17. I went on to Plymouth. Here I expected little com- fort. A large preaching-house was built ; but who was to pay for it ? I preached in it at six, at five in the morning, and on Friday evening; and, from the number and spirit of the hearers, could not but hope that good will be done here also. Sat. 19. I snatched the opportunity of a fair evening, to preach in the Square at Plymouth-Dock. Sunday, 20. At seven in the morning, and at five in the evening. I preached at the Dock ; in the afternoon in Plymouth House. It was crowded sufficiently. After preaching I made a collection for the House, which amounted to above five-and-twenty pounds. When I had done, Mr. Jane said, " This is not all. We must have a weekly collection both here and at the Dock. Let as many as can subscribe sixpence a week for one year. I will subscribe five shillings a week. And let this be reserved for the payment of the debt." It was done : And by this simple method, the most pressing debts were soon paid. Mon. 21. I preached to alarge and quiet congregation in

claws, has a large crown upon his head, and is clothed in scarlet and gold. Mon. 23. I visited, for a few days, the societies in Northamp- tonshire. Monday, 30. I went to High-Wycomb, where the new preaching-house was well filled in the evening. Tuesday, 31. We had such a congregation at noon in Oxford as I never saw there before ; and, what I regarded more than their number, was their seriousness : Even the young gentlemen behaved well ; nor could I observe one smiling countenance, although I closely applied these words, " I am not ashamedof the Gospel of Christ. " Sun. NOVEMBER 5.-I preached at the new chapel, on Luke ix. 55 : " Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of; " and showed, that, supposing the Papists to be heretics, schismatics, wicked men, enemies to us, and to our Church and nation; yet we ought not to persecute, to kill, hurt, or grieve them, but barely to prevent their doing hurt. In the ensuing week I finished visiting the classes, and had the satisfaction to findthat the society is considerably increased, both in number and strength, since the Conference. 194 REV. J. WESLEY'S [Dec. 1780. Mon. 20-. I went on to Chatham, and finding the society groaning under a large debt, advised them to open a weekly sub- scription. The same advice I gave to the society at Sheerness. This advice they all cheerfully followed, and with good effect. OnFriday, 24, we agreed to follow the same example at London; and in one year we paid off one thousand four hundred pounds. Mon. 27-. I went to Bedford, and preached in the evening. Tuesday, 28. I preached at St. Neot's. Wednesday, 29. At ten I preached in Godmanchester; and about six in the new House at Huntingdon. I have seldom seen a new congregation behave with such seriousness. Thursday, 30. I came to Luton, and found that child of sorrow and pain, Mrs. Cole, was gone to rest. For many years she had not known an hour's ease ; but she died in full, joyous peace. And how little does she regret all that is past, now the days of her mourning are ended ! Mon. DECEMBER 4.-I visited the eastern societies in Kent, and on Friday returned to London. Sunday, 10. I began

in Israel ; a pattern of all good works. Saturday, 7. At noon, I preached at Preston-on-the-Hill ; and in the evening at War- rington. Sunday, 8. The service was at the usual hours. I [April, 1781 came just in time to put a stop to a bad custom, which was creeping in here : A few men, who had fine voices, sang a Psalm which no one knew, in a tune fit for an opera, wherein three, four, or five persons, sung different words at the same time! What an insult upon common sense. What aburlesque upon public worship ! No custom can excuse such a mixture ofpro- faneness and absurdity. Mon. 9.-Desiring to be in Ireland as soon as possible, I hastened to Liverpool, and found a ship ready to sail; but the wind was contrary, till on Thursday morning, theCaptain came in haste, and told us, the windwas come quite fair. So Mr. Floyd, Snowden, Joseph Bradford, and I, with two of our sis- ters, went on board. But scarce were we out at sea,when the wind turned quite foul, and rose higher and higher. In an hour I was so affected, as I had not been for fortyyears before. For two days I could not swallow the quantity ofa pea ofanything solid, and very little of anyliquid. Iwas bruised and sore from head to foot, and ill able to turn me on the bed. All Friday, the storm increasing, the sea of consequence was rougher and rougher. Early on Saturdaymorning, the hatches were closed, which, together with the violent motion, made our horses so tur- bulent, that I was afraid we must have killed them, lest they should damage the ship. Mrs. S. now crept to me, threw her arms over me, and said, " O Sir, we will die together ! " We had by this time three feet water in the hold, though it was an exceeding light vessel. Meantimewe were furiously driving on alee-shore ; and when the Captain cried, " Helm a lee," she would not obey the helm. I called our brethren to prayers ; and we found free access to the throne of grace. Soon after we got, I know not how, into Holyhead harbour, after being suffi- ciently buffeted by the winds andwaves, for twodays and two nights. Themore I considered, the more I was convinced, it was not

the day I observed, wherever I was, one circumstance that sur- prised me :-In England we generally hear the birds singing, morning and evening ; but here thrushes, and various other kinds of birds, were singing allday long. Theydid not inter- mit, even during the noon-day heat, where they had a few trees to shade them. JUNE 4.-(Being Whit-Sunday.) I preached inthe market- place again about nine, to a still larger congregation than before, on, " I am not ashamed ofthe Gospel ofChrist." How few of the genteel hearers could say so ! About four in the afternoon, I preached at Barewle, on the mountains, to a larger congrega- tion than that in the morning. The rain began soon after I began preaching ; but ceased in a few minutes. I preached on, " They were all filled with the Holy Ghost ; " and showed in what sense this belongs to us and to our children. Between six and seven I preached on the sea-shore at Peel, to the largest congregation I have seen in the island : Even the society nearly filled the House. I soon found what spirit they were of. Hardly in England (unless perhaps at Bolton) have I found so plain, so earnest, so simple a people. Mon. 5.-We hadsuch acongregation at five, asmight have been expected on a Sunday evening . We then rode through and over the mountains to Beergarrow ; where I enforced, on 206 REV. J. WESLEY'S June, 1781. an artless, loving congregation, " If any man thirst, let him come unto me and drink." A few miles from thence,we came to Bishop's Court, where good Bishop Wilson resided near threescore years. There is something venerable, though not magnificent, in the ancient palace; and it is undoubtedly situ- ated in one of the pleasantest spots of the whole island. At six in the evening I preached at Balleugh ; but the preaching-house would not contain one half of the congrega- tion ; of which the Vicar, Mr. Gilling, with his wife, sister, and daughter, were a part. He invited me to take a breakfast with him in the morning, Tuesday, 5 ; which I willingly did. He read family-prayers before breakfast, in a very serious manner. After spending a little time very agreeably, I went on toKirk- Andrews.

Here also I was obliged to preach in the open air ; the rain being suspended till I had done. In the afternoon we rode through a pleasant and fruitful country to Ramsay, about as large as Peel, and more regularly built. The rain was again suspended while I preached to well nigh all the town ; but I saw no inattentive hearers . Wed. 6. We had many of them again at five, and they were all attention. This was the place where the Preachers had little hope of doing good. I trust they will be happily disappointed. This morning we rode through the most woody, and far the pleasantest, part of the island ;-a range offruitful land, lying at the foot of the mountains, from Ramsay, through Sulby, to Kirkmichael. Here we stopped to look at the plain tomb-stones of those two good men, Bishop Wilson and Bishop Hildesley ; whose remains are deposited, side by side, at the east end of the church. We had scarce reached Peel before the rain increased ; but here the preaching-house contained all that could come. Afterwards, Mr. Crook desired me to meet the singers. I was agreeably surprised. Ihave not heard better singing either at Bristol or London. Many, both men and women, have admir- able voices ; and they sing with good judgment. Who would have expected this in the Isle of Man ? Thur. 7.-1 met our little body of Preachers. Theywere two-and-twenty in all. I never saw in England so many stout, well-looking Preachers together. If their spirit be answerable to their look, I know not what can stand before them. In the June, 1781.1 207 afternoon I rode over to Dawby, and preached to avery large and very serious congregation. Fri. 8-. Having now visited the island round, east, south, north, and west, I was thoroughly convinced that we have no such Circuit as this, either in England, Scotland, or Ireland. It is shut up from the world ; and,having little trade, is visited by scarce any strangers. Here are no Papists, no Dissenters of any kind, no Calvinists, no disputers. Here is no opposition, either from the Governor, (amild humane man,) from the Bishop, (a goodman,) or from the bulk of the Clergy. One or two of them did oppose for a time ; but they seem now to understand better.

At seven I preached at Mr. Whyte's, in Ballantyne ; a little village four miles from Cockermouth. Many assembled here who had hardly seen or heard a Methodist before. I believe some ofthem did not hear in vain. After this, I saw Mr. Whyte no more. God soon called him into a better world. Friday, 15. In the evening I preached in the Town-Hall, at Carlisle ; and on Saturday, 16, reached Newcastle. Sun. 17. In the morning I preached at the Ballast-Hills ; in the afternoon at Gateshead : andat five, at the Garth-Heads. To-day I heard a remark, at All-Saints' church, which I never read or heard before, in confirmation of that assertion of Abra- ham, " If they hear not Moses and the Prophets : "-" The thing has been tried. One did rise from the dead, in the sight ofa multitude ofpeople. The namesake of this Lazarus rose from the dead. The very Pharisees could not deny it. Yet who of them that believed not Moses and the Prophets was thereby persuaded to repent ? " Wed. 20.-I went over to Sunderland ; and preached evening and morning to a lovely congregation. Thursday, 21. I read Prayers and preached in Monkwearmouth church ; and Friday, 22, returned to Newcastle. Sat. 23.-I went over to Hexham, and preached in themarket- place to a numerous congregation, on, " I saw the dead, small and great, stand before God." None were rude or uncivil in any respect ; and very few were inattentive. Sunday, 24. I preached in the morning at Gateshead-Fell ; about noon, at a village called Greenside, ten miles west of Newcastle, to the largest congregation I have seen in the north ; many of whom were Roman Catholics. In the evening I preached once more at the Garth-Heads,(some thought to the largest congregation that had ever been there,) on those words in the Service, " Com- fort ye, comfort ye my people, saith your God." After preaching at many places in the way, on Wednesday, July, 1781.] 209 27, I preached at York. Many of our friends met me here, so that in the evening the House would ill contain the congregation. And I know not when I have found such a spirit among them ; they seemed to be all hungering and thirsting after righteousness.

esteemed) in England ; but the prudent owner, considering it brought him in nothing by staying there, lately sold it for a round sum ofmoney. Here I met with such a ferry as I never saw before. The boat was managed by an honest countryman who knew just nothing of the matter, and a young woman equally skilful. However, though the river was fifty yards broad, we got over it in an hour and a half. We then went on through the fens in a marvellous road, sometimes tracked, and sometimes not, till 212 REV. J. WESLEY'S [Aug. 1781. about six we came to Rauceby, and found the people gathered from all parts. I preached on those words in the Second Lesson, " There is neither Greek nor Jew, Barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free : But Christ is all and in all." Sun. 8. The congregation was still larger. Hence I rode over to Welby, and preached in Mr. Dodwell's church in the afternoon and in the evening, to a numerous and serious congre- gation. Monday, 9. I preached at Grantham in the open air, (for no house would contain the congregation,) and none made the least disturbance, any more than at Newark, (where I preached in the evening,) or in the Castle-yard at Lincoln, on Tuesday, 10. Wednesday, 11. I preached at Newton-upon- Trent, and Gainsborough. After visiting many other societies, I crossed over into the West-Riding of Yorkshire. Monday, 23. I preached at Yeadon, to a large congregation. I had heard, the people there were remarkably dead: If so, they were now remarkably quickened ; for I know not when I have seen a whole congregation so moved. Tuesday, 24. We had fifty or sixty children at five ; and as many or more in the evening; andmore affectionate ones I never saw. For the present at least God has touched their hearts. On Wednesday and Thursday I preached at Bradford and Halifax ; on Friday at Greetland chapel, and Hudders- field. After preaching I retired to Longwood-House, one of the pleasantest spots in the county. Saturday, 28. I preached at Longwood-House, at Mirfield, and at Daw-Green. Sunday, 29. I preached at eight before the House. I expected to preach at one, as usual, under the hill at Birstal ; but after the Church Service was ended, the Clerk exclaimed with a loud voice, " The

After preaching in the evening to a crowded audience, and exhorting the society to brotherly love, I took chaise with Dr. Coke; and, travelling day and night, the next evening came to London. We observed Friday, 17, as a fast-day, and con- cluded it with a solemn watch-night. Having finished my busi- ness in town for the present, on Sunday, 19, at eight in the evening, I took coach with my new fellow-traveller, George Whitfield; and on Monday evening preached at Bath. Tues- day, 21. I went on toBristol ; and after resting a day, on Thurs- day, 23, set out for Cornwall. Finding, after breakfast, that I was within amile ofmy old friend, G. S., I walked over, and spent an hour with him. He is all-original still, like no man in the world, either in senti- ments or any thing about him. But perhaps if I had his immense fortune, I might be as great an oddity as he. [Aug. 1781. About six in the evening I preached at Taunton, to a numerous congregation. I found the Letters concerning Popery hadmuch abated prejudice here. Friday, 24. I preached at Collumpton about noon, and at Exeter in the evening. Satur- day, 25. I preached in the Square at Plymouth-Dock, to a quieter congregation than usual. Sunday, 26. Between one and two, I began in the new House in Plymouth. The large congregation was all attention; and there seemed reason to hope that even here we shall find some fruit of our labour. In the evening I preached again in the Square, on the story of the Pharisee and Publican, to such a congregation, for number and seriousness together, as I never saw there before. Mon. 27.-I was desired to preach at Trenuth at noon, a little way (they said) out of the road. The little way proved six or seven miles through a road ready to break our wheels in pieces. However, I just reached St. Austle time enough to preach ; and God greatly comforted the hearts ofhis people. Tues. 28.-Between nine and ten we had such a storm of rain, as I do not remember to have seen in Europe before. It seemed ready to beat in the windows of the chaise, and in three minutes drenched our horsemen from head to foot. We reached Truro, however, at the appointed time. I have not for many

On Monday, 24, and the following days, I met the classes at Bristol, andwas not a little surprised to find that the society is still decreasing. Certainly we have all need to stir up the gift ofGod that is in us, and with all possible care to " strengthen the things that remain." Thur. 27. I preached atBath andBradford; and onFriday, at Trowbridge. How long did we toil here and take nothing ! Fri- At length, it seems, the answer ofmany prayers is come. day, 28. About noon I preached at Keynsham ; and not without hopes ofdoing good even here. Since Miss Owen has removed from Publow , Miss Bishop has set up a school here ; and it is worthy to be called a Christian school. It is what the school at Publow was ! Sat. 29. I spent an hour with Mr. Henderson at Hannam, and particularly inquired into his whole method ; and I am persuaded there is not such another house for lunatics in the threekingdoms . He has a peculiar art ofgoverning his patients ; not by fear, but by love. The consequence is, many of them speedily recover, and love him ever after. Thur. OCTOBER 4.-I was importuned to preach the con- demned sermon at Bristol. I did so, though with little hope of doing good; the criminals being eminently impenitent. Yet they were, for the present, melted into tears ; and they were not out of God's reach . Sun. 7-. I took my leave of the congregation in the new [Oct. 1781. Square, in a calm, delightful evening. Monday, 8. I preached at the Devizes about eleven ; at Sarum in the evening. Tues. 9.-I preached at Winchester, where I went with great expectation to see that celebrated painting in the cathe- dral, the raising of Lazarus. But I was disappointed. I observed, 1. There wassuch a huddle of figures, that, had I not been told, I should not ever have guessed what they meant. 2. The colours in general were far too glaring, such as neither Christ nor his followers ever wore . When will painters have common sense ? Wed. 10. I opened the new preaching-house just finished at Newport in the Isle of Wight. After preaching, I explained the nature of a Methodist society ; ofwhich few had before the

men were taken ; so wewent on unmolested, and early in the afternoon came safe to Bristol. Thur. 15.-I set out for the west ; preached at Taunton in the evening ; Friday noon, at Collumpton ; and in the evening, at Exeter. Here poorHugh Saunderson has pitched his stand- ard, and declared open war. Part of the society have joined him; the rest go on their way quietly, to make their calling and election sure. Sun. 18.-I was much pleased with the decent behaviour of the whole congregation at the cathedral ; as also with the solemn music at the post-communion, one of the finest compositions I ever heard. The Bishop inviting me to dinner, I could not but observe, 1. The lovely situation ofthe palace, covered with trees, and as rural and retired as if it was quite in the country. 2. The plainness of the furniture, not costly or showy, but just fit for a Christian Bishop. 3. The dinner, sufficient, but not redundant ; plain and good, but not delicate. 4. The pro- priety of the company,-five Clergymen and four of the Alder- men; and, 5. The genuine, unaffected courtesy of the Bishop, who, I hope, will be ablessing to his whole diocese. We set out early in the morning, Monday, 19, and in the afternoon came to Plymouth. I preached in the evening, and at five and twelve on Tuesday, purposing to preach in the Square at the Dock in the evening ; but the rain prevented. However, I did so on Wednesday evening. A little before I concluded, the Commanding Officer came into the Square with his regiment ; but he immediately stopped the drums, and drew upall his menin order on the high side of the Square. They were all still as night; nor did any ofthem stir, till I hadpro- nounced the blessing. Thur. 22. I preached at St. Austle ; Friday, 23, at Truro, and in the street at Helstone. Saturday, 24. I preached in Marazion, at eleven ; in the evening, at Penzance. Sun. 25. We prayed that God would " stay the bottles of heaven;" and he heard our prayer. I preached at Mousehole about nine, to a large congregation ; to a larger at Buryan, about two : But that at St. Just in the evening exceeded both ofthem put together. After visiting the other societies, I came

coach ; and before eleven, on Tuesday, 5, reached Colchester. Dec. 1782.] JOUR 2 In order to strengthen this poor feeble society, I stayed with them till Friday, preaching morning and evening, and visiting in the day as many as I could, sick or well. I divided the classes anew, which had been strangely and irregularly jumbled together ; appointed Stewards ; regulated temporal as well as spiritual things ; and left them in a better waythan they had been for several years. Monday, 14, and the followingdays, I visited the societies in and about London. Sun. 24.-I preached at St. Clement's in the Strand, (the largest church I ever preached in at London, except, perhaps, St. Sepulchre's, ) to animmense congregation. I fullydischarged my own soul, and afterwards took coach for Northamptonshire. On Monday, 25, I preached at Towcester ; on Tuesday, at Whittlebury, so called; but the true name of the town is Whittle; on Wednesday, at Northampton ; and on Thursday I returned to London. Friday, 29. I preached at Highgate, in the palace built in the last century by that wretched Duke of Lauderdale ; now one of the most elegant boarding-houses in England. But, alas ! it is not Publow ! Mon. DECEMBER 3.-I preached at St. Neot's, in Hunting- donshire ; Tuesday, 3, at Bugden about one ; and in the evening atHuntingdon. Two Clergymen were there, with one ofwhom Ihadmuch serious conversation. Wednesday, 4. I preached with great enlargement of spirit, to my old congregation at Bedford. Thursday, 5. With some difficulty I crossed the country to Hinxworth, and preached to fifty or sixty plain people, who seemed very willing to learn. In the afternoon, it being impossible todrive a chaise straight round to Luton, I was obliged to go many miles about, and sodid not reach it till after six o'clock ; so I went directly to the preaching-house, and beganwithout delay enforcing those solemn words, " To-day, if ye will hear his voice,harden not your hearts." Fri. 6.-I could procure no other conveyance to St. Alban's but inan open chaise; andhence, (the frost being very sharp,) I contracted a severe cold. Monday, 9. Ihad a better convey- ance into Kent. In the evening I preached at Canterbury ; on Tuesday at Dover ; the next day at Canterbury again. On Thursday, 12, and on Friday morning, I preached at Chatham ;

as much as I could do ; for I was in a high fever, though with- out any pain. Aftergiving a short exhortation to the society, I was very glad to lie down. My fever was exactly ofthe same kind with that I had in the north of Ireland. On Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, I was just the same : The whole nervous system was violently agitated. Hence arose the cramp, with little intermission, from the time I lay down in bed till morning : Also a furious, tearing cough, usually recur- ring before each fit ofthe cramp. And yet I had no pain in my back, or head, or limbs, the cramp only excepted. But I had no strength at all, being scarce able to move, and much less to think. In this state I lay till Friday morning, when a violent fit ofthe cramp carriedthe fever quite away. PerceivMay, 1783.1 JOURNAL. ing this, I took chaise without delay, and reached Worcester in the afternoon. Here I overtook Mr. Collins again, who had supplied all my appointments, and with a remarkable blessing to the people. But being much exhausted, I found rest was sweet. Saturday, 22. In the morning I gave a short exhorta- tion, and thenwent on to Birmingham . Sun. 23. Finding still some remains of the fever, with a load and tightness across my breast, and a continual tendency to the cramp, I procured a friend to electrify me thoroughly, both through the legs and the breast, several times in the day. God so blessed this, that I had no more fever or cramp, and no more load or tightness across my breast. In the evening I ventured to preach threequarters of an hour, and found no ill effect at all. Tues. 25. In the afternoon I reached Hilton-Park, about six miles north of Wolverhampton. Here I found my old acquaint- ance, Miss Freeman, (whom I had known almost from a child,) with Sir Philip Gibbes's lady, and his two amiable daughters, in a lovely recess. With these I spent this evening and the next day, both profitably and agreeably. Thur. 27-. I crossed over the country to Hinckley, and preached in the evening, in the neat, elegant preaching-house. So I did, morning and evening, on the three following days, to a serious, well-behaved people.

the other, a little meadow and a green-house, with a study (which she calls her chapel) hanging over the sea. Between these is a broad walk, leaning down almost to the edge of the water ; along which run two narrow walks, commanding the quay, one above the other. But it cannot be long before this excellent lady will remove to anobler paradise. The unusually large congregation in the eveningwas plenti- fully watered with the dew of heaven. I found a particular concern for the children, many ofwhom willingly attended. Wed. 7.-The packet still delaying, I exhorted a large con- gregation, in the evening, to take care how they built their house upon the sand; and then cheerfully commended them to the grace ofGod. Thur. 8.-We rose at one, went down to the quay at two, and about four went on board the Hillsborough packet. About five the wind turned fair, and, between five and six in the even- ing, brought us to Holyhead. About seven we took coach, and the next evening met our friends at Chester. Mon. 12.-About eight I preached at Preston-in-the-Hill; about twelve, in Warrington ; and in the evening, at Liverpool May, 1783.] 247 Here the scandal of the cross seems to be ceased, and we are grownhonourablemen. Thursday, 15. I preached about noon atWigan, and in the evening at Bolton, to a people much alive to God. Saturday, 17. I went on to Manchester. Sunday, 18. Mr. Bayley came very opportunely to assist me in the Morn ing Service. Such a sight, I believe, was never seen at Man- chester before. It was supposed there were thirteen or fourtee hundred communicants, among whom there was such a spirit as I have seldom found; and their whole behaviour was such as adorned the Gospel. Tues. 20.-I met the select society, consisting of between forty and fifty members. Several of these were lately made partakers of the great salvation ; as several were above twenty years ago. I believe there is no place but London, where we have somany souls so deeply devoted to God; and his hand is not shortened yet, but his work rapidly increases on every side. About noon I preached at Stockport ; and in the afternoon, in the new church at Macclesfield. This society seems as lively as even that at Manchester, and increases nearly as fast. Not

were asleep in the town were waked, and many thought the day of judgment was come. Men, women, and children, flocked out of their houses, and kneeled down together in the streets. With the flames, the grace of God came down also in a manner never known before ; and as the impression was general, so it was lasting : It did not pass awaywith the storm ; but the spirit of seriousness, with that of grace and supplication, continued. Aprayer-meeting being appointed on Saturday evening, the people flocked together ; so that the preaching-house was more than filled; and many were constrained to stand without the door andwindows. On Sunday morning, before the usual time of Service, the church was quite filled. Such a sight was never seen in that church before. The Rector himself was greatly moved, and delivered a pressing, close sermon, with uncommon earnestness. When I came on Wednesday, the same serious- ness remained on the generality of the people. I preached in the evening at Wood-Green, where a multitude flocked together, on the Son of man coming in his glory. The word fell heavy upon them, and many of their hearts were as melting wax. Thursday, 17. At five they were still so eager to hear, that the preaching-house wouldnot near containthe congregation. After preaching, four- and-thirty persons desired admission into the society ; every one ofwhomwas (for the present, at least)under very serious impressions : And most of them, there is reason to hope, will bring forth fruit with patience. In the evening I preached to a lovely congregation,at Stroud; and on Tuesday afternoon came to Bristol. Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, Ispent at Bath. Thurs- Aug. 1783. ] 259 : day, 24. I went with a few friends to Blase-Castle. The woods on the side of the hill, cut through various directions, are the pleasantest I ever saw, little inferior to the Leasowes ; and, bythe beautiful prospects, far superior to Stow gardens. Afterwards we took a view of Lord Clifford's woods, at King's Weston. They are amazingly beautiful : I have seen nothing equal to them in the west of England, and very few in any other parts. In the evening I read to the congregation an account of our brethren in Holland, and many thanksgivings were rendered to God on their account. Tues. 29. Our Conference began, at which two important

Longtown, the last town in England ; and one of the best built in it; for all the houses are new, from one end to the other. The road from hence to Langholm is delightfully pleasant, running mostly by the side of a clear river. But it was past seven before we reached Selkirk. Sat. 24. We had frost in the morning, snow before seven, piercing winds allday long, and in the afternoon vehement hail ; so that I did not wonder we had a small congregation at Edin- burgh in the evening. Sun. 25.-I attended the Tolbooth kirk at eleven. The sermon was very sensible ; but having no application,was no way likely to awaken drowsy hearers. About four I preached at Lady Maxwell's, two or three miles from Edinburgh, and at six in our own House. For once it was thoroughly filled. I preached on, " God is a Spirit ; and they that worship him, must worship him in spirit and in truth." I am amazed at this people. Use the most cutting words, and apply them in the most pointed manner, still they hear, butfeel no more than the seats they sit upon ! Mon. 26.-I went to Glasgow, and preached in the evening to a very different congregation. Many attended in the morn- ing, although the morning preaching had been long discontinued both here and at Edinburgh. In the evening many were obliged to go away, the House not being able to contain them. Wednes- day, 28. We found the same inconvenience, but those who could get in found a remarkable blessing. Thursday, 29. The House was thoroughly filled at four; and the hearts of the people were as melting wax. Afterwards I returned to Edinburgh, and in the evening the House was well filled. So that we must not say, " The people of Edinburgh love the word of God only on the Lord's day." Fri. 30. We went to Perth; now but the shadow ofwhat it was, though it begins to lift up its head. It is certainly the sweetest place in all North-Britain, unless perhaps Dundee. I preached in the Tolbooth, to a large andwell-behaved congre May,1784.] 273 gation. Many of them were present again at five in the morn- ing, MAY 1. I then went to Dundee, through the Carse of

As soon as I came down from the desk, I was enclosed by a body of children ; one ofwhom, and another, sunk down upon their knees, until they were all kneeling : So I kneeled down myself, and began praying for them. Abundance ofpeople ran back into the House. The fire kindled, and ran from heart to heart, till few, if any, were unaffected. Is not this a new thing inthe earth ? God begins his work in children. Thus it has been also in Cornwall, Manchester, and Epworth. Thus the flame spreads to those of riper years ; till at length they all know ! him, andpraise him from the least unto the greatest. Wed. 9. I went to Barnard-Castle. Here I was informed, thatmyold school-fellow, Mr. Fielding, and his wife, were gone to rest. His son, not choosing to live there, had let his lovely house to a stranger : So in a little time his very name and mem- orywill be lost ! Sun. 10. After preaching at five, I took horse for the Dales, and about eight preached at Cutherston. Here I had the plea- sure of seeing some of our brethren, who had been long at vari- ance, cordially reconciled. Hence we rode through rain and wind to Newbiggen in Teesdale. Being but a poor horseman, and having a rough horse, I had just strength for my journey, and none to spare ; but after resting awhile, I preached without any weariness . [June,1784. Having then procured an easier horse, I rode over the great mountain into Weardale. But I found not my old host : Good Stephen Watson was removed to Abraham's bosom. Sowas that mother in Israel, Jane Nattres ; (before Salkeld;) the great instrument of that amazing work among the children. But God is with them still : Most of the Leaders and many of the people are much alive to God ; as we found in the evening, whenwe had such a shower of grace as I have seldom known. Fri. 11. About ten, riding through avillage called Middle- ton, I was desired to preach there. So I began in the street without delay. A large number of people came together, and received the word with gladness. Afterwards we rode at leisure : to Barnard-Castle ; and on Saturday, 12, to Darlington.

done even at Gainsborough ! Tuesday, 29. I preached in the ! July, 1784.] 283 street at Scotter, to alarge and deeply attentive congregation. Itwasasolemn and comfortable season. In the evening I read Prayers andpreached in Owstone church; and again in the morn- ing. Wednesday, 30. In the evening I preached at Epworth In the residue of the week, I preached morning and evening in several of the neighbouring towns. Sun. JULY 4.-I read Prayers and preached in Owstone church, so filled as probably it never was before ; and believe every one, awakened or unawakened, felt that Godwas there. The congregation in the afternoon, at Epworth market-place, was thought to be larger than ever it was before ; and great was the Holy One of Israel in the midst of them. Mon. 5.-At twelve I preached in the elegant House at Doncaster, for once pretty well filled ; and spoke more strongly, indeed more roughly, than I am accustomed to do. It was sultry hot (as it has been once or twice before) while we went to Rotherham, where I preached abroad to alarger congregation, both of rich and poor, than even at Epworth ; and earnestly enforced on those who are called believers, " By their fruits ye shall know them." Tues. 6. I joined again the select society, which was fallen inpieces ; and prayed them to be wiser for the time to come. I breakfasted at that amiable old man's, Mr. Sparrow; elder brother to his twin-soul whom I knew at Westminster. Thence I went on to Sheffield, where the society is increased to near some hun- dred members. How swiftly does the work ofGod spread among those who earn their breadby the sweat of their brow ! Wed. 7.-It was supposed there were a thousand persons present at five in the morning. Ayoung gentlewoman was with us at breakfast, whowas mourning and refused to be comforted. We prayed for her in faith, and in a few hours she was enabled to rejoice in God her Saviour. In the afternoon the heat was scarce supportable, and it seemed to increase every hour ; but between two and three in the morning, Thursday, 8, came a violent storm, followed by uncommon thunder, and a flood of rain, which continued about three hours ; this entirely cooled the air, and, ceasingjust as we set out, left us apleasantjourney

to Wakefield. I recommended to thecongregation here,(and afterwardsmany other places,) the example of the people in Holland, (at least, wherever I have been,)whonevertalkin a place ofpublicworship, (July, 1784. either before or after the service. They took my advice. None courtesied, or bowed, or spoke to any one ; but went out in as decent a manner, and in as deep silence, as any I saw at Rotter- dam or Utrecht. Fri. 9.-I preached at Huddersfield in the morning ; at Longwood-House, at noon ; and in the evening, at Halifax. Sunday, 11. I preached in the morning at Greetland House ; at one, and in the evening, at Halifax. The House would in nowise contain the people; yet the wind was so high, that I could not preach abroad. Mon. 12. Mr. Sutcliffe read Prayers, and I preached atHep- tonstall, where many poor souls were refreshed. Between one and two I preached in Todmorden church ; and, at five, in our own preaching-house, boldly situated on the steep ascent of a tall mountain . Tues. 13. I went to Burnley, a place which had been tried for many years, but without effect. It seems, the time was now : come. High and low, rich and poor, now flocked together from all quarters ; and all were eager to hear, except one man,who was the Town-crier. He began to bawl amain, till his wife ran to him, and literally stopped his noise : She seized him with one i hand, and clapped the other upon his mouth, so that he could not get out one word. God then began awork, which, I am persuaded, will not soon come to an end. Wednesday, 14. I preached at Colne. Thursday, 15. I retired to Otley, and : rested two days. Sunday, 18. I preached, morning and after- noon, in Bingley church ; but it would not near contain the congregation. Before Service I stepped into the Sunday-school, i which contains two hundred and forty children, taught every Sunday by several masters, and superintended by the Curate. So, many children in one parish are restrained from open sin, and taught a little good manners, at least, as well as to read the Bible. I find these schools springing up wherever I go. Per- haps God may have a deeper end therein, thanmen are awareof.

Mr. Perronet, ninety-oneyears of age, calmly waiting for the conclusion of a good warfare. His bodily strength is gone, but his understanding is little impaired; and he appears to have more love than ever. After preaching to an earnest congrega- tion in the evening, and to great part ofthem in the morning, I returned to London. Monday, 13, and the two days following, I preached at Can- terbury, Dover, and Sittingbourne. Thursday, 16. I went to Sheerness ; where Mr. Fox read Prayers, and I preached on those words in the Second Lesson, " If the righteous scarcely be saved, where shall the ungodly and the sinner appear ? " I hardly ever spoke stronger words. MayGodmake the applica- tion! I never before found this society in such a state as they were now ; being all, in general, athirst for God, and increasing in number as well as in grace. Friday, 17. I preached at Chatham, where likewise I found only peace and love ; and on Saturday, 18, cheerfully returned to London. Mon. 20.-I went to Hinxworth, where I had the satisfaction ofmeeting Mr. Simeon, Fellow of King's College, in Cambridge. He has spent some time with Mr. Fletcher, at Madeley ; two kindred souls ; much resembling each other, both in fervour of spirit, and in the earnestness of their address. He gave me the pleasing information, that there are three parish churches in Cambridge, wherein true scriptural religion is preached ; and several young gentlemen who are happy partakers of it. I preached in the evening on Gal. vi. 14. Tuesday, 21. I spent a little time with the children at Miss Harvey's school, whom she likewise carefully instructs herself. After dinner we set out for Wrestlingworth ; and having a skilful guide, who rode before the chaise, and picked out the best way, we drove four miles in only three hours. Wednesday, 22. I returned to Lon- don, and concluded myjourneys for the present year. Sat. 25. We met, as usual, in the new chapel, at four : At ten, and in the afternoon, I preached in West-Street ; and afterwards spent a comfortable hour in meeting the society. Sun. 26. I preached the condemned criminals' sermon in Newgate. Forty-seven were under sentence ofdeath. While they were coming in, therewas something very awful in the clink of their chains. Butno soundwas heard, either from them

thing ! In various places, indeed, we have frequently felt The o'erwhelming power of saving grace ; which acted almost irresistibly. But such a shower of grace never continued long; and afterwards men might resist the Holy Ghost as before. When the general ferment subsides, every one that partook of it has his trial for life ; and the higher the flood, the lower will be the ebb; yea, the more swiftly it rose, the more swiftly it falls : So that if we see this here, we should not be discouraged. We should only use all diligence to encourage as many as possible to press forward, in spite of all the refluent tide. Now, especially, we should warn one another not to grow weary or faint in our mind ; if haply we may see such another prodigy as the late one at Paulton, near Bath, where there was a very swift work of God ; and yet, a year after, out of an hundred converted, there was not one backslider ! The number of children that are clearly converted to God is particularly remarkable. Thirteen or fourteen little maidens, in one class, are rejoicing in God their Saviour ; and are as serious and stayed in their whole behaviour, as if they were thirty or forty years old. I have much hopes, that half of them will be steadfast in the grace ofGod which they now enjoy. Sun. 17. We had such a number of communicants at the cathedral as was scarce ever seen there before. In the evening manywere cut to the heart ; and, I believe, not a few comforted. A love-feast followed ; at which many spoke what God had done for their souls, with all plainness and simplicity. Mon. 18.-I went through a delightful country to Prosperous ; a little town, begun five years ago by Captain Brooke, just 302 REV. J. WESLEY'S April,1785. returned from the East Indies. Here he introduced every branch of the cotton manufactory, on a most extensive plan. He built two rows of commodious houses, with all convenient appurtenances ; and he now employs about two thousand men, women, and children, on the spot, beside near the same number in other places. They had a very large Room, but not near large enough for the congregation. All that got in seemed much affected, as

the Officers attended, and our Great Captain was present also. Thur. 28. I supposed the house at Portarlington would havemore than contained the congregation ; but it would scarce [May, 1785. contain a third part ofthem. So I removed to the market-house, and preached on the general judgment. The word was quick and powerful, so that very few appeared to be unaffected. In the evening I preached in the church at Mount-Mellick. Perhaps such a congregation was never there before. But the greater part of them seemed to be of Gallio's mind, to care for none of these things. Fri. 29. I preached in our own House at Kilkenny, to just such another congregation. But those that attended in the morning were ofa nobler spirit, and I found uncommon liberty among them. Sat. 30.-I preached at Waterford in the Court-House, one ofthe largest in the kingdom. A multitude of people quickly ran together, which occasioned some tumult at first ; but it was quickly over, and all were deeply attentive. Surely God will have much people in this city. Sun. MAY 1.-At eight I preached in the Court-House to a larger congregation than before. At eleven I went to the cathedral, one of the most elegant churches in Ireland. The whole Service was performed with the utmost solemnity. After Service, the senior Prebend, Dr. Fall, invited me to dinner ; and desired, when I came again, I would take a bed at his house. Idoubt that will never be ! At four I preached at the head of the Mall, to a Moorfields congregation, all quiet and attentive. Monday, 2. The con- gregation at five in the morning was larger than that on Satur- day evening ; and all ofthem appeared to have (for the present, at least) a real concern for their salvation. O that it may not pass away as the morning dew ! I took asolemn farewell of this affectionate people, concluding with those awful words :- Now on the brink ofdeath we stand ; And if I pass before, You all may safe escape to land, Andhail me on the shore. Tues. 3.-We set out for Dungarven-Ferry ; but in spite of all the speed we could make, the road was so horrible, that we could not reach Youghall before six in the evening. At seven,

Sun. 29. The Morning Service, so called, began between •twelve and one. At five, the storm was so high, that I could not preach in the market-place, as I first designed. At length we pitched upon a sloping meadow near the town, where we were perfectly sheltered by the hill. I suppose the congregation would have filled the House at Dublin, more than twice over. We had several showers ; but the people regarded them not, being wholly taken up with better things. Mon. 30.-We went on to Caladon. Aconvenient preaching- house is just built here ; which (after the forms were removed) just contained the congregation. The power of God was very unusually present among them. Many were cut to the heart ; and refused to be comforted, till God spoke peace to their souls; andmany did already rejoice with joy unspeakable. • When we came to Armagh on Tuesday, the wind was extremely high, and the air as cold as it used to be in Decem- ber. However, we hadno place that could contain the congre- gation, but Mr. M'Gough's avenue. And here the people, crowding close together, did not seem to regard either cold or wind. Tuesday, 31. We took a walk to the Primate's palace, and had a full view of the house. It is elegant inthe highest degree, and yet not splendid ; and it is furnished throughout in ahandsome, though not ina costly, manner. Since I was June, 1785. ] JOURNAL. 311 here before, he has added an obelisk a hundred feet high ; and dairy-house, with manyotherconveniences ; and a chapel, never yet used. But wewere informed, he designs to do many things more ! How well then may it be said to him, Tu secanda marmora Locas sub ipsum funus, et sepulchri Immemor struis domos ! At eleven I preached in the avenue again. It rained all the time; yet the congregation was large and attentive. Afterwards a decent woman, whom I never saw either before or since, desired to speak with me ; and said, " I met you at Caladon. I hadthen aviolent pain inmy head for four weeks ; but was fully per- suaded I should be well, if you would lay your hand on my cheek ; which I begged you to do. From that moment I have been perfectly well." Ifso, giveGod the glory. In the even-

and the left while I was preaching, but only a few drops fell upon us. Thursday, 16. About eight I preached at Rich-Hill, where there were many backsliders, on, " How shall I give thee up, Ephraim ?" In the afternoon I came to Newry, where I never before had any tolerable place to preach in ; but the Presbyterians now offered me the use of their large and hand- some meeting-house : Perhaps it never was filled before. I believe the occasion required me to speak very plain, which I did from Elijah's question, " How long halt ye between two opinions ? " And I applied it to the conscience of each person, rich and poor, with all possible plainness. Fri. 17. Many of our friends from Dublin gave us the meeting at Drogheda ; alarge, handsome town, which seemed to me to be little inferior to Waterford. After much opposition, a small society is formed here. I preached in the Sessions- House, a large commodious room, which was quickly filled with rich and poor. The Mayor himself and several of the Aldermen took care that none should make any disturbance. God gave us an exceeding solemn season. After sermon I gave a short account of the rise of Methodism. I believe all were so satisfied, that there will scarce be any more persecution of the Methodists at Drogheda. Sat. 18.-Having visited all the places I proposed, I came back to Dublin just as well as I set out, my strength having beenasmyday. Sun. 19. I exhorted a crowded audience to " bring forth fruits meet for repentance ; " and afterwards pressed the exhorta- tion on our own society. Monday, 20. I visited one ill of a violent fever, and calmly triumphing over sickness, and pain, and death. In the evening I received a letter from a Physician, whom, the next morning, I carried to see her. He thoroughly understood her case ; and from the day she followed his prescrip- tion she began to recover. I feared very many of the society would be lost before my return ; but I found only three : So that seven hundred and thirty-seven of them remained. Wed. 22. I went with twelve or fourteen of our friends on the canal to Prosperous. It is a most elegantway of travelling,

indeed, through which King Charles attempted to make his escape, is still in being ; and brought to mymind that whole train of occurrences, wherein the hand ofGod was so eminently seen. Thur. 11.-About noon I preached in a little court in the town of Portsmouth. The people were all attention : So there was amuch larger congregation in the evening, in St. George's Square. Surely, after all the stumbling-blocks which have been thrown in the way, God will have many souls in this place. Fri. 12. I preached at Winchester ; and on Saturday, 13, went on to Salisbury. As Captain Webb had just been there, [Aug. 1785. I endeavoured to avail myself of the fire which he seldom fails : to kindle. The congregation in the evening was very large, and seemed to be deeply affected: So they did again at eight on Sunday morning ; but I believe the greatest blessing was in the evening ; particularly during the prayer, wherein God was pleased to move many in an uncommonmanner. Mon. 15. I preached in Shaftesbury at nine, to such a congregation as I had not seen there before. I was glad to see among them the gentleman who, thirty years ago, sent his Officer to discharge me from preaching in his borough. About two I preached at Castle-Carey, to as many as could well hear ; and I believe there were very few who did not feel that Godwas with us. In the evening I preached at Shepton-Mallet, but the House would not near contain the congregation. For many years this society was remarkably dead ; but it is now one of the liveliest inEngland. Tues. 16.-We went on to Taunton, where I expected little good. But I was agreeably disappointed : The House was thoroughly filled. A solemn awe sat upon the whole congrega- tion, and God spoke to their hearts. The House was nearly filled at five in the morning,-a sight never seen here before. : Wednesday, 17. Collumpton House was more than filled,many being constrained to go away ; and I found uncommon liberty of speech here, as well as at Exeter in the evening. Thur. 18.-I had apleasant journey to Plymouth-Dock, the rain having but just laid the dust. The late separation here seems to have done little hurt. A few turbulent men have left

Tewkesbury, where I preached at noon. Abundance of snow likewise fell in the afternoon ; but we pushed through it to Worcester. Thursday, 16. It was not without some difficulty, thatwemade ourwaythrough the snow to Bewdley. Prejudice is here now vanished away. The life of Mr. Clark turned the tide; and, much more, his glorious death. I preached about noon; and at Worcester in the evening; wherewe had anuncom- mon blessing while I was enforcing, " Thou shalt have no other gods before me." Fri. 17. At eleven I preached at Bengeworth ; and again at six in the evening : I believe, not without effect. Saturday, 18. I went on straight to Birmingham. Sunday, 19. A large congregation attended in the morning. At ten I went to St. At Mary's, where the Curate preached an admirable sermon . five the preaching-house would not near contain the congrega- 328 REV. J. WESLEY'S [April, 1786. tion. Afterwards I administered the Lord's Supper to about five hundred communicants. Mon. 20.-I met the select society ; most ofwhom are clearly perfected in love. Tuesday, 21. At three in the afternoon I preached at Quinton, in the new preaching-house ; and in the evening at Birmingham. To-day I read Dr. Withering's " Treatise on Foxglove." He says it frequently cures epilep- sies, palsies, insanity, consumptions, and several other diseases. Sunday, 26. The church, as usual, was far too small to contain the congregation . I preached on Rev. xiv. 1-7; and exhorted the congrega- tion to cherish that divine ambition, of being found " faultless before God." We had another large congregation inthe after- noon ; and all serious as death. I spent the evening at a neigh- bouring gentleman's house, in close conversation from the beginning to the end. Tues. 21. After calling at Sheriff-Hales, and giving them a short exhortation, I hastened to Stafford, and found the con- gregation waiting. I strongly enforced upon them, " The kingdom of God is at hand; " and then went on to Lane-End. It was past seven, and the windwas piercing cold. However, I was constrained to preach abroad ; and none of us seemed to regard the weather, for God warmed our hearts. I forgot to mention that, the evening before, Madeley church was thoroughly filled ; and God reserved the great blessing for

could scarce keep above water. However, our great Pilot brought us safe to land between one and two in the morning. Saturday, 27. About three we came to the New Inn, and rested till between six and seven. Thence, going gently on to King- horn, we had a pleasant passage to Leith. After preaching, I walked to my lovely lodging at Coates, and found restwas sweet. Sun. 28. I preached first at our own House, and atnoonon the Castle-Hill. I never saw such a congregation there before. But the chair was placedjust opposite to the sun : But I soon forgot it, while I expounded those words, " I saw the dead, small and great, stand before God." In the evening the whole audience seemed to feel, " Without holiness no man shall see the Lord." Tues. 30.-I had the happiness of conversing with the Earl ofH and his Lady, at Dunbar. I could not but observe both the easiness of his behaviour, (such as we find in all the Scottish Nobility,) and the fineness of his appearance, greatly set off by a milk-white head of hair. Wednesday, 31. I took a view of the stupendous bridge, about ten miles from Dunbar ; which is thrown over the deep glen that runs between the two mountains, commonly called the Peas. I doubt whether Louis the Fourteenth ever raised such a bridge as this. In the evening I preached at Berwick-upon-Tweed ; Thurs- day, JUNE 1, at Alnwick. Friday, 3. I was desired to lay the first stone of the preaching-house there. Avery large congre- gation attending, we spent some time on the spot, in solemn prayer, and singing praise to God. About noon I preached in the Town-Hall at Morpeth ; in the evening, at Newcastle. How different is the spirit of this congregation to that of most of those I have seen lately ! June, 1786.] JUNE 4.-(Being Whitsunday.) I preached at eight to an amazing congregation, at the Ballast-Hills ; but it was doubled by that at the Fell in the afternoon. But it was supposed that at the Garth-Heads, in the evening, was as large as both together. On Monday and Tuesday the congregationwas larger than I ever remember. Wednesday, 7. Atfivewe had asolemn parting. About noon I preached at North-Shields, in a tent erected near the town, to a very numerous congregation. In the evening I

parish churches in England. I preached on the Gospel for the day, the story of Dives and Lazarus. Being invited to preach in the afternoon, the church was, ifpossible, more crowded than before ; and I pressed home the Prophet's words, " Seek ye the Lordwhile he maybe found ; callye uponhim while he is near." Who would have expected, a few years since, to see me preach- ing in the High Church at Hull? I had appointed to preach at Swinfleet ; so Iwent as far as Beverley this evening, and on Monday, 19, set out early ; but being vehemently importuned to go round by Malton, I did so, and preached there atnine. Thence I hastened to Pocklington ; and, finding the people ready, stepped out of the chaise, and preached without delay. We reached Swinfleet between six and seven,having gone, in all, seventy-six miles. Anumerous congregation was assembled under the shade of tall trees. Sufficient for this day was the labour thereof: But still I was no more tired than when I rose in themorning. Tues. 20.-I preached in Crowle at noon ; and in the evening at Epworth. Wed. 21. I preached at Scotter at nine; and at oneinBrigg, in an open part of the town. All were still as night ; the very boys and girls standing as quiet as their parents : Indeed, it seemed that the hearts of all were as melting wax before the Lord. In the evening, the people flocking together on every side, I was constrained to preach in the market-place at Grimsby ; where every one behaved well, except the Calvinist Preacher. Thur. 22-In the evening I preached at Louth. I never saw this people affected before. Friday, 23. At nine I preached at Tealby, where many of the people felt that God was with them in an uncommon manner. Having now given a second reading to " Fingal," rendered into heroic verse, I was thoroughly convinced it is one of the finest Epic Poems in the English language. Many of the lines are worthy of Mr. Pope ; many of the incidents are deeply pathetic ; and the character of Fingal exceeds any in June, 1786. ] 335 Homer, yea, and Virgil too. No such speech comes out of his mouth as, Sum pius Æneas,famâ super æthera notus : "

About nine I preached at Mount-Sorrel ; and though it was the fair-day, I saw not one drunken person in the congregation. It rained most of the way to Leicester, and some were afraid there would be no congregation. Vain fear! The House was extremely crowded with deeply attentivehearers, while I applied our Lord's words to the Centurion, in effect spoken to us also, " As thou hast believed, so be it done unto thee." In the after- noonwe went on to Hinckley. It rained all the evening : Yet wehadmore hearers than the House could contain; and hardly a trifler among them. A more serious, well-behaved people, I have seldom seen. This evening (I believe before I had done preaching) a remarkable instance of divine justice appeared. Aman in the street was grievously cursing another, and praying God " to blast his eyes." At that instant he was struck blind : So (I suppose) he continues ever since. Tues. 11. The poor, little flock at Coventry have at length procured a neat, convenient Room : Only it is far too small. As many of the people as could get in were all attention. How is the scene changed here also ! I know not but now the Corpora- tion, if it had been proposed, would have given the use of the Town-Hall to me rather than to the dancing-master ! Inthe evening I went on to Birmingham, and found the usual spirit in the congregation. They are much alive to God, and conse- quently increasing in number as well as in grace. Wed. 12.-At noon I preached in the new chapel at De- ritend. To build one here, was an act of mercy indeed; as the church would not containa fifth, perhaps not a tenth, ofthe inhabitants. At six I preached in our chapel at Birmingham, and immediately after took coach to London. Thur. 13.-We reached the town at two, and settled all our business on this and the two following days. Sunday, 15. My heart was greatly enlarged in exhorting avery numerous con- gregation to " worship God in spirit and in truth." And we had such a number of communicants as we have not had before, July, 1786.1 since the covenant-night. I suppose fifty, perhaps ahundred ofthem, never communicated before. In the afternoon I buried the remains of Thomas Parkinson, (who died suddenly two or

Afterward Mr. Brackenbury repeated to them in French the substance ofwhat Ihad said. Sun. 20. I expected to have preached in the English church, as I did before ; but some of the Elders were unwilling: So I attended there as ahearer; and I heard as miserable a sermon as most I have heard in my life. It might have been preached either amongJews, Turks, or Heathens, without offending them at all. In the afternoon I expounded to acompany ofserious Christians, our Lord's account of building ourhouse upon a rock. Jonathan Ferguson interpreted sentence by sentence ; andGod applied it to the hearts of the hearers. Mon. 21. I spent an hour with great satisfaction at Mr. Noltanu's country-house. Such a couple as him and his wife, I never saw since I left London ; and both their children appeared Aug. 1786.1 347 to be worthy of their parents, both as to person, understanding, and temper. Tues. 22.-I spent great part ofthe day at Mr. Vankennel's country-house, having agreed with him to give me a private room to write in, before and after dinner. At ten, a very sensi- ble Clergyman came in, with whom I conversed very largely, as he talked elegant Latin, and exceeding fluently, beyond any I have lately seen on the Continent. Having seen all the friends I proposed to see, on Thursday, 24, I took my leave of this loving people, and the pleasant city ofAmsterdam, very probably for ever ; and, setting out at seven inthe morning, between two and three in the afternoon came to Utrecht. Mr. Vanrocy, the gentlemanwho had engaged me to lodge, sent acoach to wait for me at my landing; and receivedme with the courtesy and cordiality of an old Yorkshire Methodist. Fri.25-. I kept close to my work all the day. I dined at Mr. Loten's, where was such variety of food as I never saw at any Nobleman's table, either in England or Ireland. In the after- noon we took a view of a widow lady's gardens, in the suburbs ofUtrecht. I believe, from the house to the end of the grand vista is about a mile. I think the gardens are not half as broad ; but such exquisite beauty and symmetry I never saw before . In grandeur it is not to be named with a few places in England ;

Sun. 10. Our service began at ten. Mr. Creighton (whose health is a little recovered by rest, and drinking the mineral waters) read Prayers and assisted at the sacrament. I preached on, " The children are brought to the birth, and there is not strength to bring forth." At half an hour past two we had a far larger congregation, and I think equally serious ; on whom I enforced the exhortation, " Come unto me, all ye that are weary andheavy-laden." In the evening I opened and largely applied those words in the Gospel for the day, “ Verily I say unto you, Many Prophets andKings have desired to see the ; things which ye see, and have not seen them ; and to hear those things that yehear, and have not heard them." Mon. 11.-Leaving the society here well united together, I went on, and preached at Bristol in the evening ; and on Tues- day, 12, retired to a friend's house, where I went on with Mr. Fletcher's Life without interruption ; but on Wednesday, 13, Icould not resist the desire ofmy friends, to preach at Temple church in the evening. I never saw it so full in an evening before, nor felt so much ofthe power of God there. Fri. 15. I had much satisfaction in the evening at the chapel in Guinea-Street. It was throughly filled ; and most of i the people seemed much affected, while (from Heb. xii. 1) I described what I take tobe the chiefbesetting sins ofBristol,- love of money, and love of ease. Indeed God has already i wrought a great deliverance for many ofthem ; and we hope a far greater will ensue. Sun. 17.-I preached morning and evening at the Room; and in the afternoon at Kingswood, where the work of God seems to stand nearly at one stay ; not sensibly increasing or decreasing. On Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, I met the classes at Bristol; and on the remaining days of the week transcribed the society, considerably increased since last year; and I hope in grace as well as in number. i Sat. 23.-I read the general plan of Monsieur Gebalin's vast Oct. 1786.1 JOURNAL. 351 work, designed to consist of twelve very large quarto volumes ; eightofwhichare published :-"The Primitive WorldAnalyzed, andcomparedwith the Modern." He is a man of strong under-

now finished, but by means never heard of. The building was undertaken a few months since, by a little handful of men, with- out any probable means of finishing it. But God so moved the hearts of the people in the Dock, that even those who did not pretend to any religion, carpenters, shipwrights, labourers, ran up, at all their vacant hours, and worked with all their might, without any pay. By this means a large square House was soon elegantly finished, both within andwithout; and it is the neatest building, next to the new chapel in London, of any in the south ofEngland. I preachedin the evening, on, "Stand in the old paths," to a lovely congregation ; and then showed the society of how great importance it was, that their light should shine before men. And indeed it does shine: They are of one heart and of one mind, striving for the hope of the Gospel. I preached at Chatham on Thursday evening ; andthe next day, Friday, 6, returned to London. Tues. 10.-Having promised to preach in their new House, at Lynn, I thought it best to go while the good weather conti- nued. I had ordered two places to be taken in the coach, which would have reached Lynn on Tuesday noon ; but my messen- ger, mending myorders, took them in the diligence, which came in between nine andten at night. By this means I lost one of three evenings, which I proposed to spend there. I spent Wednesday and Thursday with much satisfaction, with a very loving and lively people, increasing in grace aswell as innumber, and adorning the doctrine ofGod our Saviour. I had appointed to preach Mrs. Shewell's funeral sermon, at Bar- net, on Friday evening ; and as we had only two light persons in the diligence, and no baggage, I hoped we shouldhave come intime. But theywere vain hopes : We did not reach Hoddes- don till after sunset. I thentook a post-chaise ; for the diligence went the other road. But as we had aroughby-road across the country, without either moon or stars, we could not reach the chapel till halfanhour after seven. About half the congrega- tion were gone away ; an officious manhaving informed them I would not come. With the other half, which pretty well filled the House, we had a solemn opportunity.

gained byseparating from the Church here ? Is not this a good lesson for others ? Thur. 26. Mr. Holbrook carried us to Hampton- Court, far the finest palace which the King of England has. The build- ings are a little town; and nothing can be pleasanter than the park. But above all, the three fronts of the house, the stair- case, and the furniture and pictures in the apartments, are 354 REV. J. WESLEY'S [Nov. 1786. worthy of a King, and not equalled by any in the kingdom, in some respects ; not by Blenheim itself,which exceeds it only in its front, in tapestry, and in shockingly immodest pictures. In the evening I preached to a large and serious congregation, at Wandsworth. I think it was about two in the morning that adog began howling under our window, in a most uncommon manner. We could not stop him by any means. Just then William B-r died. Fri. 27. I preached once more at Barnet, probably for the last time. Sunday, 29. After preaching at West-Street, I went directly to St. Giles's ; where I preached before I went abroad, two or three and fifty years ago. And are they not passed as a watch in the night? My subject was the joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth : And truly God confirmed his word. Many seemed to be partakers of that joy; and asolemn awe sat on the whole congregation. Monday, 31, and the ensuing days, I visited the classes. I was careful to take an exact account of the society. I was sur- prised to find only ahundred and fifty-nine. I thought they hadbeendouble the number. Ihope, bythe assistance of God, within four months to see that none ofthese want either food or raiment. Fri. NOVEMBER 3.-Taking the advantage of a moonlight evening, I went down to the chapel atRotherhithe. I never saw it so well filled before, nor with such serious and attentive hearers. Is anything too hard for God ? Shall this wilderness blossom and bud as the rose ? Sun. 5. I buried the remains of John Cowmeadow, another martyr to loud and longpreaching. To save hislife, if possible, when he was half dead, I took him to travel with me. But it was too late : He revived a little, but soon relapsed; and, after

a few months died in peace. He had the ornament of a meek and quiet spirit, and was ofan exemplary behaviour. Tues. 7.-Ivisited the classes, and found themmuch increased both in grace and number. The House was, as usual, well filled in the evening, and many were refreshed and comforted. Thur. 9. Inthe evening I preached at Stratford ; andunder . standing I had many good sort of people to deal with, I endea- voured to stir them up, by strongly showing what it is to build upon a rock ; after showing them the various ways whereby the generality of good men(so called) usually build upon the sand. Dec. 1786.1 JOURNAL. 355 Sun. 12.-I preached, morning and afternoon, for the use of our little charity-school, where forty boys and twenty girls are trainedup both for this world and the world to come. Mon. 13.-I retired, for afew days to Highbury-Place, that Imight go on in mywork without interruption. I returned to town on Thursday, 16 ; and afterpreaching on 1 Tim. vi. 20, had acomfortable meeting with the Bands. Their shyness is vanished away ; andwe have only one inconvenience, we have not time to hear all those that are willing to speak. Sun. 26. After officiating at West-Street morning and after- noon, I took coach at seven in the evening. We had aclear, pleasant night, and reached Norwich about eleven on Monday, 27. I found all things in peace, through the zeal and prudence of Jasper Robinson and his fellow-labourers. The congregation in the evening was nearly as large as it usually is on Sunday ; and more than twice as large at six in the morning as it is accus- tomed to be. Tuesday, 25. Aboutnoon I preached at Cayster, a little town twenty miles east of Norwich, to a little, serious congregation ; the greater part ofthem seemed to be ripe for a blessing. The House at Yarmouth was throughly filled in the evening, and many attended in the morning likewise. Once more the combatants here have laid down their arms, and solemnly promise to continue in peace and love. Wednesday and Thursday I spent comfortably at Lowestoft, among a quiet, loving people. Friday, DECEMBER 1. I took a solemn leave ofthem at six. At nine Ipreached at North-Cove, with much enlargement ofspirit ; and about eleven at Beccles,

their attention, dead." The like has hardly been seen here before. What ! is God about to work in Plymouth also ? Sat. 3. Many attended at five in the morning, although it rained sharply. It likewise blew a storm. So it did all the day, as well as in the evening. The House wasthen crowded indeed ; yet there was attention still as night. But God uttered his voice; yea, and that amighty voice, insomuch that the stout-hearted trem- bled; and it seemed as if he would send none empty away; but of these too, though many were called, I fear few were chosen. Sun. 4.-Ibegan the service at half an hour past nine, and concluded it before one. I suppose such a number of commu- nicants were never seen before at Plymouth-Dock; but there was no disorder or hurry at all. There was more difficulty in the evening : The throng was so great that it was impossible for me to get through them to the pulpit ; so at length they made shift to lift me over the seats. AgainGod spoke in his word, I believe to all that could get in ; but some could not, and were constrained to go away. Mon. 5. The House was well filled again, both above and below; and after a solemn parting, wetook coach at six, leaving such a flame behind us as was never kindled here before. God grant it may never be put out ! We reached Exeter between two and three. In the evening I preached on, " By grace are ye saved through faith," to as many as could possibly squeeze into the Room. It was a glo- rious opportunity. God uttered his voice, and that amighty one. It seemed to break the rocks in pieces, to make the stout- hearted tremble. I know not that I ever saw such an impres- sion made on the people of Exeter before . Wed. 7.-It rained muchwhile we were at Plymouth, and at the Dock, and most of the way from the Dock to Exeter ; but wehad lovely weather to-day, and came into Bath early in the evening. So crowded a House I had not seen here for many years. I fully delivered my own soul, by strongly enforcing those awful words, "Many are called, but few are chosen. " I

half a century. I warned them in the strongest terms I could, and believe some of them had ears to hear. Sun. APRIL 1.-Fearing nothing so much as lest a people so much at ease should settle upon their lees, I preached at the new church, in the most awakening manner I could, on Rev. xx. 11 : " I saw a great white throne, and him that sat on it," &c. I then hastened to Manchester; and endeavoured to convince a crowded congregation of the full spiritual meaning of those important words, " By grace are ye saved, through faith." Mon. 2.-About noon I preached at Stockport, and in the evening at Manchester ; where I fully delivered my own soul, both then, and the next day. Wednesday, 3. I went to Chester, and preached in the evening, on Heb. iii. 12. Finding there was no packet at Parkgate, I immediately took places in the mail-coach for Holyhead. The porter called us at two in the morning, on Thursday, but came again in half an hour, to inform us the coach was full ; so they returned my money, and at four I took a post-chaise. We overtook the coach at Conway ; and, crossing the ferry with the passengers, went forward with April, 1787.1 JOURNAL. 367 out delay. So we came to Holyhead an hour before them, and went on board the Le Despenser between eleven and twelve o'clock. At one we left the harbour ; and at two the next day came into Dublin-Bay. On the road and in the ship I read Mr. Blackwell's " Sacred Classics Illustrated and Defended." I think he fully proves his point, that there are no expressions in the New Testament which are not found in the best and purest Greek authors. In the evening we had a Sunday's congregation, and a blessing from on high : I then retired to my lodgings which were at Arthur Keene's, about half a mile out of town ; apleasant, healthy spot,where were peace and love, and plenty ofall things. APRIL 7.-(Being Easter-Day.) I preached in Bethesda, Mr. Smyth's new chapel. It is very neat, but not gay; and I believe will hold about as many people as West-Street chapel. Mr. Smyth read Prayers, and gaveout the hymns, which were sung by fifteen or twenty fine singers ; the rest of the congre-

new translation of the Psalms ? I found the work ofGod much increased here; and it is a favourable circumstance, that of the three Ministers in the town two are our fast friends, and the third no enemy. The wind driving us into the House at six, we were crowded sufficiently. Afterwards I administered the sacrament to the society ; and not without a remarkable blessing. Mon. 23. Having takenleave of our affectionate friends at Athlone, I went on to Balinasloe ; but here we were at a loss ; the usual preaching-place would not contain half the people ; and the wind was so high, and so extremely cold, that they could not stand abroad. However, we made the best shift we could with two rooms, together with the passage and stair- case. I strongly explained what it is to build upon the sand ; and all that could hear seemed to receive the word gladly : Some, I hope, will bring forth fruit with patience. The church at Aghrim was so filled in the evening as it scarce ever was before. I believe God enabled me to find the way to the hearts both of Protestants and Roman Catholics. I never saw so general an impression made on the people of this town before. In the morning, Tuesday, 24, the preaching-house was well filled; and I exhorted them in St. John's words, " Look to yourselves, that ye lose not the things which ye have gained, but that ye receive a full reward." I did not find either so large or so serious a congregation in the church at Eyre-Court. I preached between ten and eleven to a number of unconcerned hearers, and then went on to Birr. There has been lately agreat shaking among the dry bones here. The congregations are much increased, and hear with deep attention ; and several members have been added to the society. I would fain have preached in the Square, as I did before ; but the wind and rain did not permit ; so as many as could, crowded into the preaching-house. I preached on, " I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ ; " a subject which, it VOL. IV. Вв 370 REV. J. WESLEY'S [April, 1787. seemed, suited the hearers; many ofwhom are hindered chiefly 1 by evil shame from being altogether Christians.

gregation, and passed acomfortable evening. Fri. 25. I had a day of rest in this lively family, only preaching morning and evening. Saturday, 26. I preached at Ballyconnel about eleven: In the afternoon I took awalk in the Bishop of Kilmore's garden. The house is finely situated ; has two fronts, and is fit for a nobleman. We then went into the church-yard, and saw the venerable tomb, a plain flat stone, inscribed, Depositum Gulielmi Bedel, quondam Episcopi Kil- morensis : * Over whom even the rebel army sung, Requiescat in pace ultimus Anglorum. " Let the last of the English- men rest in peace. " At seven I preached to a large congrega tion. It blew a storm, but most of the congregation were covered by akind of shed raised for the purpose ; and not a few were greatly comforted. Sun. 27. I preached in Cavan at seven, and then hastened forward to Clones, leaving Mr. Broadbent to preach at Bally- hays ; which he did with good effect. But I needed not to have been in such haste ; for the Church Service did not begin till twelve. Such a number of communicants, I suppose, was never seen at this church before. The Service ended about half past three. The question then was, where I should preach. The furious wind and violent rain made it impracticable to preach (where I intended) at the head of the market-place ; but I made * Here are deposited the remains of WILLIAM BEDEL, formerly Bishop of Kilmore. EDIT . 378 REV. J. WESLEY'S [May,1787. : shift to stand on one side of it in a door-way,where I was pretty well sheltered : Although the poor people were exposed to heavy rain during the whole sermon, none of them seemed to regard it ; and God did indeed send a gracious rain upon their souls, so that many rejoiced withjoy unspeakable. Mon. 28. Having all the parties together, I inquired into an odd affair which occurred here a few months ago. F. B. , Leader of the class of single women, and always hitherto of an unblem- ished character, was accused of immodesty by Mr.A-,in whose house she had lived for several years. I found this accu- sation to be totally groundless. 2. John Carr, one of our oldest members, with a few others, spent an hour in reading and

those words in the First Lesson, " How long halt ye between two opinions ? " and was enabled to press the question home on [Aug.1787. the consciences of the hearers. We had five Clergymen, (although three only could officiate,) and twelve or thirteen hundred communicants ; and the Master ofthe feast was in the midst of us, as many found to their unspeakable comfort. After preaching inthe evening, I took asolemn leave ofthe affectionate society. Here, at least, it undeniably appears that we have not run in vain, neither laboured in vain. Mon. 6.-Having taken the whole coach for Birmingham, we set out at twelve o'clock, expecting to be there, as usual, about five in the evening; but having six persons within, and eight without, the coach could not bear the burden, but broke down before three in the morning : But having patched it together, as well as we could, we went on to Congleton, and got another. But in an hour or two this broke also ; and one ofthe horses was so throughly tired, that he could hardly set one foot before the other. After all these hinderances, we got to Birming- ham just at seven. Finding a large congregation waiting, I stepped out of the coach into the House, and began preaching without delay ; and such was the goodness ofGod, that I found no more weariness when I had done than if I had rested all 1 theday. Here I took a tender leave of Mrs. Heath and her lovely daughters, about to embark with Mr. Heath forAmerica; whom I hardly expect to see any more till we meet in Abraham's bosom. Tues. 7.-Setting out a little before five, we reached Worces- ter between ten and eleven : Resting till half-past twelve, and taking fresh horses at Tewkesbury, we reached Gloucester before five o'clock . About seven I preached to a numerous congrega- tion in the new House, on, " I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ ; " and strongly applied the words to those whom they concerned. This night was one of the hottest I ever felt in Europe. Wed. 8.-We set out at two ; and, from the time it was light, rode through one of the pleasantest countries I ever saw. Before five we came to Rodbury-Place ; but we were far too early for so

ing ; and great was their solemnjoy, while I applied, “ When Christ who is our life shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory." Sat. 29.-Having no other time, I went over to Salop, and spent an afternoon very agreeably. The Roomwas so crowded in the evening as I never saw it before ; perhaps the more, by reason of two poor wretches who were executed in the afternoon. It was given me to speak strong words, such as made the stout- hearted tremble. Surely there is now, if there never was before, aday of salvation to this town also. Sun. 30-. I returned to Madeley ; but we were distressed April, 1788.1 JOURNAL. by the large concourse of people. It was too cold to stand abroad ; and the church could in nowise contain the congrega- tion. But we could not help it: So as many as could, got in ; the rest stood without, or went away. The Epistle led me to preach on the " Three that bear record in heaven," which proved seasonable for Mrs. Fletcher. In the afternoon, I preached on, " This is the record, that God hath given unto us eternal life, and this life is in his Son." Mon. 31.-About noon I preached at Stafford,to alarge and serious congregation ; and about six in the evening, at Lane- End. Our chapel not being able to contain one-third of the congregation, they stood at the front of Mr. Myat's house, where they could all hear perfectly; and though the wind was high, and extremely cold, none seemed to regard it. Mr. Myat was mentioning a little circumstance which I think worth relating, for its oddness :-Hehad two catswith kitten at once ; one ofwhich was the mother of the other, and kittened three weeks before her. But she would not suffer one of her kittens to suck at all, till it was almost starved. The younger cat, seeing this, took the kitten and suckled it till she kittened herself ; and afterwards suckled it with her own kittens. Who can account for this ? Tues. APRIL 1.--We went on to Burslem, where the work of God still prospers exceedingly. Sinners,-men, women, and children,-are still convinced and converted to God every day ; and there are exceeding few that draw back, as they are much

the Scots are the best hearers in Europe ! Wed. 14.-At five I wasimportuned to preachinthepreaching- house; but such a one I never saw before. It had no windows at all : So that although the sun shone bright, we could see nothing without candles. But I believe our Lord shone onmany hearts, while I was applying those words, " I will, be thou clean." I breakfasted with poor Mr. Ashton, manyyears ago amember of our society inLondon ; but far happier now in his little cottage, than ever he was in his prosperity. When I was in Scotland first, even at a Nobleman's table, we had only flesh meat ofonekind,but no vegetables of any kind ; butnow they areas plentiful here as inEngland. NearDum- fries there are five very large public gardens, which furnish the town with greens and fruit in abundance. The congregation in the evening was nearly double to that we had the last ; and, if it was possible, more attentive. Indeed one or two gentlemen, so called, laughed at first ; but they quickly disappeared ; and all were still while I explained the worship of God in spirit and in truth. Two of the Clergy fol- lowed me tomy lodging,and gavemeapressing invitation to their houses. Several others intended,it seems, to do the same; but having a long journey before me, I left Dumfries earlier in themorning than they expected. We set out on Thursday, 15, at four ; and reached Glasgow, Friday, 16, before noon. Much of the country, as we came, is now well improved ; and the wild- erness become a fruitful field. Our new preaching-house will, I believe, contain about as many as the chapel at Bath. But O the difference ! It has the pulpit on one side; and has exactly the look of a Presbyterian meeting-house. It is the very sister of our House at Brentford. Perhaps an omen ofwhat willbe when I am gone. I preached at seven to a tolerably large congregation, and to many ofthem at five in the morning. At six in the evening they were increased fourfold; but still I could not find theway to their hearts. Sun. 18-. I preached at eleven on the parable ofthe Sower; at half-past two on Psalm 1.23 ; and in the evening on, " Now abideth faith, hope, love; these three." I subjoined a short

remarkable, is the bridge which connects the two mountains, the Peas, together; one of the noblest works in Great Britain ; unless you would except the bridge at Edinburgh, which lies directly across the Cowgate: So that one street (a thing not heard of before) runs under another. 420 REV. J. WESLEY'S [May, 1788. About noon we came to Berwick-upon-Tweed ; but the town being all in a hurry, on occasion of the fair, so that I could not conveniently preach in the market-house, I was glad that Mr. Atcheson, the Presbyterian Minister, offered me the use of his chapel. It was a large commodious place. Several ofhis hear- ers attended; to whom I spoke exceeding plain, inthe evening, on 1 Cor. xii. 3 ; and in the morning, on Isaiah lix. 1-3. Sat. 24.-About one we reached Alnwick. I was a little sur- prised at the new preaching-house, (in which I preached in the evening,) exactly resembling the meeting-house we hire at Brent- ford. Had they no eyes ? Or had they never seen any English House ? But the scarecrow must now stand without remedy. Sun. 25. This was theday on which all the Nonjuring con- gregations in Scotland began, bycommon agreement, to pray in all their public worship for King George and his family. I preached at nine, at two, and at half-past five; the last time on the Gospel for the day, (the history of Dives and Lazarus,) with much enlargement of spirit. After preaching at five in the morning, on Matt. xxvi., and taking a solemn leave of the con- gregation, I went on to Morpeth ; but was informed the Town- Hall was totally engaged ; the lower part, by a company of players ; the upper, by a dancing-master. However, the latter did scruple the having his right: So I preached to the largest congregation I ever saw there. And our Lord seemed to Dart into all the melting power Oflove, and make the mountains flow. Itwas indeed awonderful season, such as we had scarce had before since we left Bristol. In the evening I preached at Newcastle, to such a congregation as was never there before, unless on a Sunday ; and indeed all the congregations, morn- ing and evening, were such as had not been before since the House was built. Surely this is the accepted time for Newcastle.

not near contain the people. However, as many crowded in as could: The rest got near the door or windows ; and surely the willing mind was accepted. In the evening, the wind being still very high, I was obliged to preach within, in Weardale also ; and it was a time of uncom- mon blessing. Friday, 6. Going out of my room I missed a step, and fell forward, so that the edge of one of the stairs came a quarter of an inch above my right eye, exactly upon my eyelid. I put a little white paper upon it, which immediately stopped the bleeding, and preached without any inconvenience. The work of God has much increased here lately. Many have been convinced of sin,many justified; some perfected in love, andmany added to the society. Fri. 6. We returned to Stanhope, formerly the seat of sev- 422 [June, 1788, eral great families,now an inconsiderable village. It is eminent for nothing in this age,but averyuncommondegree of wicked- ness. I preached at five, in what I understoodwas once the market-place, to an exceedingly numerous congregation. I preached on Isaiah lv. 6, 7 ; and, if ever, with the demonstration ofthe Spirit. The people were all bowed down together, as the heart of one man. Surely Godwill have a people in this place! Sat. 7. Our brethren thought the preaching-house would containthe congregation at five in the morning. It was a large upper room : But before I began to speak, it was exceedingly crowded; and the mainbeamthat supported it giving way, the floor began to sink. Some crying out,"The room is falling! " oneman leaped out of the window; the rest slowly and quietly went out, without the least hurry or confusion ; so that nothing was hurt except a poor dog that was under the window. I then preached in the open air, to twice or thrice as many as the room would have contained, who were all attention. O how white are these fields to the harvest ! About twelve, I preached to alovely congregation at Burn- upfield, on, " Rejoice in the Lord, O ye righteous." I have found nothing like it since I left London; such was The' o'erwhelming power ofgrace divine ; I know not that ever I felt such self-abasement before ; and thewhole congregation seemed almost equallymoved. And so

Yarm, in the evening. Here I heard what was quite new to me, namely, that it is now the custom, in allgood company to give obscene healths, even though Clergymen be present ; one of whom, lately refusing to drink such ahealth, was put out ofthe room; and one of the forwardest, in this worthy company, was a Bishop's steward. Thur. 12.-Between one and two we had a larger congrega tion at Potto than I ever saw there before. At Hutton-Rudby, in the evening, I spoke strongly to the backsliders ; and I think not invain. At eight I preached to a lovely congregation, at Stokesley, with much liberty of spirit ; and at eleven, in Guisborough, to one far larger, and equally attentive. In the evening I preached at Whitby, in the new House, throughly filled above and below ; though it contains twice asmany as the old one ; and although the unfinished galleries, having as yet no fronts, were frightful to look upon. It is the most curious House we have in England. : You go up to it by about forty steps ; and have then before you a lofty front, I judge, near fifty feet high, and fifty-four feet broad. So much gainers havewe been by the loss of the former House. Beside that it stood at one end of the town, and in the very sink of it, where people of any fashion were ashamed to be seen. Sat. 14.-At five in the morning we had a large congregation; but it wasmore than doubled in the evening ; and at both times I could not but observe the uncommon earnestness ofthe people. Sunday, 15. The House was well filled at seven. For the sake . 425 June, 1788.1 JOURNAL of the country people, who flocked from all sides, I preached again at halfan hour past one, on, " The end of all things is at hand: Be ye therefore sober, and watch unto prayer." After preaching at five, on the education of children, I made a collec- tion for Kingswood School ; the rather, that I might have an opportunity of refuting that poor, threadbare slander, of my "getting so much money." We concluded our service with a comfortable love-feast. Mon. 16. From the plain people at Whitby I went on to the elegant congregation at Scarborough. I was surprised at

the former part of Rev. xiv. I came to Epworth before the church Service began ; and was glad to observe the seriousness with which Mr. Gibson read Prayers, andpreachedaplain useful : sermon ; but was sorry to see scarce twenty communicants, half ofwhom came on my account. I was informed likewise, that scarce fifty persons used to attend the Sunday service. What can be done to remedy this sore evil ? } Ifain would prevent the members here from leaving the church ; but I cannot do it. As Mr. G. is not a pious man, but rather an enemy to piety, who frequently preaches against the truth, and those that hold and love it, I cannot with allmy influence persuade them either to hear him, or to attend the sacrament administered by him. If I cannot carry this point even while I live, who then can do it when I die? And the i case ofEpworth is the case of every church, where the Minister neither loves nor preaches the Gospel. The Methodists will not attend his ministrations. What then is to be done ? At four I preached in the market-place, on Rom. vi. 23 ; and vehemently exhorted i the listening multitude to choose the bet- terpart. Mon. 7.-Having taken leave of this affectionate people, proJuly, 1788. ] bably for the last time, I went over to Finningley ; and preached at eleven, on that verse in the Second Lesson, Luke xix. 42. After dinnerwewalked over Mr. H.'s domain, the like to which I never saw in so small a compass. It contains a rabbit-warren, deer, swans, pheasants in abundance, besides a fish-pond and an elegant garden. Variety indeed ! But is there no danger that such amultitude of things should divert the mind from the " one thing needful ?” In the evening I preached at Doncaster. I never before saw this House so filled, much less crowded ; and it was, in aman- ner I never knew before, filled with the presence of God, while I earnestly enforced that advice, "Acquaint now thyself with Him, and be at peace." One fruit of this was, that the congre- gation at five in the morning was larger than it ever was before in the evening ; and God again made bare his arm, and uttered

the morning service. Otherwise, I should have been distressed ; for such a number of communicants I never saw here before. Iwould fain have preached abroad; but the ground was too [Sept. 1788. wet. So I preached within, on, " Ye cannot serve God and mammon." Wed. SEPTEMBER 3.-I made a little beginning of some account of my brother's life. Perhaps I may not live to finish it. Then let it fall into some better hands ! Thur. 4.-I had the satisfaction of spending an hour with that excellent woman, Lady : Not quite so honourable, but full as much devoted to God, and as useful, as even Lady Betty Hastings. What is too hard for God? We see even this is possible with God, to raise a Lady and a saint in one person ! Fri. 5.-We had a solemn watch-night at Kingswood. The school is now injust such a state as I wish. Mr. M'Geary has three pious and able Assistants, out of those that were brought up in it ; and I doubt not it will supply a sufficiency ofMasters for the time to come. Sat. 6.-I walked over to Mr. Henderson's, at Hannam, and thence to Bristol. But my friends, more kind than wise, would scarce suffer it. It seemed so sad a thing to walk five or six miles ! I am ashamed, that a Methodist Preacher, in tolerable health, should make any difficulty of this. Sun. 7.-Having none to assist me, I found it hard work to read Prayers, preach, and administer the sacrament to such a number of people. The moment I had done, I hastened to Kingswood ; having but just time to take a little dinner before I began preaching to a large congregation, before the preaching- house. Returning to Bristol, I preached at five in Carolina- Court, to an immense number of people, on Rom. viii. 33, 34. Tues. 9.-I saw the large church at Midsummer-Norton throughly filled with serious hearers. The Room at Shepton- Mallet, though greatly enlarged, could in nowise contain the congregation. At five in the morning, Wednesday, 10, it was throughly filled. At Coleford, in the evening, Iwas obliged to preach. Thursday, 11. We had a lovely congregation at Frome, both in the evening and at five in the morning. At

Tues. DECEMBER 2.-I went to Chatham, and preached in theevening, on, " Wewalk by faith, not by sight. " Wednesday, 3. I went to Sheerness, where the society is considerably increased since I was here before. Thursday, 4. At noon I preached at Faversham, where, after a long winter, the seed seems to be springing up. The congregation was very large, and deeply attentive. In the evening I preached in the new House at Brompton. I had not preached there between thirty and forty years ; and there is now a fair prospect here also. Friday, 5. I returned to London. Mon. 8. I had the pleasure of meeting an old friend, who gaveme a pleasing account of the glorious death of his mother, which had made so deep an impression upon him that he was almost persuaded to be a Christian. Wednesday, 10, and the following days, I corrected my brother's posthumous poems ; being short Psalms, (some few excepted,) [hymns) on the four Gospels, and the Acts of the Apostles. They make five volumes in quarto, containing eighteen or nineteen hundred pages. They were finished April 25, 1765. The revisal finished, April 24, 1774. A second revisal finished, January 26, 1777. A third revisal finished, February 20, 1780. A fourth revisal finished. Afifth revisal finished. 442 REV. J. WESLEY'S [Dec. 1788. Asixth revisal finished. A seventh revisal finished. The last revisal finished, May, 1787. Many of these are little, ifany, inferior to his former poems, havingthe samejustness and strength of thought, with the same beauty of expression ; yea, the same keenness of wit on proper occasions, as bright and piercing as ever. Mon. 15. In the evening I preached at Miss Teulon's school in Highgate. I think it was the coldest night I ever remember. The house we were in stood on the edge of the hill, and the east wind set full in the window. I counted eleven, twelve, one, and was then obliged to dress, the cramp growing more and more violent. But inthemorning, not only the cramp was gone, but likewise the lameness which used to follow it. About this time I was reflecting on the gentle steps whereby age steals upon us. Take only one instance. Four years ago my sight was as good as it was at five-and-twenty. I then began

could, againstconformity tothe world. But who will [take thewarn- ing] ? Ifhardly one in ten, yet is myrecordwith the MostHigh. Tues. 13. I spent aday or two with my good old friends at Newington. Thursday, 15. I retired to Camberwell, and car- ried on my Journal, probably as far as I shall live to write it. On Thursday I preached once more at Peckham; and did not withhold from them that had ears to hear, the whole counsel ofGod. Fri. 16. I looked over the finest picture of atheistical religion that ever I saw, in the account that Captain Wilson gives of Thule, King of Pelew. But how utterly needless is either the knowledge [or the grace] of God, (consequently, how idle a book is the Bible,) if aman be all-accomplished, that has no more knowledge of God than a horse, and no more of his grace than a sparrow ! Tues. 20.-I retired in order to finish myyear's accounts. If possible, I must be a better economist ; for instead of having anything beforehand, I am now considerably in debt ; but this I do not like. I would fain settle even my accounts before I die. Sun. 25. Much of the power of Godwas in the congrega- tion, both morning and afternoon ; as also onMonday evening ; which gave me a good hope that God will carry on his own work. Atthe earnest importunity of our friends, on Wednesday, 28, I went to open the new preaching-house at Rye. It is a noble building, much loftier than most of our Houses, and finely situated at the headof the town. Itwas throughly filled. Such acongregation I never saw atRye before ; and their behaviour was as remarkable as their number ; which, added to the peace- able, loving spirit they are now in, gives reason to hope there will be such a work here as has not been heretofore. Feb. 1789. ] Thur. 29.-I went over to Winchelsea ; once a large, flourish- ing city ; but ever since it was burnt by the Danes, a little, incon- siderable town, though finely situated on the top of a range of hills. The new preaching-house was well filled with decent, serious hearers,who seemed to receive the truth in the love of it. I returned to Rye in the afternoon ; and in the evening

for the recovery of His Majesty's health ; but we hadthe satis- faction to hear, that before we asked (unless in private) He answered ; insomuch that the time intended for humiliation, turned into a time of thanksgiving; and both at five, at nine, at one, and in the evening, we were most employed in praises. Sunday, MARCH 1, was a solemn day indeed. The new chapel was sufficiently crowded both morning and afternoon; and few that expected a parting blessing, were disappointed of their hope. At seven in the evening I took the mail-coach ; andhav- ing three of our brethren, we spent acomfortable night, partly in sound sleep, and partly in singing praise to God. It will now quickly be seen whether they who prophesied some time since, that I should not outlive this month, be sent of God or not. Oneway or the other, it is my care to be always ready. Mon. 2-. At Bath the evening congregation was such as we used to have on Sunday evening ; and I have seldom seen a larger here. In the morning, a young gentleman, who had heardme the evening before, desired to speak to me. He seemed greatly affected, and was almost persuaded to be a Christian. In the afternoon he sent his carriage, andwould needs have me see his lady, though she had lain in but two or three days. Whether they turn back or no, they bothseemnow not far from the kingdom of God. Wed. 3.-I went on to Bristol, where we had a crowded con- gregation both this evening and the next. Sunday, 8. In the evening I preached in Temple church to a large congregation. It was an acceptable time, especially to the mourners in Zion. Mr. Baddiley read Prayers for me,but couldnot stay to assist me at the Lord's Supper. However, my strength was as my day. Monday, 8, and the following days, I visited the classes, which do not decrease either in grace ornumber. Tuesday, 10. I had the pleasure of an hour's conversation with Mr.-, whom I had hardly seen for several years. On all these even- ings Godwas eminently present in the congregation. On Thurs- day, 12, the grand day of rejoicing for His Majesty's recovery, March, 1789. ] JOURNAL. 447 I preached on part of King Hezekiah's thanksgiving for his

Liverpool, and all other towns where there is an extraordinary trade for a time: It must subside again ; and then arises the cry ofwant of business . 448 REV. J. WESLEY'S [March, 1789. Sat. 21. I had aday of rest, only preaching morning and evening. Sunday, 22, was appointed for my opening the House at the east end of the town. It would have been crowded above measure, but that the friendly rain interposed; so that we had only amoderate congregation. It was otherwise in the evening, when heaps upon heaps were obliged togo away. How white are these fields unto the harvest ! Monday, 23. The congregation at Dudley pretty well filled the new House, where I preached as I did at London fifty years ago. Thence we hastened to Madeley, where I found Mrs. Fletcher better than she had been for many years ; and young Mr. Fletcher much alive to God, and swiftly growing up into the spirit of his uncle. I preached in the evening, after Mr. Horne had read Prayers, to a deeply serious congregation ; and again at nine in the morning, Wednesday, 24, in the preaching-house she has lately fitted up. Going on to Shrewsbury, at six I preached in the preaching-house, on 1 Cor. xiii. 1-3. Several of the Gentry and several Clergymen were there ; and, I believe, not in vain. I had purposed to set out early in the morning, but was persuaded to stay another day, there being now a fairer prospect in Salop than had been before. I preached morning and evening. I have cast mybread upon the waters, and hope it will be found again, at least after many days. Thur. 26. We set out early, and taking post-horses at Clowrust, reached Conway between eight and nine o'clock ; hav- ing travelled seventy-eight miles that day; twenty-eight more than from Chester to Conway. Fri. 27. We went on to Holyhead; and at eight in the evening went on board the Claremont packet. The wind stood fair three or four hours : It then turned against us, and blew hard. I do not remember I was ever so sick at sea before ; but this was little to the cramp which held most of the night with little intermission. All Saturday we were beating to and fro,

and gaining little ground ; and I was so ill, throughout the day, as to be fit for nothing ; but I slept well in the night, and about eight in the morning, Sunday, 29, came safe to Dublin quay. I went straight up to the new Room. We had a numerous congregation, and as serious as if we had been at West-Street . I preached on the sickness and recovery of King Hezekiah and King George; and great was our rejoicing. I really took knowledge of the change which God haswrought in this congre April, 1789.1 JOURNAL . 440 gationwithin a few years. Agreat part of them were light and airy ; now almost all appear as serious as death. Monday, 30. I began preaching at five in the morning ; and the congregation, both then and the following mornings, was far larger in propor- tion than those at London. Meantime, I had letter upon letter concerning the Sunday service ; but Icould not give any answer till I had made a full inquiry both into the occasion and the effects of it. The occasion was this :-About two years ago it was complained, that few of our society attended the church on Sunday ; most of them either sitting at home, or going on Sunday morning to some Dissenting meeting. Hereby many of them were hurt, and inclined to separate from the Church. To prevent this, it was proposed to have service at the Room ; which I consented to, on condition that they would attend St. Patrick's every first Sunday in the month. The effect was, 1. That they went no more to the meetings. 2. That three times more went to St. Patrick's (perhaps six times) in six or twelve months, than had done for ten or twenty years before. Observe ! This is done not to prepare for, but to prevent, a separation from the Church. On the mornings of this and the following week I expounded the thirteenth chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians : Such a compendium of true religion as none but the author of it can give. The evening congregations were exceeding large, as well as deeply attentive. Friday, APRIL 3. I preached at Bethesda ; and with much liberty of spirit. Saturday, 4. I preached in Gravel-Walk House, so filled as I never saw it.

surprise, I found them heaps upon heaps. I hastened to hear thecontending parties face to face ; andwas amazed to find how much matter a little fire kindles. Some of the Leaders had causelessly taken offence at theAssistant. He called on Mr. R. , andwarned him against imbibing the same prejudice; telling him if he did he must beware of the consequence; meaning thereby, the mischief it woulddo among the people. Misunder standing this word, he grew very angry. Others took partwith him, and the society was in anuproar. I talkedwith him till I was tired ; but in vain: One might as wellhave talked to the north wind. So I gave him up to God, and only endeavoured to quench the flame among the people. Saturday, 18, was aday ofpeace. Sunday, 19. The Com- manding Officer sending to offer me the use of any part of the barracks, I preached at five in the riding-house, a very spa- cious building, to amultitude of people, on, " Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved." I think the word did not fall to the ground. Monday, 20. I preached about eleven at B ; and at six in the church at Aghrim. It was much fuller than when I preached here before ; and many Papists were there ; who, as the Minister informed me, had 452 REV. J. WESLEY'S [April, 1789. attended the church ever since I was there before. Tuesday, 22. About ten I preached in Eyre-Court church, so filled as, I suppose, it never was before ; and many ofthe hearers seemed to feel the word. Thence we went on to Birr. How is the scene changed here ! One of the dullest places in Ireland is become one of the liveliest ! But I could not preach abroad in the evening, by reason of the rain ; so we made all the room we could in the Room and in the yard; and a most solemn oppor- tunity wehad. Wed. 22.-About noon I preached in the beautiful new Court-House, at Tullamore. Deep attention sat on the rich as well as the poor ; as it did likewise at Coolylough in the evening. Thursday, 23, being the Thanksgiving Day for the recovery of His Majesty's health, I preached in the Court-House,at Port- 1 arlington, as soon as the Church Service ended. The congre-

This inflamed Mr. F. beyond measure, of which Mr. M'D. was frequently informed. This continued, however, to the close of the year 1785 ; when Mr. MD., being at Castlebar one night, [May, 1789. a blunderbuss, charged with eight or nine bullets and slugs, was discharged through the window of the room where he used to sit. Immediately after Christmas, the witness, Mr. R. G. ,was sitting in Mr. M.'s cellar, bottling some wine,when he heard a very uncommon sound ofamusket, and a loud shriek following it. Going out, the first thing he saw was Mr. M'D. , wounded in the leg. On his cry, three men ran out of the little house of Mr. F., whence the gun had been fired from ahole through the wall, which had been made on purpose. He then took a lodging in Castlebar ; but on the 20th of February, 1786, accompanied by Mr. G. , Mr. H. , and M., went to his house in the country. They had been but a while there, when they found it surrounded by many armed men ; on which Mr. M'D.'s friends made their escape to a neighbouring village. Meantime they broke into his house; and, not finding him, broke into several houses. At length they came to the house where he was, and fired several balls through the doors and windows : Then theybroke in, and made M'Donald, Gallagher, andHipson, prisoners ; and one Fulton said he had a warrant against them. They desired he would bring them before Sir NealO'Donnel , a Magistrate, then within five miles ; but, instead of this, they were tied, and dragged to F.'s house, in Turlogh, wherethey continued all night. Tuesday, February 21. About six they were marched out with a large company, under pretence ofcarrying them before a Magistrate. Gallagher and Hipson were tied together, M'Don- ald being suffered to ride, because ofhis wound ; a ruffian hold- ing his bridle. When theygot about halfa milefrom Turlogh, a shot was fired from the rear, which wounded one ofthe ruffians ; F -dcontriving it so, thatthey might cry a rescue ; on hearing of which they were ordered instantly to dispatch the prisoners. Immediately several shot were fired at the prisoners. Hipson was shot dead, and Gallagher wounded : M'Donald had both his arms broke ; but his horse took fright, and broke from the

topreach there again in the morning; but soon after, the sex- ton sent me word, it must not be ; for the crowds had damaged the House, and some of them had broke off and carried away the silver which was on the Bible in the pulpit: So I desired one of our Preachers to preach in our little House, and left Belfast early in the morning. Tues. 9.-About eight I came once more to Newtown, where I had not been for eleven years, and preached at nine to a mul- titude of people, in the Presbyterian meeting-house. All of them seemed to be not a little affected. God grant the impres- sion may continue ! From hence we had a pleasant ride to Portaferry, a pretty large sea-port town, and one of the quietest I ever saw, either in England, Scotland, or Ireland. Here likewise I preached in a large meeting-house, to a serious and well-behaved congregation, on, " Stand ye in the old paths ;" andmany seemed determined to " walk therein." Wed. 10. We had twice or thrice as many people in the morning as our House would have contained. We had then a lovely passage to Strangford ; but the question was, where to preach. I was inclined to preach in the open air, as I did eleven years ago, till the Vicar called upon me, and, after a little friendly conversation, asked me if I would not preach in the chapel. As 462 REV. J. WESLEY'S [June,1789. wewalked together through the street,the people gathered from every quarter : So that the church was over filled ; many being constrained to stand without the door ; and greatly was the mighty power ofGod displayed in the midst of them. We came to Downpatrick before one. Inthe afternoon we viewed the venerable ruins of the Abbey. Great men have talked of rebuilding it for many years ; but none moves a hand towards it. At six I preached to a numerous congregation in the Grove, on, " How long halt ye between two opinions ?" Afterwards I met the society, now well established, and still increasing both in number and strength. Thursday, 11. I preached in Rathfriland about noon ; and before two, set out for Tanderagee : But in about half an hour, the iron part of my

serious people. Wemet at the new Room at half-hour past nine ; and truly God was with us. Wehad never somany communi- cants before ; but asmyday, so was my strength. About two we left Dublin, and hastened down to the ship ; the Princess Royal, of Parkgate ; the neatest and mostelegant packet I ever saw. But the wind failing, we did not get out of the bay till about twelve. We had exceeding agreeable company; and I slept as well as if I had been in my own bed. Monday, 13. The sea being smooth,I shut myselfup inmy chaise, and read over the life of the famous Mr. George F-, one of the most extraordinary men (ifwemay callhim aman)that has lived for many centuries. I never heard before of so cool, deliberate, relentless a murderer! Andyet from the breaking of the rope at his execution, which gavehim two hours ofvehementprayer, there is room to hope he found mercy at last. Inthe evening we sang ahymn upondeck, which soon drew all the company about us. I then, without anydelay,began preaching on, " It is appointed untomenonce todie." I believe all were a little affected for the present. We were then con- strained to slacken sail, and to lieby for some hours, not having water to pass the bar : However, we landed between four and five inthe morning, Tuesday, 14 ; and, after resting an hour, I went to Chester. I lodged atT. Briscoe's ; a lovely family indeed ; just such another as Miss B.'s, at Keynsham. The children, indeed, are not quite so genteel, but full as much awakened ; and, I think, the most loving I ever saw. The House was throughly filled inthe evening, (itbeing thefair-time,) as wellas the following. Thursday, 16. When I took my leave of the family, they came all intears. It is long since I saw the like. About noon I preached to a large and much-affected congrega- tion at Northwich. A flame is lately broke out here, such as never was seen here before. In theevening I preached at Man- chester. Saturday, 18. I consulted Dr. Easton, finding my thirst and fever much increased. His medicine immediately took place ; and I was somuch better in the morning,Sunday, 19, that I preached, and, with Dr. Coke's assistance, adminis- tered the sacrament to eleven or twelve hundred communicants.

Plymouth, on the words in the First Lesson, " How long halt ye between two opinions ?" It was an awful season. Afterwards I spent a comfortable evening with a few of our serious brethren. The jars both here and at the Dock seem now to be over, and the contending parties arewilling to live inpeace. Mon. 31. We set out at three, in a lovely morning, and reached Exeter between twelve and one. Here the scene was much changed: Many of the people were scattered, and the rest faint and dead enough. The preaching-house was swiftly running to ruin, the rain running through the roof into it amain ; and five or six tenants living in the house were noisy enough, having none to control them. We called earnestly upon God to arise, and maintain his own cause : He did so in the evening congregation, (which was much larger than usual,) while I strongly enforced the parable of the Sower ; and the dread of God seemed to rest on the whole congregation. Tues. SEPTEMBER 1.-We went through a delightful coun- try to Tiverton. In the evening, the Independent Minister offer- ing the use of his meeting-house, far larger than ours, I willingly accepted his offer. The congregationwas far the largest I have seen in Tiverton for manyyears. I preached on Mark iii. 25 ; and it seemed all had ears to hear. Sept. 1789.1 471 Wed. 2.-I preached at Halberton.' I spoke here before in the open air ; but the rain prevented it now. So as many as could, conveniently, got into the House. When we set out, one of my horses was quite lame; so that it was with great diffi- culty I could get to Taunton. In the evening, we had such a congregation, as, I suppose, was never in that House before. Surely the ancient work will some time revive, and the prayers ofthat blessed man,Joseph Alleine, be answered. Thur. 3.-Being obliged to take post-horses at Taunton, we went on to Castle-Carey. Here we found a little company of lively Christians. We found such another, Friday, 4, at Dit- cheat; but the rain drove us into the House, where as many as could squeeze in seemed to be much affected. In the evening I preached at Shepton, where the flame, kindled some time since,

than ever before. I spoke exceeding closely the next evening at Hinxworth, which the people are now able to bear ; and at Dec. 1789.1 475 length that excellent woman that has so tenderly cared for them sees some fruit of her labour. Mon. 9. I returned to London ; and the four following days I employed in visiting the classes. Sunday, 15. We had, as usual, a large congregation, and asolemn opportunity, at Spital- fields ; and another at Shoreditch church ; where I preached a charity sermon, after the Prayers had been read in such aman- ner as I never heard before. At five I preached at the new chapel, and met the society ; but it was too much for me. Mon. 16. After an intermission ofmany weeks, through the dryness of my mouth, I resolved to try if I could not preach at five in the morning ; anddid so with not much difficulty ; and I now hope to hold on a little longer. Wednesday, 18. I found much life in the society at Brentford : So little cause have we to despair of any people, though for the present ever so dead ! Thursday, 19. I preached to a large congregation at Lambeth. On Friday and Saturday I answered my letters. Sun. 22. We had large congregations and a comfortable opportunity, both morning and evening, at West-Street chapel. Monday, 23. I set out for Northamptonshire ; and in the even- ing preached at Whittlebury ; but the House would ill contain the congregation, which were all serious as death. So they were the next evening. Wednesday, 25. The Dissenting Min- ister at Towcester offering me the use of his meeting-house, it was well filled; and I believe our Lord was in the midst. Thence we went on to Northampton, where I spent two even- ings with very great satisfaction; although the greatmanwhowas so affected at Bath last year was, as I expected hewould, ashamed to seeme. Friday, 27. We hada pleasantjourney to London. Sun. 29. I preached at the new chapel in the morning, on, " Love is the fulfilling of the law ; " and in the evening, on, "Owe noman anything, but to love one another : " And each time God was eminently present. Monday, 30. I went to Deptford, and

tion I have seen there this year, on, " I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ." Sunday, 3. I suppose near two thousand met at the new chapel to renew their covenant with God; a scriptural means of grace which is now almost everywhere for- gotten except among the Methodists. Tues. 5.-I paid a visit to my old friend Mark Davis ; and in the evening I preached to a small audience at Leytonstone. Wednesday, 6. I preached to a larger and more awakened con- gregation at Stratford. Tuesday, 12. I retired to Highbury- Place to answer my letters. Sunday, 17. I buried Mrs. Dorn- ford, (a good woman,) and preached her funeral sermon. In the afternoon I preached in Great St. Helen's, to a large con- gregation. It is, I believe, fifty years since I preached there before. What has Godwrought since that time ! Thur. 21.-I paid a visit to an eminent sister, of whom every one despaired. She resolved to set out once more. May God uphold herwith his right hand ! Sunday, 24. We had alove-feast for all the society, atwhich many spoke their experi- ence with much simplicity. Monday, 25. I went to Dorking ; Feb. 1790.] 479 and laboured to awaken aharmless, honest, drowsy people, who for many years have seemed to stand stock-still, neither increas- ing nor decreasing. Fri. 29. We had our general Quarterly Meeting, whereby it appeared, that the society received and expended about three thousand pounds a year ; but our expense still exceeded our income. Saturday, 30. I began meeting the classes, which took up this day and all the next week. Sun. FEBRUARY 7.-I preached the funeral sermon of that saint of God, Robert Windsor, many years a burning and a shining light. He was born a few months after me ; was a prudent, serious, diligent man, full of mercy and good fruits ; without partiality, and without hypocrisy. He seemed on the brink of death some months ago ; but was suddenly raised up again ; praised God without ceasing a few days ; and then laid down, and died. Wed. 10. We found much of the presence of God in the chapel at Brentford, where the congregation was exceeding large. So it was the next evening at Lambeth, though perhaps not so much alive. Saturday, 13. The meeting of the penitents in the

where the work of God greatly revives. Business has exceed- ingly decreased, and most of them have left the town. Somuch the morehave the poor grown in grace, and laid up treasure in heaven. But we were at a great loss in the evening. I could not preach abroad after sunset, and the House would not near containthepeople. However, as many as possibly could squeezed in; and their labour was not in vain. Tues. 23.-About one I preached in the new House at Dud- ley; one of the neatest inEngland. Itwas a profitable season, where two persons, they informed me,found peacewith God. Wehad a pleasant ride to Wolverhampton. This evening the rainbegan and continued about twenty hours, after more than four-and-twenty weeks of fair weather ; such a winter as I never saw before. Amelancholy event fell out the day before:-The mistress of the house adjoining boiling some varnish, it boiled over, and took fire, which seized onher, and burnt her so that her life is despaired of. The rain a little lessened our congregation, so that the House contained us tolerably well ; and many, even of the genteel hearers, seemed almost persuaded not to halt between two opinions. Wed. 24. We rode to Madeley through a pleasant rain, which did not hinder the church from being throughly filled ; and, I believe, all whohad spiritual discernment perceived that it was filled with the presence ofGod. Thursday, 25. At nine I preached to aselect congregation, onthe deep things ofGod ; and in the evening, on, "He is able to save unto the uttermost all themthat come unto God through him." Friday, 26. I finished my sermon on the Wedding Garment; perhaps the last that I shall write. My eyes are now waxed dim ; my natural force is abated. However, while I can, I would fain do alittle for God before I drop into the dust. In the evening I preached to a crowded audience at Salop, on, "Acquaint now thyself with him, and be at peace." But I was much ashamed for them. The moment I had done speak- ing, I suppose fifty ofthem were talking all at once ; and no wonder they had neither sense nor good manners, for they were gentlefolks ! Sat. 27.-I preached in the evening to a sensible and well 484 REV. J. WESLEY'S {April,1790. behaved congregation atNewcastle-under-Lyne. (Observe, that

call there, (it being but about thirty miles out of the way,) I set out early, to prevent the heat of the day. Calling at Pickering, some of the society soon found me out, with whom I went to the preaching-house ; whichwas full enough in a few minutes' time. So was the House at Malton,in the evening; where I found the society more loving and united together than they had been for many years. Tues. 22.-I crossed over to Scarborough. The congregation in the evening was unusually small, being notyet recovered from the blessed fruits of the election. This was the hottest day we have had this year : And about one in the afternoon, the thun- der, which had long lain at adistance, came near, with thick flashes of lightning,and impetuous rain: The thunder continued in one roll, for an hour and a quarter. I never heard the like before, since my return from America. Thursday, 24. The DissentingMinister offering me the use of his chapel in Bridling- ton, twice as large as ourown, (the wind being too high for me to stand abroad,) I willingly accepted his offer. Friday, 25. About noon I preached at Beverley, to a serious, well-behaved congregation ; and in the evening to one equally serious, and far more numerous, at Hull. ! July, 1790. Saturday, 26, was aday of satisfaction. I preached at seven inthe morning, and at six in the evening, to as many as our House could contain ; the ground being too wet for the congre- gation to stand abroad. Monday, 28. This day I enter intomy eighty-eighth year. For above eighty-six years, I found none of the infirmities of old age ; my eyes did not wax dim, neither was my natural strength abated : But last August I found almost a sudden change. My eyes were so dim, that no glasses would help me. My strength likewise now quite forsook me ; and probably will not return in this world. But I feel no pain from head to foot ; only it seems nature is exhausted ; and, humanly speaking, will sink more and more, till Theweary springs of life stand still at last. Tues. 29.-I crossed over through Epworth toOwstone, and passed a comfortable day with many of the Preachers. This, which was one of the last societies in the Circuit, is now become

day at two. I preached at five in the morning to morethan the House would well contain. Mon. 27-. I left Bristol ; about eleven I preached in the Devizes ; and in the evening at Sarum. I do not know that ever I saw the House so crowded before, with high and low, Oct. 1790. ] JOURNAL. 495 rich and poor : So that I hope we shall again see fruit here also. Wed. 29.-About noon I preached at Winton. The congre- gationwas larger than usual, and, what was stranger still, seemed not a little affected ! How long have we cast our bread upon the waters here ! And shall we find it again after many days ? In the evening I preached to a crowded and deeply-attentive congregation at Portsmouth-Common. Thursday, 30. It being a lovely morning, we went in a wherry, through Cowes har- bour, to Newport ; one of the pleasantest, neatest, and most elegant towns in the King's dominions. Both the nights I preached here, the preaching-house would by no means contain the congregation. I was likewise well pleased with the poor, plain, artless society. Here, at least, we havenot lost our labuor. Friday, OCTOBER 1. We purposed to return to Portsmouth, (about twenty miles,) it being a calm sunshiny morning, in the wherry we came ; but a friend offering us a kind of hoy, we willingly accepted his offer. It was well he did ; for as soon as we were out of the harbour, the wind rose, and the sea raged horribly. The wherry would soon have been swallowed up. Thewaves washed over us on both sides. Having no decks, we were well soaked from head to foot ; but, before noon, we got safe to Portsmouth. Sat. 2-. Setting out, as usual, at two, we came to Cobham between ten and eleven ; and found a party of our friends from Londonready to receive us. We walked an hour in thegardens ; but the innkeeper informed us, strangers were not admitted, unless on Tuesday and Friday. However,hearing Mr. Hopkins was at home, I sent in my name, and desired thatfavour ; which was immediately granted. We spent an hour very agreeably in those lovely walks ; but still the eye was not satisfied with seeing. An immortal spirit canbe satisfied with nothing but seeingGod.

To the Printer of the 'Gazetteer' Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1776) Author: John Wesley --- LONDON, January [25], 1776. In one respect I am much obliged to the gentlemen (or gentleman) who spend so much time upon the Primitive Physick; and would humbly entreat them to say something about it (no matter what) in half a dozen more of your papers. If nothing was said about it, most people might be ignorant that there was any such tract in the world. But their mentioning it makes many inquire concerning it, and so disperses it more and move. The gentleman signing himself XXX in your last week's paper (Probably Mr. Antidote) seems now to have shot his last bolt, anti that feebly indeed. But he begins magnanimously: 'Mr. Wesley is too proud, too self-sufficient, and too much wrapped up in his self-importance, to vouchsafe either Mr. Caleb Evans or any other correspondent anything in the shape of an answer.' How grievously does this man stumble at the threshold! with what glaring, palpable falsehood does he set out! Have I not given a direct answer, both to Mr. Evans and Antidote, and S. E. and P. P. in the public papers However, I am obliged to him for informing me of the difference between 'ounces, scruples, drachms, or drams, and grains.' Otherwise, after mistaking a dram for a grain, I might have mistaken an ounce for a dram. But a dreadful objection comes next: 'Some people run as they read. Mr. Wesley's whole progressive life stands as a proof that he is one of that species of readers. In that mode he hath read the Scriptures, and in that mode doth he read every book.’

There is some truth in this. For several years, while my brother and I traveled on foot, our manner was for him that walked behind to read aloud some book of history, poetry, or philosophy. Afterwards for many years (as my time at home was spent mostly in writing) it was my custom to read things of a lighter nature, chiefly when I was on horseback. Of late years, since a friend gave me a chaise, I have read them in my carriage. But it is not in this manner I treat the Scriptures: these I read and meditate upon day and night. It was not in running that I wrote twice over the Notes on the New Testament (to say nothing of those on the Old), containing above 800 quarto pages. 'But was this supposed misprint of dram for grain ever corrected before the error was detected in the Gazetteer ' Your next question answers this. ' Or was it only referred to in the Errata, with pro Dram lege Grain ' I add a word concerning the former objection. I do still in a sense run as I read. I make haste, though I do not hurry. It behoves me to do, as my work is great and my time is short. For how much can a man expect to remain who has seen between seventy and eighty years And may I not plead for some indulgence even on this account, if I am mistaken in more points than one

To Hester Ann Roe Date: BRISTOL, October 6, 1776. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1776) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR HETTY,--To-morrow I set out for London; in and near which, if it please God to continue my life, I shall remain till spring. The trials which a gracious Providence sends may be precious means of growing in grace, and particularly of increasing in faith, patience, and resignation; and are they not all chosen for us by Infinite Wisdom and Goodness So that we may well subscribe to those beautiful lines,-- With patient mind thy course of duty run; God nothing does, nor suffers to be done, But thou wouldst do thyself if thou couldst see The end of all events as well as He. Everything that we can do for a parent we ought to do--that is, everything we can do without killing ourselves. But this we have no right to do. Our lives are not at our own disposal. Remember that, my dear Hetty, and do not carry a good principle too far. Do you still find Labor is rest, and pain is sweet, When Thou, my God, art here I know pain or grief does not interrupt your happiness; but does it not lessen it You often feel sorrow for your friends; does that sorrow rather quicken than depress your soul Does it sink you deeper into God Go on in the strength of the Lord. Be careful for nothing. Live to-day. So will you still be a comfort to, my dear Hetty, Your ever affectionate.

To Thomas Wride Date: LONDON, January 17, 1777. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1777) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY,--If your fellow laborers and you are zealous and active, you will give me a good account of the circuit. I found it in a flourishing state. So will you before you leave it. Robert Empringham has done exactly right as to the sacrament. I advise you to tread in his steps. I wish you would inquire at what price I could have some kind of vessel to carry me from Whitehaven by the isle to Dublin.--I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother. I take no horses with me.

To Christopher Hopper Date: NEAR LONDON, February 1, 1777. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1777) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--James Kershaw is stark staring mad, more than ever John Reed was. [See letters of March 3, 1776 (to Mrs. Woodhouse), and Feb. 15, 1777.] He prophesies that 'all the Methodists are to go over to America in the belly of a whale.' Take this as a specimen. We shall not begin our building here before April. Probably I shall take a short journey (to Leeds or Newcastle or Dublin) once a month; but I must never be absent long at a time. [See letter of Feb. 14.] How we shall be able to raise the money I know not. But ' the earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof.'--I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Joseph Benson Date: LONDON, February 15, 1777. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1777) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JOSEPH,--If we build (as I expect we shall) this spring, I shall probably call upon you in May. Now is the time, before you say anything of the new chapel, to procure what subscribers you can to the Philosophy. [The third, enlarged edition of A Survery of the Wisdom of God in the Creatin was published in 1777. See Green’s Bibliography, No 325; and letter of Jan. 15 1778.] I have included all that is material in Dr. Goldsmith's eight large volumes. Speak earnestly, and you will succeed. Simple Michl. Fenwick has procured twelve subscribers in two days! James Kershaw is stark staring mad. He was so, they tell me, some years ago.[ See letters of Feb. 1 and March 16.] Hasten John Reed in his account, [See letters of Jan. 11 and March 5.] and hasten yourself in extirpating smuggling. I am glad to hear Sister Denton meets again. She is a letter in my debt.--I am, dear Joseph, Yours affectionately.

To Mrs. Barton Date: LONDON, February 29, 1777. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1777) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--I am glad to hear that your little Society prospers. If they increase in grace, they will increase in number; of which I can have no doubt if you watch against all jealousies and continue open and loving to each other. There will be nothing wanting, I am persuaded, on the part of the preachers. [The Hull preachers were George Story (afterwards editor of the Magazine) and William Dufton.] Whenever they speak, they will speak as the oracles of God, with sound speech, which cannot be reproved. And, what is more, the whole tenor of their life is agreeable to their doctrine. Whatever they preach you will experience. What you have received is a pledge of what you will receive; for He that loves you will withhold from you no manner of thing that is good.--I am Your affectionate brother.

To Samuel Bradburn Date: LONDON, February 22, 1777. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1777) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY,--If George Brown is likely to be an useful preacher, it is no wonder he should be so tempted. If he will forsake the work, there is a young man at Cork, John Howe, who may take his place; so I have wrote to John Watson. I do not remember, I have had a line from John Hampson since Christmas. It will be a difficult thing to keep Mr. Smyth [Wesley met Mr. And Mrs. Smyth in the Isle of Man in June. See Tyerman’s Wesley, iii. 241-2 and letters of May 27, 1776 and June 1 1778.] from running into extremes. He surely will be prosecuted if he publishes anything which the law can lay hold on. And it is easier to prevent the evil than to redress it.

To Thomas Wride Date: DARLINGTON, May 7, 1777. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1777) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY,--I am resolved to make one fair trial of the island. So I have desired Brother Empringham and Joseph Bradford to go over immediately together and preach in every town and village. Now the summer is before us, and let us try what can be done; and let Brother Seed and you exert yourselves in England.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mrs. Barton Date: BRISTOL, July 29, 1777. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1777) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER,--It is well that you have learned to say, ' The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away.' Your child is gone but a little before you. How soon shall we overtake her! It is no way inconsistent with Christian resignation to ask conditionally, ' Let this cup pass from me '; only with the addition,' Nevertheless, not as I will, but as Thou writ.' Rapturous joy, such as is frequently given in the beginning of justification or of entire sanctification, is a great blessing; but it seldom continues long before it subsides into calm, peaceful love. I believe, if Miss Hurrell [See letter of Oct. 28.] were to spend a little time with you, it might be of great use to many.--I am, with love to Brother Barton, Your affectionate brother.

It seems the best way to profit by that retirement which results from your present weakness is to divide your time between reading, meditation, and prayer, intermixed with serious conversation. And when your strength will permit, you must endeavor to do a little good; only take care at first not to go too far. Some years since, we had a little Society at Southampton; perhaps you may find some fragments of it remaining. May the God of all grace, after you have suffered awhile, make you perfect, stablish, strengthen, and settle you!--I am, my dear sister, Your ever affectionate brother.

To William Ripley Date: WESTMINSTER, November 13, 1777. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1777) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BILLY,--It is well if the houses both at Driffield and Guisborough be not too small. Mr. Atlay will send you a complete set of my Works. If you increase in substance, you are in great danger of decreasing in grace. Treacle-plasters would very probably prevent that crackling of the joints. To prevent worldly-mindedness be as much employed in the work of God as you possibly can. Peace be with you and yours!--I am, dear Billy, Your affectionate brother.

To John Bredin Date: LONDON, December 23, 1777. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1777) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--I have wrote to Mr. Creighton. [See letters of May 24, 1773, and July 12, 1778.] Yours of the 12th instant I received this afternoon. I desire one of the preachers in the Armagh Circuit to change with you till Lady Day. Before that time (if my life health are spared) I hope to be in Ireland myself.--I am Your affectionate brother. I shall be glad of a correspondence with the clergyman mention.

To Thomas Taylor Date: LONDON, January 15, 1778. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY, - I am glad you have seen Mr. Pugh. The Philosophy is finished, [See letter of Feb. 15, 1777.] and will be sent down next month. I spoke briefly before; but since you urge me to it, I will now come full upon your subject. As to Preaching, you ought not to preach against that unscriptural, blasphemous, mischievous doctrine constantly - no, nor very frequently. But you ought now and then to bear a full, strong, express testimony against it; otherwise you are a sinner against God and your people and your own soul. I have done this too seldom, scarce once in fifty sermons: ought to have done it once in fifteen or ten.

To Duncan McAllum Date: LONDON, February 11, 1778. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - You do not write too often. When I think your letters troublesome, I will tell you. I leave it to your choice how you should divide your time between Perth and Inverness. [See letter of Jan. 17.] It seems to me you should spend at least a month in the North before the Conference. If you have not money for the journey, I will help you. I shall hardly see Scotland this year. About the end of next month I expect to be in Dublin. If Brother Ellis is angry at you, be not you angry at him. A soft answer turneth away wrath. - Dear Duncan, Your affectionate brother.

To Thomas Maxfield Date: February 14, 1778. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- I was a little surprised to read in a late publication of yours the following assertions: - 1. Thomas Maxfield was 'some of the firstfruits of Mr. Whitefield's ministry' (page 18). 2. 'When he went abroad, he delivered me and many thousands more into the hands of those he thought he could have trusted them with, and who would have given them back to him again at his return. But, alas! it was not so.' (Ibid.) 'I heard Mr. Whitefield say at the Tabernacle, in the presence of five or six ministers, to Mr. Wesley, a little before he left England for the last time: "I delivered thirty thousand people into the hands of your brother and you when I went abroad. And by the time I came back you had so turned their hearts against me that not three hundred of them would come to hear me." I knew this was true.' (Ibid.) 3. 'I heard Mr. Whitefield say: "When I came back from Georgia, there was no speaking evil of each other. Oh what would I not give or suffer or do to see such times again! But oh that division! that division! What slaughter it has made 'It was doctrine that caused the difference; or, at least, it was so pretended.' (Ibid.) 'He preached a few times in connection with his old friends. But, ah! how soon was the sword of contention drawn!' (Page 19.) 4. 'where can you now find any loving ones of either party They have no more love to each other than Turks.' (Ibid.) 'Read their vile contentions, and the evil characters they give of each other, raking the filthiest ashes to find some black story against their fellow preachers' (page 20). They 'slay with the sword of bitterness, wrath, and envy. Still more their shame is what they have sent out into the world against each other on both sides about five or six years ago, and till this very day.' (Page 21.) To satisfy both friends and foes I propose a few queries' on each of these four heads.

I. As to the first, I read a remarkable passage in the Third Journal, the truth of which may, be still attested by Mr. Durbin, Mr. Westall, and several others then present, who are yet alive: 'A young man who stood behind sunk down as one dead; but soon began to roar out and beat himself against the ground, so that six men could scarce hold him. This was Thomas Maxfield.' [See letter of May 28, 1739; and for Henry Durbin, May 3, 1786, n.] Was this you If it was, how are you 'the first-fruits of Mr. Whitefield's ministry' And how is it that neither I nor your fellow laborers ever heard one word of this during all those years wherein you labored in connection with us II. 'When he went abroad again, he delivered me and many thousands into the hands of Mr. Wesley.' When where in what manner This is quite new to me! I never heard one word of it before! But stay! here is something more curious still! 'I heard Mr. Whitefield say at the Tabernacle, in the presence of five or six ministers, a little before he left England the last time, "I delivered thirty thousand people into the hands of you and your brother when I went abroad."' Mr. Whitefield's going abroad, which is here referred to, was in the year 1741. Did he then deliver you into my hands Was you not in my hands before Had you not then for above a year been a member of the Society under my care Nay, was you not at the very time one of my preachers Did you not then serve me as a son in the gospel Did you not eat my bread and lodge in my house Is not this, then, a total misrepresentation Would to God it be not a willful one!

To Christopher Hopper Date: LONDON, February 21, 1778. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - Many angry opponents we are to expect; but they may say just what they please. It is my determination to answer none, but to go straight on my way. [Hopper was in Bradford. Wesley was severely attacked in the press. See Tyerman's Wesley, iii. 261-7; and previous letter.] On Sunday evening, March 1, I am to leave London. After spending a few days at Bristol, I purpose making the best of my way to Chester in order to embark for Ireland. I hope to be in Dublin about the end of March. If so, I shall be able to visit all the Societies before July. - I am, with love to Sister Hopper, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To his Wife Date: BRISTOL, October 2, 1778. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- As it is doubtful, considering your age and mine, whether we may meet any more in this world, I think it right to tell you my mind once for all without either anger or bitterness. After alluding to the fact that his wife left him without his consent or knowledge, he goes on to observe: Ever since (and, indeed, long before) you have made my faults the constant matter of your conversation. Now, suppose an husband has many faults, is it the part of a prudent wife to publish or conceal them You have published my (real or supposed) faults, not to one or two intimates only (though perhaps that would have been too much), but to all Bristol, to all London, to all England, to all Ireland. Yea, you did whatever in you lay to publish it to all the world, thereby designing to put a sword into my enemies' hands. He concludes: If you were to live a thousand years, you could not undo the mischief that you have done. And till you have done all you can towards it, I bid you farewell.

To Cornelius Bayley Date: NEAR LONDON, October 12, 1778. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - I will read over and consider your MS. the first opportunity. Before I read it I cannot but mention a little remark which I have frequently made. There are many good-natured creatures among the Methodists who dearly love to make matches; and we have many other good-natured creatures who dearly love to make authors. Whereas it is the glory of the Methodists to have few authors. And a young man can hardly be too slow in this matter. To save her postage I write a line or two in yours to poor Sister Bastable. [The widow of Cornelius Bastable, See letter of Dec. 15, 1763.] Peace be with your spirits! - I am Your affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Woodhouse Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- LONDON, November, 18, 1778. MY DEAR SISTER, - I have no intimacy with Lord North. I never saw him. I never wrote to him; very probably I never shall. I never asked any favor of him. I would not on any consideration whatever. It is a saying, You do not know what kind of animals great men are. They will not move an hair's breadth out of their line. They will on no account interfere in each other's province. Now, I told you before, only the Commissioners at the Customs dispose of Custom House places. And I know not one of those Commissioners. Therefore I can do nothing in this matter. [Compare letter of Dec. 26.] I am not sparing of my pains; but I know what I can do and what I cannot. If I could do it, you would not need to ask anything twice of Your affectionate brother.

To Captain Richard Williams Date: LONDON, December 30, 1778. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - The January Magazine was filled up before yours came. Because I do not care to depend on myself alone, I usually submit all the verses which are sent me to the judgment of my brother and the other preachers that are with me. And whatever they agree is proper I publish as soon as convenient. It seems to me the 'Address to the Watchman' may be of general use. I believe it will be published in one of the following magazines. [The letter on Dueling appeared in March. See Arminian Mag., 1779, pp. 146-8; and letters of Sept. 13, 1774 (to him), and Feb. 25, 1783 (to Joseph Taylor).] I am Your affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Knapp Date: NEAR LONDON, February 19, 1779. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1779) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, - I hope to be at Tewkesbury on Wednesday, April [He probably meant March, when on the 17h he 'preached at Tewkesbury about noon, and at Worcester in the evening.'] 19, so as to preach at noon, and to be at Worcester to preach either at six or half-hour after, as you judge best. It would not be so agreeable to me to be at Worcester unless I was to be at your house. I love the house for the sake of its inhabitants, particularly my dear Suky. On Thursday at noon I am willing to preach at Stourport, of which timely notice should be sent to Mr. Cowan. You are all, I hope, pressing on to the mark! ee! the prize is before you am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother.

To Thomas Carlill Date: ABERDEEN, June 13, 1779. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1779) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY, - I think it the safest way not to permit any Dissenting teacher to preach in any of our preaching-houses. [Carlill was Assistant in Oxfordshire. See letter of Jan. 23, 1778.] We have suffered so much by this already that we ought to beware of it for the time to come. I am glad to hear that poor John Taylor has recovered his ground. Now let him watch and pray that he may no more enter into temptation. It will be some time before I shall be able to fix the stations of the preachers. - I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Thomas Wride Date: OXON, August 10, 1779. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1779) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY, - George Story gives me a pleasing account of your behavior last year. Yet I am afraid there is something wanting still. As you know, love is full of fears. I am afraid your soul is not alive to God and that you are not deeply and steadily serious. I am afraid your common conversation is not weighty and meet to minister grace to the hearers. O Tommy, stir yourself up before the Lord! Pray that you may be all alive! Labor to be serious, earnest, edifying in your daily conversations! And one thing never forget! At least, be serious in the pulpit! Let nothing queer, odd, or ludicrous pass your lips there! Then the work of the Lord will prosper in our hands, and you will be a comfort to, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To William Church Date: BRISTOL, September 28, 1779. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1779) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BILLY, - I entirely agree with Mr. Thomas [See letter of April 29, 1776.] in his judgment concerning that house: nothing can be more convenient for the purpose. You would do well to move all our friends to contribute towards it. I hope Brother Moorhouse [Michael Moorhouse is on the Minutes for Taunton, but may have been sent to Glamorgan. Cardiff was the head of that circuit. See letter of July 7, 1786.] and you are of one heart and go on hand in hand. - I am, dear Billy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To John Valton Date: LONDON, February 9, 1780. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - From that ill-advised step of poor Brother M'Nab a smoke had issued from the bottomless pit, which darkened and has bled the minds of many as well as yours, and filled them with needless doubts and fears. I am glad you are now emerged out of that darkness, and hope you will feel it no more. I am in hope likewise that those at Bath who deeply sinned on the occasion have now humbled themselves before God; and I trust He will enable you to do far more good than you have done yet at Bath as well as at Bristol. I hope to be at Bath on Tuesday the 29th instant and at Bristol a day or two after. But I cannot and dare not suffer them to be leaders any longer who will not deign to attend the preaching. On Monday, March 13, I expect to be at Stroud; on Tuesday noon at Tewkesbury, Tuesday evening Worcester. Take care you do not preach more than your health allows. You must not offer murder for sacrifice. Pray give my kind love to Sister Newman, whom I thank for her letter, and hope to see at Stroud or Tewkesbury if it be convenient for her. - I am Your affectionate friend and brother. Why should you not give me a short account of the life of John Valton [See letter of April 21.]!

To Samuel Bradburn Date: LONDON, February 26, 1780. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1778) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY, - I think you have reason to be exceeding thankful for an honest and sensible fellow laborer. [John Bredin was his colleague at Cork. See letter of Nov. 9, 1779, to him.] The good fruit of it appears already in your deliverance from that troublesome man. If your opponents cannot provoke you to return evil for evil, they can do you no harm. In patience possess ye your soul, and all those things shall work together for good. I hope to be in Dublin about the end of March, [He did not get there till April 13, I783.] and probably in Cork before the middle of May. If you are at Bristol by-and-by (to which I have no great objection), we must hire a lodging for you near the room. [See letter of April 2.] Peace be with your spirits! - I am, with kind love to Betsy, dear Sammy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

10. 'Remark a missionary inflaming the rabble and propagating black slander.' Remark a San Benito cap, painted with devils; but let him put it on whom it fits. It does not fit me: I inflame no rabble; I propagate no slander at all. But Mr. O'Leary does. He propagates an heap of slander in these his Remarks. I say too, 'Let the appeal be made to the public and their impartial reason.' I have nothing to do with the 'jargon or rubbish of the Schools,' lugged in like 'the jargon of the Schools' before. But I would be glad if Mr. O'Leary would tell us what these two pretty phrases mean. The whole matter is this. I have without the least bitterness advanced three reasons why I conceive it is not safe to tolerate the Roman Catholics. But still, I would not have them persecuted; I wish them to enjoy the same liberty, civil and religious, which they enjoyed in England before the late Act was repealed. Meantime I would not have a sword put into their hands; I would not give them liberty to hurt others. Mr. O'Leary, with much archness and pleasantry, has nibbled at one of these three reasons, leaving the other two untouched. If he chooses to attack them in his next, I will endeavor to give him a calm and serious answer.--I am, gentlemen, Your obedient servant.

To George Robinson Date: MANCHESTER, March 25, 1780. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1780) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,--I do not see why Brother Norris should not have a part of what is collected on the account of sickness. I am glad to hear so good an account of poor Robert Empringham. As they desire a supernumerary preacher about Whitby, he may go into that circuit directly. I desire Mr. Peacock to put a final stop to the preaching of women in his circuit. If it were suffered, it would grow, and we know not where it would end. I hope to see you and our brethren at Boston before the summer is over. Peace be with you and yours!--I am Your affectionate brother.

To John Valton Date: PARKGATE, April 21, 1780. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1780) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER,-I send you herewith one of our Lord's jewels, my dear Miss Ritchie; such an one as you have hardly seen before. But, alas! it seems she has but a short time to stay here, unless the journey should remove her consumption. Miss Marshall, her friend, is an Israelite indeed. You will assist them all you can; and so, I doubt not, will Sister Maddern. Indeed, they are worthy. I hope you are writing for me an extract from your Journal. [See letters of Feb. 9 and Oct. 1 to him.] I wish you would take another burthen upon you. Interleave one of the Primitive Physicks, and insert into it as many cheap and simple medicines as you pIease.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mr. Valton, At the New Room, In Bristol. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1780) Author: John Wesley --- e lived and sent him to paradise before his time. I do not know that this is your case. But I tell you whatever rises in my mind. I only want you to attain ia full reward.--I /ialways am, my dear Nancy,/p p class="Section1" style=" text-autospace:none"Yours most affectionately./p div align="center" style="text-align:center; text-autospace:none" span class="MsoNormal"span style="MS Mincho"">

To Elizabeth Morgan Date: BRISTOL, March 13, 1781. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1781) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR MISS MORGAN, -- I wonder at you; I am surprised at your steadiness. How is it possible that you should retain any regard for me when your lot is so frequently cast among them who think they do God service by saying all manner of evil of me I do not impute this to natural generosity (little good is owing to nature), but to His grace who has kept you from your infancy, and who now upholds you in the slippery paths of youth. I trust He will still enable you to be Against example singularly good. [Paradise Lost, xi. 809: ‘against example good.’] By a prudent mixture of reading, meditation, prayer, and conversation you may improve your present retirement. But you must add every day more or less exercise (as your strength permits) in the open air. And why should you not add that truly Christian diversion, visiting the poor, whether sick or well Who knows but our Lord sent you to Wotton on purpose to save some souls alive A letter which I lately received from Yorkshire informs me, ‘Our friends think Miss Ritchie is in a dying condition.’ If she continue so till I come to Manchester, I shall step over to see her. I should never think much of going an hundred miles to see either her or you. A line from you will always be acceptable to, my dear Miss Morgan, Your affectionate servant.

To Thomas Rutherford Date: CARMARTHEN, May 8, 1781. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1781) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY, -- You do well to break up fresh ground. We are ‘sent to disciple all mankind.’ If Mr. Abraham continues as he is, I shall be glad after a while to have him nearer me. [See letters of Feb. 20, 1781 (to Rutherford), and Feb. 20, 1782.] After tossing up and down two days and two nights in a violent storm, finding it impossible to proceed, our captain was glad to take shelter in Holyhead harbor. I believed it to be the hand of God, and was content. So I give over the hope of seeing Dublin for the present; but I do not despair of seeing Londonderry within this month, if I should find an opportunity of getting over to the Isle of Man two or three weeks hence.--I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother. I expect to be at Whitehaven before the end of this month.

To Joseph Harper Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1781) Author: John Wesley --- NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, June 16, 1781. DEAR JOSEPH, -- The contrary [winds continued] so long that I am [much behind] in my plan. I did [not reach this plaice till an hour or [two ago, and mus]t not leave it before [Sunday the 24th. In] consequence of this [I preach in York] on Wednesday the 27th and a[t Selby on Thur]sday 28. On Friday [the 29th (I hope to re]ach) Thorne, and preach [at noon, and Cro]wle evening, Epwor[th also; and if I] can, at Upperthorpe a[nd at Misterton]. Your affection[ate friend and brother].

To William Tunney Date: LONDON, June 22, 1781. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1781) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BILLY, -- I am glad Sister Webb found grace at the last. It was objected to the preaching (1) that few attended yet; (2) that it interfered with the church service. If so, it is best to let it drop. Talk with Brother Walker about building at Newport. There seems a probability of doing good in the Isle, if all of you set your shoulders to the work. Ask John Walker why he did not consult you concerning the building, which he ought to do in everything. Let no more, however, be bought than absolutely necessary. The more labor the more blessing! -- I am, dear Billy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Jeremiah Brettell Date: THIRSK, June 26, 1781. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1781) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JERRY, -- Direct your answer to London. I agreed with William Redstone to finish the work for threescore pounds. I thought I had sent fifty of it, and have some thirty-five to remain. Beside the hundred pounds which I shall procure from the Conference, I purpose giving another hundred out of my own pocket. I think they would ride a free horse to death. Speak plain to Brother Ward and Foster, [Henry Foster, admitted on trial in 1780, was the fourth preacher in Cornwall East. See letter of June 22, 1785; and for Nathaniel Ward, that of Oct. 12, 1780.] and tell them from me, ‘Unless you can and will leave off preaching long, I shall think it my duty to prevent your preaching at all among the Methodists.’ -- I am, dear Jerry, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mrs. Hall Date: THORNE, NEAR EPWORTH, June 29, 1781. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1781) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR PATTY,--I should have been at Epworth to-night, but our friends here interrupted me. Now, if you was but with me, I could show you Crowle and Belton and the great sycamore-tree and my father's tomb. But since an hundred and fifty miles lie between us, we must be content. It is well if Robert Lee [Boswell mentions Mrs. Hall as one of the company at dinner at Dr. Johnson's on Easter Sunday, April 15, 1781. Robert Lee told Wesley on Feb. 5, 1763, that he should stay in the London Society no longer. See Journal, v. 5.] does not turn poor Mrs. Sherriff’s head! It is no wonder she wears an high cap now. To be sure he tells her how well she looks! and how pretty she is! And how can she be so uncivil as not to believe him However, you did well to take her out of his hands. I am surprised that you could not find a lodging near the City Road. A little while, and we shall need none of these lodgings. I do not expect to see London before my usual time. -- I am, dear Patty, Your affectionate friend and Brother.

To Thomas Davenport Date: LONDON, January 19, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SIR, -- Many years ago I saw a condemned person in the Castle at Oxford two or three hours before his execution. When I asked him, ‘Whither are you going’ he said, ‘To hell, to be sure.’ And on my remarking, ‘But you seem to have no fear, no sorrow, no concern,’ he coolly replied, ‘I have none at all. And why should I tell a lie’ I said, ‘I cannot understand this.’ He said, ‘I will tell you how to understand it. Some told me five months ago, “Mr. Pope, make the best of your time; for the day of grace may end, before the day of life ends.” And so it is with me.’ But it is not so with you. If it was, you would have no fear, no trouble, no uneasiness, but would be just as easy and careless and unconcerned as that poor creature was. It is, I believe, near forty years ago that a friend recommended to me Mr. Marshall's Gospel Mystery of Sanctification. [See Journal. v. 239-40.] A few passages I found scattered up and down which I thought leaned towards Antinomianism. But in general I approved of it well, and judged it to be an excellent book. The main proposition, that inward and outward holiness flow from a consciousness of the favor of God, is undoubtedly true. And it is a truth that should always be before our eyes. I commend you to Him that loves you more than you are sensible of; and am, dear sir, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Francis Wolfe Date: LONDON, January 24, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- You have much reason to bless God both on your own account and on account of the people. Now see that you adorn in all things the doctrine of God our Savior. See that your conversation be in grace, always seasoned with salt, and meet to minister grace to the hearers; and let none of you preachers touch any spirituous liquors upon any account! I am sorry for poor Joseph Belten. The loss of that excellent woman will be a loss indeed! But there is One who is able to turn all to good. -- I am, dear Franky, Your affectionate brother.

To Ellen Gretton Date: LAMBETH, February 12, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, -- If it pleases God to visit us with adversity, undoubtedly He will send a blessing with it. It will be for our profit, a means of weaning us from the world and uniting us more closely to Him. And if afterwards He changes it for prosperity, this also will be for good. It is our wisdom to improve the present state, be it one or the other. With what will be we have nothing to do. We need take no thought for the morrow. As yet I do not see my way clear, but wait for farther evidence, before I can determine whether I should put out toward Ireland or Scotland. If I do set out for Ireland and am driven back again, [As he had been in April 1781. See letter of May 8 of that year.] I shall say, Good is the will of the Lord. ‘With good advice make war.’ Do not hastily engage in anything so far that you cannot retreat. One would be particularly wary in that circumstance, which, as Prior observed, Slay or strife, Is all the color of remaining life. [Prior’s Solomon, ii. 234-5: ‘Love Why ’tis joy or sorrow, peace or strife; ‘Tis all the color of remaining life.’] Concerning this especially be much in prayer, and the unction of the Holy One will guide you. -- I am, my dear Nelly, Yours very affectionately. My kind love to Sister Fisher and Brother Derry. [See letter of Jan. 5 to Miss Gretton.]

To Robert Costerdine Date: LONDON, March 2, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR ROBERT, -- I have now before me a particular account of the behavior of W. Gill toward Stephen Proctor and others. I am greatly surprised at the partiality of Brother Harper. [Harper was Assistant at Leicester, and Costerdine the second preacher. For Gill, see letters of Jan. 6, 1780 (to Thomas Carlill), and March 22, 1782; and for Proctor, Oct. 12, 1780, and June 7, 1782.] Besides, he had no authority to administer an oath to any one. I forbid William Gill to preach any more in any of our Societies. And I beg of Joseph Harper not to say anything in his defense either in public or private. Brother Whitehouse informs me you have heard the case at large and do not lay any blame on Stephen Proctor. -- I am, dear Robert, Your affectionate brother.

To Ann Bolton Date: BRISTOL, March 8, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR NANCY, -- I came hither from Bath this afternoon, and just snatch time to write two or three fines. It gave me pleasure to see your letter dated from Caerleon, as I know your spending a few days there would not be in vain. You will give and receive a blessing. Iron sharpeneth iron, and the countenance of a man his friends--not only the conversation, but the very countenance, as I have often found when I looked upon you. But much more your words shall (by the grace of God) convey health to the soul. You will comfort and quicken my dear Sally, and not suffer her hands to hang down. I can say nothing of Sir Charles Grandison, because I never read a page of his. On Monday the 18th instant I hope to have the pleasure of meeting you at Stroud. On Tuesday I have promised to dine with that amiable woman Mrs. Wathen [Mrs. Wathen, the wife of a rich clothier at Thrupp, Stroud. See W.H.S. v. 251-3.] at New House. But I should not desire it unless you was there. Peace be with all your spirits.mI am, my dear Nancy, Yours most affectionately.

It is exceeding clear to me, first, that a dispensation of the gospel is committed to you; and, secondly, that you are peculiarly called to publish it in connection with us. It has pleased God to give so many and so strong evidences of this, that I see not how any reasonable person can doubt it. Therefore, what I have often said before I say again, and give it under my hand, that you are welcome to preach in any of our preaching-houses, in Great Britain or Ireland, whenever it is convenient for you. I commend you for preaching less frequently where you find less liberty of spirit (because no necessity is laid upon you with regard to this or that particular place), and for spending most time in those places where you find most probability of doing good. We have need to work while it is day. -- I am, dear sir, Your ever affectionate friend and brother.

To John Atlay Date: STOCKPORT, April 4, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I think two thousand more of the Hymns for the Nation may be printed as soon as is convenient, leaving out the 2nd, 3rd, 8th, 12th, 16th, 21st, and 22nd. When these seven are omitted (which are not of so general use), the remainder will be large enough for a threepenny book. Five hundred of these I would have sent to Sheffield (over and above the five hundred sent to Leeds), and five hundred to Newcastle-upon-Tyne. I hope they will be at Sheffield before the 9th of May. I am poorly provided with fellow travelers. To save John Broadbent’s life I take him with me for a month while George Whitfield supplies his place. But he and T. Simpson together are but half a man. So that it is well I have learnt to serve myself. Do not boast of your riches to T. Olivers. It is enough to make him stark mad. [See letter of April 13.] -- I am Your affectionate brother. [On the back of the letter Wesley adds:] If you print 2,000 Estimates of the Manners of the Times for ed. and send me 500 of them to Leeds as soon as you can, and 500 to Sheffield with the Hymns, I can sell them. [Atlay endorses the latter, ‘Mr. Wesley, April 8, 1782.’]

To John Bredin Date: MANCHESTER, April 6, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- It is probable I shall be able to hold a little Conference in Dublin before the middle of July. But you will hear more before that time. The four volumes of Sermons with the Notes on the New Testament (small edition) are the best books for Mr. Haslett. Any other of our books you may give to him or Mr. Dillon in my name. If Adam Clarke [See letters of Oct. 19, 1781, and July 9, 1782.] can come to London at the Conference, I will send him to Kingswood directly. You may take those three volumes of Magazines with as many as make up the set. You may likewise have the History of England and of the Church. John McKenny [John McKenny (whose son was one of the first missionaries in Ceylon) was a friend and classmate of Adam Clarke’s.] must take his choice. If he will refrain from going to that house, it will remove the offense. But if he will go, he does thereby put himself out of our Society. -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To John Atlay Date: LIVERPOOL, April 13, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- By all means send what remains of the former edition of the Hymns before you send the new. You may likewise send to Sheffield an hundred of each of Mr. Galloway’s tracts. Let us shut the stable door, though the steed is stolen. As T. Olivers has the interest of five hundred pounds besides my allowance, I do not see how he can possibly be in want, unless there be a marvellous want of economy. However, be it as it may. I am at a point: I will give him forty pounds a year and no more. [See letters of April 4, 1782, and Aug. 15, 1789.] -- I am Your affectionate brother.

To Zachariah Yewdull Date: OTLEY, May 1, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I see no reason yet why you may not spend the next year in Cork and Bandon. [Yewdull was now in the Waterford Circuit. He became Assistant at Cork at the following Conference.] If nothing unforeseen prevent, I shall be at Dublin the beginning of July. If you desire to promote the work of God, you should preach abroad as often as possible. Nothing destroys the devil's kingdom like this. You may have the History of the Church: money is nothing between you and me. Be all in earnest! -- I am, dear Zachary, Your affectionate brother.

To Jonathan Hern Date: ALNWICK, June 16, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JONATHAN, -- I have made all the haste from the North of Scotland which I reasonably could. But still my time fails short. I shall not be able to reach York before the 27th instant. And I shall then have all the Midland Societies to visit; so that I cannot get any time for Ireland this summer. For before I have well done my business in the country the Conference will call me to London. Peace be with you and yours! Be zealous for God! -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

This afternoon I was agreeably surprised by a letter from our dear Miss Ritchie. It seems as if God, in answer to many prayers, has lent her to us yet a little longer. ‘He bringeth down to the grave, and bringeth up again. Wise are all His ways!’ Take particular care, my dear Hetty, of the children: they are glorious monuments of divine grace; and I think you have a particular affection for them and a gift to profit them. -- I always am, my dear friend, Yours most affectionately.

To Penelope Newman Date: July 12, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, -- I do not yet see any reason why Jonathan Coussins should not labor next year in the Gloucester-shire Circuit. [He was then in the Sarum Circuit, and in August was duly appointed to Gloucester.] But I do not use to determine things of this kind absolutely before the Conference. Afflictions, you know, are only blessings in disguise. ‘He prepares occasions of fighting that thou mayest conquer.’ Whenever you have an opportunity of making a little excursion it will be for good. -- I am, dear Penny, Your affectionate brother.

VERY DEAR SIR, -- You sat in judgment on me as long ago as Mr. Hindmarsh [James Hindmarsh was Assistant of the Devon Circuit in 1775.] was here and condemned me unheard; and though I then was, and yet am, conscious of my innocence in that respect, you still hold me guilty, and now incline to treat, at least to esteem, as an heathen man or a publican. Had you admitted me to answer in person, I could have given you satisfaction; but shall not commit it to paper, which may perhaps come to other hands before yours. But that I am not ‘laying up treasures upon earth,’ that I am not convinced of ‘deep, uncommon covetousness,’ that I am convinced you have wronged me and are severe and uncharitable in your censure, I do and must inform you; for the truth of which I appeal to that righteous God who is both yours and mine. Where, then, is that charity that thinketh no evil I am really grieved, and not without cause. Four or five if not seven years you have thus treated your honest and generous but injured son in the gospel,

To Hester Ann Roe Date: BRISTOL, October 1, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR HETTY, -- I received yours two days after date, and read it yesterday to Miss Stockdale, [Miss Stockdale had stayed with her nephew Robert Roe at Macelesfield in July (Account, p. 61).] and poor Peggy Roe, who is still strangely detained in life. But she is permitted to stay in the body a little longer that she may be more ready for the Bridegroom. You did exceedingly well to send me so circumstantial an account of Robert Roe’s last illness and happy death. It may incite many to run the race that is set before them with more courage and patience. That our dear Miss Ritchie should come to Macclesfield just at this time was an excellent instance of Divine Providence. She could never have come in a fitter season. Only let her not do more than consists with her health. The removal of so useful an instrument as your late cousin, in the midst, or rather in the dawn, of his usefulness (especially while the harvest is so great and the faithful laborers so few), is an instance of the divine economy which leaves our reason behind; our little narrow minds cannot comprehend it. We can only wonder and adore. How is your health I sometimes fear lest you also (as those I tenderly love generally have been) should be snatched away. But let us live to-day. -- I always am Affectionately yours.

To Mrs. Bradburn Date: YARMOUTH, October 30, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BETSY, -- My disorders are seldom of long continuance; they pass off in a few days, and usually leave me considerably better than I was before. We are always safe while we are either doing or suffering the will of Him that orders all things well. I do not doubt but you will find both profit and pleasure in the conversation of my dear Miss Ritchie. I had marked her out for your acquaintance, or rather friendship, before you set out for England. You are two kindred souls, and I almost, wonder how you could be so long kept apart from each other. Her conversation, I doubt not, will quicken your desires of being all renewed in the image of Him that created you. But let those desires rise ever so high, they need not lessen your thankfulness -- nay, the strongest hunger and thirst after righteousness are found in those that in everything give thanks. I am glad to hear the little jars that were in Bradford are at end. Let them all die and be forgotten. But let brotherly love continue. Peace be with both your spirits! -- I am, my dear Betsy, Yours most affectionately.

To Zachariah Yewdall Date: LONDON, November 12, 1782, Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- Before this time I suppose you have my last. I have wrote to T. Rutherford to send Andrew Blair. The leaders, I find, were unwilling to part with him; but I think he will be guided by me rather than by them. Till I have done meeting the classes, I shall have little leisure to write either prose or verse, being fully taken up from morning to night. After this I may get a little time. O let us work while the day is l The night cometh, wherein no man can work. -- I am Your affectionate brother.

To the Commanding Officer in Lowestoft Date: LONDON, November 30, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- SIR, -- I am informed by some of my friends in Lowestoft that they have been frequently disturbed at their public worship by some officers quartered in the town. Before I use any other method, I beg of you, sir, who can do it with a word, to prevent our being thus insulted any more. We are men; we are Englishmen: as such we have a natural and a legal right to liberty of conscience. -- I am, sir, Your obedient servant.

To Mr. ----- Date: LONDON, December 23, 1782. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1782) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- Many years since, when I read those words in the Lesson for the day, ‘Son of man, I take from thee the desire of thine eyes with a stroke,’ I was so affected that it was not without difficulty I could speak a word more. [See Journal, i. 325-6; and letter of Oct. 7, 1749, where the same words are used about Grace Murray. Compare letter of Feb. 14, 1786.] But it was not long before He enabled me to say, 'Good, is the will of the Lord.' I trust He has taught you that great lesson, which reason alone cannot teach. He has always one end, whether in His pleasing or painful dispensations, to wean us from all things here below and to unite us to Himself. You see the present dispensation of His providence in a true light. He is vindicating His right to your whole heart and claiming you for His own. And He can make you large amends for all He has taken away by giving you Himself. Let not this medicine be without its full effect. ‘It is a great loss to lose an affliction.’ Now is the time that you are loudly called to give up yourself wholly to God. It would be your wisest way to select two or three for your intimate acquaintances who are deeply alive to God; and to have no farther intercourse with those who know not God than necessary business requires. If you form this resolution and keep steadily to it, you will meet our dear friend again in a little time. May God enable you so to do! His grace is sufficient for you. - I am Your affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Fuller Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1783) Author: John Wesley --- [February 1783.] MY DEAR SISTER, -- You did well in giving me a plain and circumstantial account of the manner wherein God has dealt with your soul. Your part is now to stand fast in the glorious liberty wherewith Christ has made you free. There is no need that you should ever be entangled again in the bondage of pride or anger or desire. God is willing to give always what He grants once. Temptations, indeed, you are to expect. But you may tread them all under your feet: His grace is sufficient for you. And the God of all grace, after you have suffered a while, shall establish, strengthen, and settle you.--I am, my dear sister, Yours affectionately.

To Zachariah Yewdall Date: LONDON, February 9, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1783) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I am glad you have given another trial to Inishanmon. And why not to Hinscla I am a good deal of your mind. I hope those are only drops before a shower of grace. Over and above the general reasons contained in that tract, a preacher, and above all others a Methodist preacher, has particular reasons for valuing a single life. I am glad Brother Blair [Andrew Blair, his new colleague.] and you converse freely together: it will preserve you from many snares. There can be no properer person for a trustee than Andrew Laffan. [One of Whitefield’s converts at Cork in 1751. Wesley appointed him a steward in 1785, and stayed with him in 1787. See Journal, vii. 74d, 271n; Crookshank’s Methodism in Ireland, i. 83, 399, 429; and letter of Feb. 9, 1789.] I have hope that Robert Blake [See letters of Dec. 31, 1782 (to Yewdall), and Feb. 23, 1783.] will be more useful than ever. -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To John Mason Date: BRISTOL, March 7, 1783. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1783) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I do not know that there was anything amiss in those letters. I hope the ground of complaint is now taken away. I was in the same case with you till the last meetings of the trustees. Five of them then agreed to sign the bonds. Hitherto it has been everybody’s business and nobody's business. I think now it will be done effectually. Great bodies usually move slowly. Had we five or seven instead of five-and-twenty trustees, they would not have been so unwieldy. I hope you go on well in the Isle; and am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To his Brother Charles Date: BIRMINGHAM, March 22 [or 24], 1783. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1783) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER CHARLES, -- If your view be correct, and this Epistle was the last the Apostle wrote before his martyrdom, it is invested with peculiar interest, as containing the dying counsels of one who was not behind the ‘chiefest of the Apostles.’ -- I am, dear Brother Charles, Yours affectionately.

To his Brother Charles Date: NOTTINGHAM, April 4, 1783. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1783) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER, -- Yesterday my second disorder left me, and I seem now to be recovering strength. [See previous letter.] On Monday next I hope to be at Derby; on Tuesday at Blewcastle-under-Lyme; on Wednesday at Chester; and at Holyhead as soon as God permits. I have no desire to stay above three weeks in Ireland, and hope to be in England again before the end of May. On the day appointed, March 25, I went from Birmingham to Hilton Park. [See Journal, vi.. 401; W.H.S. v. 170n.; and letter of April 25 to his brother.] A little before we reached the Park gate Miss Freeman met us in Sir Philip Gibbes’s chaise. After staring awhile, she came into my chaise, and she was convinced that I was alive. That afternoon and the next day I gathered strength apace. The place was agreeable, and much more the company. Lady Gibbes put me in mind of one of Queen Elizabeth's dames of honour. Her daughters are exceeding amiable, but sink under Miss Freeman's superior sense, and begin to feel that they are not Christians. She has been of great service to them, and hies at them day and night to show them what is real religion. On Wednesday night they were much struck; the younger sister could not contain herself, but burst out into a passion of tears. M. F. herself seems to be utterly disconcerted, seeking rest, but finding none. If Sally is not hurt by her, she (Sally [Charles Wesley’s daughter.]) will help her much. She now feels her want of help. I wish King George (like Louis XIV) would be his own Prime Minister. The nation would soon feel the difference. All these things will work together for good. Let us work while the day is! I take no thought for the morrow. Peace be with you all. Adieu. Revd. Mr. C. Wesley, Marybone, London.

To John Watson Date: DUBLIN, April 25, 1783. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1783) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- Yesterday I received yours from Perth; but I do not know how to answer it. If Brother McLean has been able to do good at Perth or Dunkeld, it would be worth while to take a room. But truly I think, if the Highlanders will not pay for their own room, they are not worthy of the preaching. To labor and pay for our own labor is not right before God or man. Are you able to undertake a circuit You may direct your next to London. -- I am Your affectionate brother.

DEAR SIR, -- You are my father; as such I have loved and honoured you. Forty years I have been in your Connection; thirty-six I have been admitted an helper in the gospel thirty of which my labor have been without charge to my brethren, but not so to myself. Ten pounds a year upon an average (I think) have not discharged my various expense with the Connection, which I am fully conscious was as much as I ought at any time, and for seven years past more than my ability required. I have informed you again and again that I have exceeded my ability. Why would you not believe me If you were not satisfied, why did you not ask me in person You never found me concealed or disguised. Was it right, upon your own suspicion or any vague information, to upbraid me before the congregation and before company at table, and even then refuse to be set right Was it kind, was it common candor, after the plain answer I gave you in person last year to write me as you did Had my conduct at any time merited that you should put a negative upon all I could say or write even when I appealed to my God for the truth of it When I was informed after all this that you censured me in various companies at Bristol and in its vicinity as a man worth thousands and eat up of covetousness and love of this world, I was astonished, and could not avoid exclaiming, What is become of charity are justice and truth also fled from the earth where is the man that doeth to another as he would be done by Whether I have less love or more pride than Mr. Jaques I do not determine; but I hope he have not been treated with so much severity and so totally without cause as your injured

To William Robarts Date: BRISTOL, August 8, 1783. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1783) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BILLY, -- Not being well able to write myself, I use George Story’s hand. What I wrote to you before was not upon bare suspicion or from vague information, but I was really frightened by hearing you say some years ago that you had just been giving 3,000 for a little estate. Perhaps your substance is not so great now as then. Of the things which some officious person said I spoke concerning you I remember nothing; but I suppose they lost nothing in the telling. [See letter of Aug. 16.] -- I am, dear Billy, Your affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Bailey Date: BATH, March 3, 1784. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1784) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, - I am glad to hear that Mr. Bailey recovers his health and that he is not quite unemployed. The more both he and you are employed for a good Master the better; seeing it is a sure truth that every man shall receive his own reward according to his own labor. On Monday, April 5 (if nothing unforeseen prevent), I expect to be at Stockport, and Tuesday, 6th, at Manchester. [His route was varied a little, so that he did not reach Manchester till April 10.] - I am, my dear Rachel, Yours affectionately.

To Arthur Keene Date: BATH, March 3, 1784. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1784) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR ARTHUR, - It is a true saying, 'There is in love a sweetness ready penned.' Copy out only that, and save expense. You mean what you speak, and that is enough. I am glad the school is begun, and am in great hope that it will be continued. Those that are frequently apt to weary of well doing might be frequently stirred up; otherwise the love of many, both in England and Ireland, will in process of time wax cold. I am in hopes that Dr. Coke has spoke to my brother concerning writing a few hymns for the poor widows. [The Widows' Alms House in Dublin.] But, because the Doctor is apt to forget, I have this morning desired Mr. Whitfield to remind him of it. You did well in sending me an account of the widows themselves, living or dead. There is one (if she be yet alive) whom I visited in Cuffe Street several times. Rachael Davis I never recommended before; but I should be glad if she could be admitted - when there is a vacancy. As yet I do not know any reason why Mr. Blair may not spend the next year at Dublin. I agree with you that a year is generally quite enough for a preacher to spend in one place. When he stays longer, both the people and the preacher usually grow flat and dead together. This year, if God prolong my life and health, I am to visit Scotland; otherwise I should have willingly accepted your kind invitation. Peace be with you and yours! - I am, dear Arthur, Your affectionate brother.

To Elizabeth Ritchie Date: TRACWN, PEMBROKESHIRE, August 19, 1784. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1784) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BETSY, - I was a little surprised at a letter from Sister D----, in which she seems to approve of all that Mrs. Crosby has done; and speaks as if it were just and right and done in obedience to the order of Providence ! I could not help saying, 'There is but one advice which I can give her upon the present occasion: "Remember from whence thou art fallen. Repent, and do thy first works."' Some years ago I committed a little company of lovely children to the care of one of our sisters at Haverford. [To Miss Warren in 1781. See letter of Oct. 19, 1779.] I was concerned yesterday to find she was weary of well-doing and had totally given up her charge. I hope, my dear Betsy, this will never be your case! You will never leave off your labor of love; though you should not always (not immediately at least) see the fruit of your labors. You may not immediately see Mrs. H - so established in grace as you desire and hope. But in this, as well as many other instances, in due time you shall reap if you faint not.

I conceive this horrid crime might be totally prevented, and that without doing the least hurt to either the living or the dead. Do you not remember, sir, how the rage for self-murder among the Spartan matrons was stopped at once By ordering that the body of every woman that killed herself should be dragged naked through the streets of the city. Would it not have the same effect in England if an Act of Parliament were passed repealing all other acts and appointing that every self-murderer should be hanged in chains Suppose your influence could prevent suicide by this means, and distilling by making it felony, you would do more service to your country than any Prime Minister has done these hundred years. Your name would be precious to all true Englishmen as long as England continued a nation. And, what is infinitely more, a greater Monarch than King George would say to you, 'Well done, good and faithful servant.' I earnestly commit you to His care, and am, sir, your willing servant.

To Mrs. Johnson Date: BRISTOL, September 26, 1784. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1784) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, - How wise are all the ways of God! Just before His providence called you to leave Dublin He sent Sister Rogers thither, in the same spirit of faith and love, to step into your place and prevent that scattering of the little flock which might otherwise have ensued; and if He sees it best, after you have finished the work He is preparing for you to do in Lisburn, you will see Dublin again. Meanwhile redeem the time, catch the golden moments as they fly, and continue to love and pray for, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother.

To John Valton Date: LONDON, November 13, 1784. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1784) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - Before I read your letter my first thought was, 'He will not recover with spring'; but a second immediately followed, 'Yes, at or before Candlemas.' And I trust so it will be. But in the meantime you ought undoubtedly to follow the directions of your physician. [See letters of Oct. 13 and Dee. 24 (to Thomas Taylor).] Only I wish you to add daily riding and the daily use of decoction of nettles, which is a nobler restorative than all the quinquiza in Peru, though in many cases that is an excellent medicine. I was confined from the 28th of November [1753.] till the end of February; the Hot Well water completed the cure. You are now God's prisoner, and are learning that deep lesson, 'Be content to do nothing.' That God may teach you this and all things is the prayer of Your affectionate friend and brother.

To John Johnson Date: LONDON, January 26, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- My DEAR BROTHER, - It is plain the time is come for God to lift up the light of His countenance upon poor Lisburn; this is the answer of many prayers offered up by good Sister Gardner and many others. His providence brought both you and Sister Johnson thither in good time; she was more wanted now in Lisburn than even in Dublin, as Hetty Rogers was enabled in a great measure to supply her place there. You will prevail upon more and more to meet in band and more and more backsliders will be healed, I expect; you will in a little time have a Select Society also. If my life and health are continued, I hope to cross the sea about the beginning of April; but how many blessings may you receive before that time! - I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To James Barry Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- February 1785. ... I am in the enjoyment of such health as I have never had before. Mr. Henry said, 'I bless God that I am never tired of my work, yet I am often tired in my work.' By the blessing of God I can say more: I am never tired in my work. From the beginning of the day or the week or the year to the end I do not know what weariness means. I am never weary of writing or preaching or traveling; but am just as fresh at the end as at the beginning. Thus it is with me to-day, and I take no thought for to-morrow. I am in hopes Dr. Coke will come to you. [See letter of July 3, 1784.]

To Captain Richard Williams Date: LONDON, February 15, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - I am exceeding glad at your going to Plymouth Dock. [He had moved from Poldice, near Truro. See letter of Dec. 10, 1783.] I am persuaded that God has sent you. And I should not wonder if you find a greater blessing upon your labors than ever you found before. I pray stay there as long as you can; and send a particular account of what occurs there to, dear Richard, Your affectionate brother.

I abhor the thought of our master's keeping an evening school. It would swallow up the time he ought to have for his own improvement. Give him enough to live comfortably upon without this drudgery. Feb. 20. - Pray tell Mr. Rogers I hope to see him before the middle of April and to visit the classes. I am glad he has written to Mr. Fox; but I have told you my mind about the salary.

To Ann Bolton Date: WEDNESBURY, March 28, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, - You are in danger of falling into both extremes - of making light of as well as fainting under His chastening. This you do whenever you look at any circumstance without seeing the hand of God in it, without seeing at the same instant, this unkindness, this reproach, this returning evil for good, as well as this faintness, this weariness, this pain, is the cup which my Father hath given me. And shall I not drink it Why does He give it me Only for my profit, that I 'may be a partaker of His holiness.' I have often found an aptness both in myself and others to connect events that have no real relation to each other. So one says, 'I am as sure this is the will of God as that I am justified.' Another says, 'God as surely spake this to my heart as ever He spoke to me at all.' This is an exceedingly dangerous way of thinking or speaking. We know not what it may lead us to. It may sap the very foundation of our religion. It may insensibly draw us into Deism or Atheism. My dear Nancy, my sister, my friend, beware of this! The grace of God is sufficient for you! And, whatever clouds may interpose between His banner over you is love. Look to yourself that you lose not the things that you have gained, but that you may receive a full reward. Adieu!

To his Brother Charles Date: KILLRMAN, NEAR ARMAGE, June 2, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER, - So the good man will know pain no more! [The Vicar of Shoreham died on May 9. Charles Wesley buried him on the Sunday and preached twice.] But I suppose he died without disclosing that his son Vincent charged him not to reveal till he came to die! If it had been of any consequence to the cause of God, he could not have died without disclosing it. Pray talk with as well as inquire concerning the clergyman you mention. [Peard Dickinson, curate to Vincent Perronet, seemed likely to be his successor, but became Wesley's clerical helper at City Road in Aug. 1786. See letter of June 19.] Many times you see further into men than I do. I suppose you have before now received my Journal, [See letter of May 12.] as well as preceding letter. Probably the first ship that sails after the 6th of July will bring me to Holyhead. I hope to see Dr. Coke in London before the end of it. About once a quarter I hear from Mr. and Mrs. Fletcher. I grudge his sitting still; but who can help it I love ease as well as he does; but I dare not take it while I believe there is another world. [Fletcher died on Aug. 14.] The patriots here are nobody. [See letter of May 12.] They are quite scattered, and have no design, bad or good. All is still in Ireland; only the work of God flourishes, spreading and deepening on every side. Peace be with all your spirits! Adieu!

To Francis Wrigley Date: LISBURN, June 11, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - I am glad you are so far recovered. Do as much as you [can] and no more. You that are upon the spot are the best judges concerning William Ellis. I refer it wholly to you whether he should preach or no till I come into Cornwall myself. You cannot suffer any one to preach either at St. Austell or elsewhere that is tainted with Calvinism or Antinomianism. 'Tis far easier to prevent the plague than to cure it. - I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To his Brother Charles Date: ATHLONE, June 23. 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BROTHER, - Certainly you have heard from me; for I sent you one, and intended to send you two Journals; only George Whitfield [Afterwards his Book Steward.] made a blunder, and directed the second to Henry Moore. Several months since, I wrote to Dr. Coke concerning the extract he had taken from your Journal. I will write to him again. But he must bring it, not send it by post. My letters to-day cost me eighteen shillings. I promise you not to publish your picture in the Magazine before midsummer 1785. I think that is long enough to look forward. Mr. Barnard is dead. [Son of the Bishop of Killaloe.] I know nothing of Miss Freeman. Ireland is full as quiet as England; and our Societies were never so much alive as they are now. I cannot believe that history. If Sally is ill, why does she not go into the country Peace be with all your spirits! Adieu!

It is a noble proposal of Mr. Marchington's; but I doubt it will not take place. You do not know the state of the English Methodists. They do not roll in money, like many of the American Methodists. It is with the utmost difficulty that we can raise five or six hundred pounds a year to supply our own contingent expenses. So that it is utterly impracticable to raise five hundred pounds among them to build houses in America. It is true they might do much; but it is a sad observation that they that have most money have usually least grace. The peace of God be with all your spirits! - I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To John Valton Date: BRISTOL, September 5, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - Neither Sister Brisco nor her husband ever made application to me for money. Now and then I have given her a guinea; but, I think, never more at a time. We could not regularly give her any more for her child; but I would have given her five pounds at a word speaking. Now she must take some trouble to get it. [Thomas Brisco was stationed at Thirsk, and was evidently in financial straits.] Our preachers (I mean many of them) are unable as yet to judge and undervalue each other. Henry Foster is a weak man, but by no means a weak preacher. This was never objected to him before in any circuit where I have followed him. He is a sound, judicious man and one of deep piety. I am thinking that her best way is, if any one will give T. Brisco five guineas, I will repay it. Consider, a person that was very happy and good is now less happy than he was. Then he thinks, 'I should be happier if I was married.' Is not this feeling Love's all-sufficient sea to raise With drops of creature happiness [Poetical Works, i. 132.] I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mary Cooke Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- BRADFORD[-ON-AVON], September 10, 1785. MY DEAR SISTER, - While I had the pleasure of sitting by you I quite forgot [what] I intended before we set out. [Two days previously Wesley had been at Trowbridge, where Miss Cooke lived, See letter of Sept. 24 to her.] Considering the bent of your mind, I cannot doubt but you have many copies of verses by you. Probably you have some (beside those on Mr. Turner) made upon affecting subjects. Will you favor me with two or three of them Do, if you have any desire to oblige, my dear friend, Yours affectionately.

To Jasper Winscom Date: BRISTOL, September 13, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JASPER, - I think I can serve you as far as 100 will go. If you can pay me in a year, you may; if not, I shall not quarrel with you about it. I want no interest. You may draw upon John Atlay for it, to whom I shall write this morning. - I am, dear Jasper, Your affectionate brother.

To Richard Locke Date: BRISTOL, September 19, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - The matter of Shepton Mallet is at an end. But I should have been glad to see you on other accounts. I wanted to know what was become of you Now you in some measure inform me. Pity but you had informed me before. Then much evil might have been either prevented or remedied. Instead of hiding everything you ought to have hid nothing from me. But tell me all or nothing. I will never bring your name into question, if you tell me who those four blessed preachers are. It is good for them that I should know them. [Wesley was with Locke at Almondsbury on Sept. 18. This letter throws light on their 'talk.' See Journal, vii, 117d.] Any service that is in my power you may expect from Your affectionate brother.

And not only by a slow and insensible growth in grace, but by the power of the Highest overshadowing you in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, so as utterly to abolish sin and to renew you in His whole image! If you are simple of heart, if you are willing to receive the heavenly gift, as a little child, without reasoning, why may you not receive it now He is nigh that sanctifieth; He is with you; He is knocking at the door of your heart! Come in, my Lord, come in, And seize her for Thine own. This is the wish of, my dear friend, Yours in tender affection. I pray be not so brief in your next.

To Thomas Wride Date: LONDON, October 8, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY, - On Monday se'nnight, the 17th instant, I hope to be at Norwich (coming by the mail-coach); on Tuesday at Yarmouth; on Wednesday and Thursday at Lowestoft, preaching everywhere at half-hour past six in the evening. On Friday noon at Beecham, or where you please; in the evening at Loddon; and on Saturday evening at Norwich. The verses [See letters of Sept. 16 and Dec. 14.] must be effaced some way before I come down. Be as exact in discipline as you please. Luke Houlton [See letter Sept. 16.] was on the road; but one met him and told him he was not wanted. I always lodge in our own houses. I think those sermons may stop bottles. - I am, with love to Sister Wride, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mrs. Fletcher Date: NORWICH, October 22, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, - This morning I received and read over your papers. You have done justice to the character of that excellent man as far as you could be expected to do in so small room. I do not observe any sentence that need be left out, and very few words that need to be omitted or altered; only I omit a very little, which I had inserted before I received yours, in that part of my sermon which I had transcribed I hope to procure some more materials in order to the writing of his Life. May the Lord bless you, and keep you! - I am, my dear sister, Yours in tender affection.

To John McKersey and James Byron Date: LONDON, December 14, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- If you do not choose to obey me, you need not: I will let you go when you please and send other preachers in your place. If you do choose to stay with me, never sing more than twice, once before and once after sermon. I have given Mr. Wride directions concerning the singers; pray assist him in seeing these directions observed. You are young; I am in pain for you. Follow his advice. He is older and wiser than you. You would do well to meet the children and the select society, though it be a cross. I will thank you if you will do all you can to strengthen Mr. Wride's hands. Beware of strengthening any party against him. Let you three be one. Nothing will give greater satisfaction than this to Your affectionate brother.

To the Editor of the 'Gentleman's Magazine' Date: CITY ROAD, December 24, 1785. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1785) Author: John Wesley --- MR. URBAN, - If you will insert the following in your Magazine, you will oblige your humble servant. This morning a friend sent me the Gentleman's Magazine for last May, wherein I find another letter .concerning my eldest brother. I am obliged to Mr. Badcock for the candid manner wherein he writes, and wish to follow his pattern in considering the reasons which he urges in defense of what he wrote before. [See 'Some Remarks on Article X of Mr. Mary's New Review for December 1784' in Works, xiii. 408-11; and heading to letter of June 17, 1724.] 1. Mr. B. says: 'His brother cannot be ignorant that he always bore the character of Jacobite, a title to which I really believe he had no dislike.' Most of those who gave him this title did not distinguish between a Jacobite and a Tory; whereby I mean 'one that believes God, not the people, to be the origin of all civil power.' In this sense he was a Tory; so was my father; so am I. But I am no more a Jacobite than I am a Turk; neither was my brother. I have heard him over and over disclaim that character. 2. 'But his own daughter affirmed it.' Very likely she might; and doubtless she thought him such. Nor is this any wonder, considering how young she was when her father died especially if she did not know the difference between a Tory and a Jacobite; which may likewise have been the case with Mr. Badcock's friends, if not with Mr. Badcock himself. 3. Mr. W. says, 'He never published anything political.' This is strictly true. 'He never wrote, much less published, one line against the King.' He never published one. But I believe he did write those verses entitled 'The Regency,' and therein, 'by obliquely exposing the Regents, exposed the King himself.' In this my brother and I differed in our judgments. I thought exposing the King's Ministers was one way of exposing the King himself. My brother thought otherwise; and therefore without scruple exposed Sir Robert Walpole and all other evil Ministers. Of his writing to Sir Robert I never heard before, and cannot easily believe it now.

To Mrs. Fletcher Date: LONDON, January 13, 1786. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1786) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, - When I receive letters from other persons, I let them lie perhaps a week or two before I answer them; but it is otherwise when I hear from you. I then think much of losing a day, for fear I should give a moment's pain to one of the most faithful friends I have in the world. The circumstance you add respecting the behavior of those Custom House officers is very well worth relating. Oh, what pity that it was not then made known to their superiors, that those inhospitable wretches might have been prevented from misusing other strangers! I think your advice is exactly right. With the materials I have already, or can procure in England, I will write and publish as soon as I conveniently can. - I am, my very dear sister, Your ever affectionate brother.

To Mary Cooke Date: LONDON, February 23, 1786. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1786) Author: John Wesley --- By your manner of writing you make me even more desirous of seeing my dear friend than I was before. I hope to have that pleasure next week. On Tuesday evening I expect to be at Bath (probably I shall preach about six o'clock), and on Wednesday noon at Trowbridge. And remember what I told you before! You are not to have a jot of reserve about you. I have frequently observed the passage to which you refer in the 3rd chapter to the Romans; and I have always thought there is no manner of difference between by faith and through faith. So that I still believe the meaning is, It is one God who will show mercy to both, and by the very same means. I shall be glad if it should be in my power to do any service to Miss Martins. If it was convenient for you to be at Bath on Tuesday, I could take you with me to Trowbridge on Wednesday. Peace be with all your spirits. Adieu!

To Dr. Coke Date: BRISTOL, March 12, 1786. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1786) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SIR, - I greatly approve of your proposal for raising a subscription in order to send missionaries to the Highlands of Scotland, the Islands of Jersey and Guernsey, the Leeward Islands, Quebec, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland. It is not easy to conceive the extreme want there is, in all these places of men that will not count their lives dear unto themselves, so they may testify the gospel of the grace of God. - I am, dear sir, Your affectionate brother.

To Jasper Winscom Date: EPWORTH, June 17, 1786. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1786) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR JASPER, - I am afraid your attorney at the Assizes was greatly wanting either in skill or honesty. Otherwise why did he not move the court for costs of suit. These ought to be borne by those that are cast in any trial. As to commencing another prosecution, I know not what to say. I can neither advise one way nor the other. [See letters of May 9, 1785, and Sept. 30, 1788.] --I am Your affectionate brother.

To Mr. Torry Date: BRISTOL, July 30, 1786. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1786) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, - We [Conference met in Bristol on July 25 and closed on Aug. 1.] entirely disapprove of such a division of the Hull Circuit as has been sent to us. We totally reject the thought of a preacher staying a fortnight together in one place. There is no precedent of this in England, nor shall be as long as I live. I have desired those of our Brethren who are acquainted with this and the neighboring county to draw up a Methodist Plan. [The following is the Plan, with the original spelling: Hull, Wednesday. Shorley, Thursday. Wo'thering, Week Friday. Ross or Remswell, Saturday. Paterington, Sunday. Melton, Munday. Cave, Tuesday. Gilberdike, Wednesday. Laxton, Thursday. Esterington, Friday. Newbold, Saturday. Beverley, Sunday & Munday. Theton, Tuesday. Hull, he that is in Hull. Skitby, Tuesday. Cottingham, Wednesday. Newland, Thursday. Hasel, Friday. Pocklington, Saturday & Sunday. Br. Wilton,} Munday. Grimston,} Tuesday. Acklam, Wednesday. Bugthorp, Thursday. Fankioss, Friday. Assalby, Saturday. Howden, Sunday noon. Spanden, Sunday night. Hoggerthorp, Munday. Seetown, Tuesday. Holm, Wednesday & Thursday. Numberaura, Friday. Shipton, Saturday. Weigton, Sunday noon & night. Drifteld, Monday. Gatton, Tuesday. Frodingham, Wednesday. Nafferton, Thursday. Reeston, Friday. Burlington, Saturday, Sun. Mony. Hunmanby or Rudston, Tuesday. Kilham, Wednesday. Witewand, Thursday Huggitt, Friday. Millington, Saturday.] They have done so, and I like it well. No one of our preachers must be still while I live. - I am, my dear brother, Your affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Fletcher Date: LONDON, August 7, 1786. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1786) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, - Several of the fragments may be of use. I purpose to insert them in the Magazine. Some of the letters I think to insert in the Life. As to dates, you can probably help me: (I) In what year did Mr. Fletcher come to England (2) In what year did he go to Germany (3) In what year did he go to Madeley (4) In what year did he travel with me (5) In what year did he go to Newington (6) In what year did he go to Switzerland (7) In what year did he return to England (8) In what month and year did he marry In what year did he go to Trevecca Return home To-morrow we are to set out for Holland. I hope to return before the end of this month; and am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother.

To Samuel Bradburn Date: HARWICH, August 8, 1786. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1786) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY, - I beg there may be no preaching at Deptford in church hours before my return. What need of any innovation there The case does not fall under any of those four that were allowed at the Conference. And pray give an hint to Benj. Rhodes. I do not take it kindly that he should run his head against me. I fear he has underhand abetted the malcontents there. If he loves me, he should bid them 'know when they are well.' We expect to sail in a few hours. [See letter of July 7.] - I am, with kind love to Sophy, dear Sammy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To the Rev. Mr. Heath Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1787) Author: John Wesley --- BIRMINGHAM [August 6, 1787]. DEAR SIR, -- In your way to London I believe you must spend the first night at Oxford. You may inquire in the preaching-house in New Hall Lane for Mr. Harper, [ Joseph Harper was Assistant at Oxford in 1786-7.] who is the Assistant in that circuit. You have then four-and-twenty miles to High Wycombe, where Mr. Battin will entertain you hospitably by a word of recommendation from Mr. Harper. You have then thirty miles to London. At my house near Moorfields I hope you will be at home; and Mr. Bradburn there will recommend you to our friends at Reading, Newbury, Bath, and Bristol. At Bristol I hope you will find your family well, and probably a ship ready to sail.[ See letters of July 10, 1787, and Oct. 20, 1788.] I commend you to the grace of God. -- I am, dear sir, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Henry Moore Date: BRISTOL, September 18, 1787. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1787) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR HENRY, -- This is nothing strange. Considering the great work of God which has lately been wrought in Dublin, we might reasonably expect Satan would fight in defense of his tottering kingdom. It is our part calmly and steadily to resist him. In such a case as you have mentioned you are justified before God and man for preaching at Eleven o'clock on Sunday morning, only earnestly advising them that have heretofore received the sacrament at church to do so still. But I do not imagine any barefaced Calvinism will be soon preached at Bethesda.[ Edward Smyth had opened Bethesda in June 1786.] I am glad Sister Moon and Dobson are not idle, and that you preach abroad on Sundays. The death of that sailor may be a warning to others. Tenderly watch over . . . [Name tom out.] and his coming to Dublin may be the saving of his soul. Peace be with all your spirits! -- I am, with kind love to Nancy, dear Henry, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Adam Clarke Date: LONDON, December 8, 1787. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1787) Author: John Wesley --- My DEAR BROTHER, -- Again and again we have followed our Lord's direction, which is plain and express. You was ‘persecuted in one city.’ You should then doubtless have fled to another. The consequences of so doing you should have left to our Master. We have followed the direction over and over, and found no ill consequences at all. If there had been a Society already formed in the place, it had been a very different case. I should have advised you to give no pretense or handle to the court to intermeddle with your affairs. At present I see no remedy but prayer. [Wesley's advice was followed, and for some years the Methodists did not visit the parish. See letters of Nov. 21 and Dec. 17.] Peace be with all your spirits--I am, dear Adam, Your affectionate friend and brother. [On the fly-leaf of the letter this note is added:] Brother De Queteville and you do not mind what I say. I do not wonder at him (he does not know me), but I do at you. His natural temper is stern [See letter of Dec. 18.] : yours is not. Therefore I expect you to regard me, whether he does or no. We have no such custom among our Societies, nor ever had, as for a man to acknowledge his fault before a whole Society. There shall be no such custom while I live. If he acknowledge it before the preachers, it is enough.

To Henry Moore Date: LONDON, January 18, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- This is an unprecedented thing. I never before saw or heard of such a flow of grace as was seen [in] Dublin three years together without a proportionable ebb succeeding. [See letter of April 6.] Whereas to this hour we have no ebb at all. We can only say, 'It is the Lord: let Him do what seemeth Him good.' I am glad you have got an house in Marlborough Street. [On Feb. 19 Wesley refers to the opening of the Marlborough Street Room.] I have appointed a class to meet there. It must needs give much offense. However, give as little as possible. Behave to them with all possible tenderness and courtesy. And do nothing that you foresee will give offense, unless it be a matter of duty. It is exceeding well that you have made a beginning at Castle Road. I wonder all the villages round Dublin have not been tried before now. My best love attends my dear Nancy.--I am, dear Henry (and Becky [See letter of Feb.] too), Your affectionate friend and brother.

To William Simpson Date: LONDON, January 18, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR BILLY, -- You did exceeding well to enlarge the number of prayer-meetings and to fix them in various parts of those [places]. I do not know that any means of grace whatever has been more owned of God than this. It is not now but at the time of Conference that children are received into Kingswood School. I am glad Sister Moon [Mrs. Emma Moon, his old correspondent at Yarm, where Simpson was Assistant. See letter of Nov. 5, 1762; and for Mrs. Middleton, Feb. 22, 1786.] has not forgotten me. I hope Sister Middleton too thinks of me sometimes. You are welcome to the four volumes of Sermons.--I am, with kind love to Sister Simpson, dear Billy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Susanna Knapp Date: BRISTOL, March 4, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SUKY, -- That you were at the trouble of sending me a few lines I take exceeding kindly. I was talking with Mr. Eden here [Then in Bristol. See letter of Feb. 11, 1772, n.] a day or two ago, and he heard that the roads about Broadmarston are now almost impassable. On Monday next I hope to be at Stroud, on Tuesday at Gloucester, on Wednesday and Thursday at Worcester, on Friday at Stourport, and on Saturday at Birmingham. I hope you are making the best use of the rigor of youth in running the race that is set before you. [Miss Knapp was born Sept. 17, 1770. She was greatly influenced by Wesley's visits to her home. See letter of March 4, 1784, to her.] These are precious hours; improve them to the uttermost, and you will give pleasure to all that love you; in particular to, my dear Suky, Yours affectionately.

To Charles Atmore Date: BRISTOL, March 13, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR CHARLES, -- My journeys now grow rather too long to be taken in one year. I am strongly importuned to shorten them by not attempting to journey through Scotland any more. But this I cannot comply with; only thus far: I do not purpose visiting the North of Scotland. I must move in a smaller circle. I intend with God's help to visit first Dumfries, then Glasgow and Edinburgh, and from Edinburgh to return into England, where (even if I reach Newcastle by the end of May) I shall have full as much work as I can do before I return to London to prepare for the Conference. You must needs pay a short visit to Ayr. That little Society must not be neglected. But I cannot imagine what can be done to build up the infant Society at Dumfries. If I can find a proper person as I come along, I will bring or send them a preacher. Charles, be zealous! -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mrs. Charles Wesley Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- MACCLESFIELDD, Friday, April 4, 1788. DEAR SISTER, -- Half an hour ago I received a letter from Mr. Bradburn informing me of my brother's death. [Charles Wesley died on March 29. See letter of April 12 to her.] For eleven or twelve days before, I had not one line concerning him. The last I had was from Charles, which I delayed to answer, expecting every day to receive some further information. We have only now to learn that great lesson, 'The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away; blessed be the name of the Lord!' If it had been necessary, in order to serve either him or you, I should not have thought much of coming up to London. Indeed, to serve you, or your dear family, in anything that is in my power, will always be a pleasure to, dear sister, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Henry Moore Date: MACCLESFIELD, April 6, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR HENRY, --You send me good news. When these soldiers [See letter of Feb. 19 to him.] are removed, you must take the more pains with them henceforth. It is exceedingly strange that the work of God should not yet decay in Dublin. I have not known before a shower of grace continue so long either in Great Britain or Ireland. And it will continue if the people continue genuine Methodists, and do not grieve the Holy Spirit of God. [See letter of Jan. 18 to him.] An organ! Non defensorbus istis tempus eget. ['The time does not need such defenders.'] This will help them just as old Priara helped Troy. If Mr. and Mrs. Smyth are gone to England, I doubt Bethesda will droop; but Dr. Coke will be saved from some embarrassment, anti will have a smoother path to walk in. [See letter of May 6.] I am, if possible, more fully employed than before since my brother's death. Thus far I am come in my way to North Britain, perhaps for the last time. Lately I have been threatened with blindness [He had a pearl on his eye. See letter of May 28 to Mrs. Rogers.]; but still you and I have two good eyes between us. Let us use them while the day is! -- I am, with tender love to Nancy, dear Henry, Your affectionate friend and brother. My brother fell asleep so quietly that they who sat by him did not know when he died.

To Peard Dickinson Date: NEAR STOCKPORT, April 8, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- If Mr. Bradburn's letter of March 29 had been directed to Birmingham, where I then was, I should have taken coach on Sunday the 3oth and been with you on Monday the 3Ist. I shall not be at Manchester till the 10th instead. But all is well; by that mistake I am much further on my journey. 'Tis pity but the remains of my brother had been deposited with me. Certainly that ground is holy as any in England, and it contains a large quantity of 'bonny dust.' We have all need to stir ourselves up before the Lord and to improve by this providence; and you may improve it much in speaking to the people, as I have done several times. Betsy must accept of my friendship instead of my brother's. -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. A Printed Notice. MANCHESTER, April 12, 1788. Great are the advantages we have reaped for many years from the continual change of preachers, but this cannot subsist any longer than the places of all the preachers are appointed by one man or body of men. Therefore wherever Trustees are to place and displace the preachers this change, which we call Itinerancy, is at an end. It is for your sakes, not my own, that I wish this may continue, and the appointment of preachers, which now lies upon me, be afterwards executed by the Conference, not the Trustees of any of the Houses. Is it possible that Itinerancy should be continued by any other means This is all the contest, at present, between me and our brethren at Dewsbury.

To Mrs. Charles Wesley Date: MANCHESTER, April 12, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SISTER, The account which Mr. Bradburn gave me of my brother's removal was very short and unsatisfactory. But the account which Sally has given me is just as it should be -- particular and circumstantial. I doubt not but the few solemn words that he spoke before he went hence will not soon be forgotten, but will prove a lasting blessing to all that heard them. [See next letter. Ten days before he died he took Samuel's hand, 'and pronounced with a voice of faith, "I shall bless God to all eternity that ever you were born. I am persuaded I shall!"'] If I may take upon me to give you a little piece of advice, it is, -- To keep little company; you have an handsome occasion of contracting your acquaintance, [See letter of April 21 to her.] and retaining only a small select number, such as you can do good to or receive good from. -- I am, my dear Sister, Your ever affectionate friend and brother.

To Henry Moore Date: LEEDS, May 6, I788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR HENRY, -- The Doctor is too warm. He ought to have paid more regard to so respectable a body of men as applied to him. I am a Church-of-England man; and, as I said fifty years ago so Isay still, in the Church I will live and die, unless I'am thrust out.~ We must have no more service at Whitefriar's in the church hours. Leave off contention before it be meddled with. Follow after peace. -- I am, with kind love to Nancy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Jasper Winscorn Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, May 28, 1788. DEAR JASPER, -- It seems to me the most proper Assistant for the Sarum Circuit (only do not talk of it yet) will be Jasper Winscom. [He was received on trial at the Conference, and appointed to the Sarum Circuit, but not as Assistant. See letter of Oct. 20, 1775, to him.] I am convinced the person whom I had intended for it is not the proper person. It is exceeding well that the warning was given me before the Conference. We have found it so difficult to drive Calvinism out from among us that we shall not readily let it in again. -- I am, dear Jasper, Yours affectionately.

To John Crook Date: LONDON, July 27, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- Is it not enough that I am alive to-day Let God take thought for what is to come. Ten pounds will be allowed for Brother Barrowclough and you; six for you, and four for him. You did well in sending the collections to the Conference according to our rules. You see you are no loser by it. If my life is prolonged, I shall probably set out for Ireland at the usual time--namely, the latter end of March. But how much grace may we receive and how much good may we do before that time! -- I am, with kind love to Sister Crook, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To his Niece Sarah Wesley Date: BRISTOL, September 26, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SALLY, -- The reading of those poisonous writers the Mystics confounded the intellects of both my brother and Mr. Fletcher and made them afraid of (what ought to have been their glory) the letting their light shine before men. Therefore I do not wonder that he was so unwilling to speak of himself, and consequently that you knew so little about him. [See letter of Sept. 8.] The same wrong humility continually inculcated by those writers would induce him to discontinue the writing his Journal. When I see those detached papers you speak of, I shall easily judge whether any of them are proper to be published. On Monday I expect to be in town; but I shall leave it again on Wednesday and set out for Norfolk and Suffolk. Afterward I shall visit {if God permit) the other northern circuits till the end of October. Then I visit the classes the first two weeks in November. So that I shall not reach Canterbury before November 24. But do not you want money [See letter of Sept. 22.] You can speak freely to, my dear Sally, Yours most affectionately.

To William Stephens Date: LONDON, October 31, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- You do well to write without disguise. Otherwise I should not be able to judge. As you state the matter I cannot but agree with you that you are called to marry. But 'tis pity that you had not told me these things as plainly before the Conference. Then I could have made the way plain for you which now will be attended with some difficulty. -- I am, dear Billy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mrs. Crosby Date: LAMBETH, November 13, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, -- I thank you for your account of the death of Miss Corkle, which is highly remarkable. It ought not to be hid under a bushel; so I shall order it to be inserted in the Magazine. It is very remarkable that, as Brother Peacock has been growing in grace for some years, so God has been increasing his gifts and has been giving him more and more favor among the people to whom he was sent. I know no reason why he may not spend another year at Leeds. I have had more pain (chiefly rheumatical) within these few months than I had for forty years before, and in September my strength swiftly decayed. But it has pleased God now to restore it, and I am nearly as I was twenty years ago. Probably, if I live, I shall see you at Leeds in summer. Peace be with all your spirits! -- I am, my dear sister, Your ever affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Cock Date: LONDON, December 27, 1788. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1788) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, -- I was glad to receive a few lines from you. From the time I saw you first, and indeed before I saw you, I could not but feel a strong affection for you. And I pray that nothing may abate our affection for each other till we meet in a better world. When I heard of your marriage it gave me pain. I was afraid least you should have suffered loss. [See letter of Oct. 12.] Do you feel as much union with God as ever As close fellowship with the Father and the Son And is it as constant as ever Are you as happy as you was once And do you ever think of, my dear Jenny, Your affectionate brother

To Ann Bolton Date: NEAR LONDON, February 20, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR NANCY, -- We have conversed together a fair number of years; and I never was tired of you yet. From the time of its birth to this day my love to you never grew cold; though I have often observed yours to vary, being sometimes warmer and sometimes colder. But it can never be quite cold in this region of sorrow and care. It has seemed good to our Lord for many years to lead you in a rough and thorny way. But still His hand has held you up, and His care. Therefore you have no need to take [thought] for to-morrow, but trust in Him to-day. But how does poor Neddy Bolton go on Does he go forward or backward Has he an hard bargain still Or is he likely to keep his head above water [See letter of Jan. 5, 1783.] He has need of patience as well as you; and when you have been tried you shall both come forth as gold. The young woman who has foretold that I should follow my brother before the end of March added that I should be incapable of preaching for two months before my death. But if so, how shall we reconcile one part of the prophecy with the other For at present I am as capable of preaching as ever I was in my life. But be that as it may, while we live let us live to Him that died for us. -- I am, my dear Nancy, Affectionately yours. On Wednesday, March 4, I expect to be at Bristol; and on Monday, March T7, at Stroud.

To James Creighton Date: BRISTOL, March 3, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SIR, -- I think you may advise Brother Black either (1) When they persecute you in one city, flee to another; we have often done with good success. Or (2) You may write to Lord Inniskillen, a word from whom would terrify the rioters. Or (3) Let Mr. Moore write to one of our lawyers in I)ublin, and inquire which is the best method, -- To move the King's Bench for an information, or to arrest three or four of the chief rioters, with an action of assault and battery. My judgment, if the King's Bench is moved, it should be against one or more of the Justices. -- I am, dear sir, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To John Taylor Date: BRISTOL, March 4, 1789 Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I think here we must close our friendly contest, for neither can convince the other. Yet still I must maintain, I plead simply for this. 1. Let the Conference have the right of stationing the preachers, the same that I have now; and which is secured to me by the deed in question. 2. This deed gives me no property in any houses, nay, by this deed I lose the property of those houses which were mine before. 3. Pray consider this. These houses were my property till that deed took place. Since then I am not proprietor of any house in England. And can that deed convey a property to the Conference, which divested me of it -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Thomas Wride Date: DUBLIN, April 2, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY, -- I am surprised that a man who really fears God should engage himself in so bad a cause; but undoubtedly you have the better of the argument. Yet I see no prospect of convincing a man of his rank. Therefore I think it is the wisest way to let the matter drop. [Wride was again Assistant at Whitehaven. Can this refer to any dispute with the Lowthers] The publishing of a thing of this kind was only tried to stir up a nest of hornets. -- I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Lancelot Harrison Date: DUBLIN, April 11, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- A letter which I received two or three days ago from George Whitfield [His Book Steward.] informs me that I outran my income so far last year as to be now above two hundred pounds in debt. I have therefore promised him not to draw upon him any more before the end of next month. But do you not remember the rule in the Minutes of Conference that we are not to begin the building of any preaching-house before two-thirds of the money is subscribed This rule we may not dispense with. And I am afraid this is not the case with regard to the house you are speaking of at Lincoln. I doubt, therefore, whether the time be come for your building there. But you have cause to rejoice that the work of God prospers there, as well as at poor Blighton. -- I am, etc.

To Henry Moore Date: NEAR LONDON, April 17, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR HENRY, -- I answer all your letters immediately; but you do not consider the sea is now between us. I told you before, 'Send John Jenkins without delay.' So I suppose he is gone. I left Dr. Coke's Journal in Dublin with his daughter, to be published immediately. And undoubtedly you have printed enough of them in London to supply all the English Societies. The work of God goes on well in most parts of Ireland, particularly in the North. They increase in Dublin as much in numbers as they do in grace. Many are much alive to God. [] I am, with kind love to Nancy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Zachariah Yewdall Date: ATHONE, April 18, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I am glad to hear that there is so fine a prospect at Dalkeith. So is generally the way of our Lord, to try us first, and then to comfort. It is pity but James Ridall [See letter of Dec. 17, 1787.] had thoroughly settled his affairs before he attempted to travel. If that had been done, there is no doubt but he would have been useful wheresoever he went. I wish, however, Brother Dall may make a good conclusion with regard to the chapel at Dumfries. [See letter of Jan. 28.] Peace be with you and yours! -- I am, dear Zachary, Your affectionate brother.

To Walter Churchey Date: CORK, May 4. 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- My DEAR BROTHER, -- I am afraid Henry Floyd's estate is unsaleable, unless he can find the writing, for I cannot. I shall not be in London before October at soonest; but if Henry Moore will revise the copy, [Moore was at City Road, near to the printer of Churchey's Poems. See letters of March 3 and May 25 to him.] he will do almost as well as me. I hope the beginning of the work is in the press, else the book will not be printed off before Michaelmas. I wonder you do not understand mankind better, especially those wretches the great vulgar. If two in three of your subscribers stand to their word, it will be strange indeed. It was a deadly step not to secure half the money at the time of subscription. I receive the whole. I have now about sixty guineas, and hope to receive as many more. But where have you lived that you have found so many generous men It is strange that you should know more of them than I do. I am utterly against printing above five hundred copies. [Wesley's prudence and business sagacity contrast favorably with the lawyer's. See letters of Jan. 27 and May 25 to him.] If you and I between us can procure four hundred subscriptions, it is all we can expect. -- I am, in haste, Your affectionate brother.

To George Holder Date: DUBLIN, June 24, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR GEORGE, -- You send me an agreeable account of the work of God in the isle. If He will work who shall stay His hand I should be glad of an opportunity of seeing my friends that are with you once more; but I cannot reasonably expect it. In my last voyage the sea affected me more than ever it did before in my life; so that I perceive my voyages draw toward an end. Brother Smith may bring all the accounts to the Conference, and will be stationed in England the next year. -- I am, dear George, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Henry Moore Date: BATH, September 20, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR HENRY, -- Our friends in [Round] Court have determined to hurt Sally Brown if possible. [See letter of May 6.] Just now they have contrived to turn Mr. Marriott [William Marriott, the stock-broker, was one of Wesley's executors.] against her, who seemed inclined to help her effectually. You know a good deal of poor Betty Sharp's affairs. Concerning her I have referred him to you. So please [do] all you can. Pray desire Sister Ferguson [Wife of Wesley's host in Holland. See letters of June 12 and July 20, 1783.] to direct the letter enclosed to her that was Miss Loten, and then put it into the post. On Monday, October 6, I purpose (God willing) to be at Sarum; on the Saturday following, at or before noon, at Cobham. So if two or three of you meet me there, well. [He got to Cobham at 10.30 on Oct. 8. See Journal, viii. 17d.] -- I am, with much love to Nancy, dear Henry, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Henry Moore Date: BRISTOL, September 22, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR HENRY, -- We will let Sally Brown's affair sleep till we meet. I am afraid that pain in your back portends a fever. If so, I hope Dr. Whitehead has seen you. In autumn especially delays are dangerous. We had an epidemic deafness here. It seized me last night while I was preaching abroad at Jacob's Wells, and lasted almost eighteen hours. To save postage I desire you to tell Mr. Rankin that I hope to be at Cobham [See previous letter.] at or before noon on Saturday se'nnight, and that I am perfectly satisfied with his letter. The point of reading Prayers at the Chapels shall be fixed if I live to see London; the design of such was sufficiently explained at the Conference. Whether I shall go straight to Oxfordshire I have not yet determined. -- I am, with kindest love to Nancy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mary Smith Date: NEAR LONDON, November 20, 1789. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1789) Author: John Wesley --- Your affectionate letter, my dear Molly, gave me much satisfaction. I am glad to find that the power of God is shown in your weakness, and enables you in the trying hour to possess your soul in patience. I have [never] yet known sincere obedience to parents go unrewarded even in the present world. [See letter of Oct. 16 about John Stamp.] And I accept the remarkable length of my own life and the uncommon health I have enjoyed as a reward of my saving my father from prison and comforting my mother in her declining years. Go on, my dear maiden, you and my precious Janey, to be the support and joy of their age; chiefly by your eminent growth in grace and in the knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ. He has given you both to taste a little of His loving-kindness, which is better than the life itself. And I am persuaded each of you can say, Wealth, honour, pleasure, and what else This short-enduring life can give, Tempt as ye wfil, my soul repels,

To Edward Jackson Date: LONDON, January 2, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- It is no wonder many of the Societies should be in poor condition, considering what poor care has lately been taken of them. They will soon find the difference. The books that are damaged you may give away as you judge proper. None ought to have made a collection for any place before the house at Dewsbury was built. However, do what you can, and you do enough. -- I am, with love to Sister Jackson, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Charles Atmore Date: MADELEY, March 24, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR CHARLES, -- I am glad you have set up Sunday schools at Newcastle. This is one of the best institutions which have been seen in Europe for some centuries, and will do more and more good, provided the teachers and inspectors do their duties. Nothing can prevent the success of this blessed work but the neglect of the instruments. Therefore be sure to watch them with all care that they may not grow weary of well-doing. I shall be at Darlington, if God permit, on Tuesday and Wednesday, May 4, 5; on Thursday, at Durham, to preach at twelve o'clock; and at Newcastle between four and five in the afternoon. Peace be with you all, and yours.--I am, dear Charles, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To William Black Date: SUNDERLAND, June 14, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- You did well to send me an account of your little Societies. Here is a good beginning, though it is as yet in many places a day of small things, and although it does not please God to carry on His work so rapidly with you as in some of the provinces. But one soul is worth all the merchandise in the world; and, whoever gets money, do you win souls. Never was there throughout England, Scotland, and Ireland so great a thirst for the pure word of God as there is at this day. The same we find in the little islands of Man, Wight, Jersey, Guernsey, and Alderney in the Western Ocean. In the Isle of Man alone (thirty miles long) the Societies contain about four-and-twenty hundred members. I have just now finished my route through Scotland, where I never had such congregations before. So it pleases God to give me a little more to do before He calls me hence. What has become of Brother Scurr, Dodson, and our other Yorkshire friends Some of them doubtless are gone into a farther country; but some I suppose remain. I doubt you do not keep up a constant intercourse with each other. Love as brethren -- I am, dear William, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To Mrs. Armstrong Date: BRISTOL, August 4, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, -- A few days ago I was thinking much of you, probably at the very time you was writing. I was wishing to hear something of you or from you, so that your letter came exactly in time. It gives me pleasure to find that your heart is still tending to its center. Cheerfulness is a great blessing; but it is exceeding liable to be carried to an extreme, especially where it is a natural liveliness of temper, which I believe is your case. I have often loved you for it, especially as it was joined with softness and not harshness. But I thought it was apt to betray you into levity either of spirit or of conversation; whereas we can hardly grow without deep and steady seriousness. My sight is no worse than it was some months since, and my strength is considerably increased. It is not impossible I may live till spring; and if I do so, I am likely to see Ireland once more. The hope of seeing one that loves me (as I am persuaded Jenny Armstrong does) would be no small inducement to my undertaking a voyage, although the sea affected me the last time more than it ever did before. [See letter of June 24, 1789.] However, receive at least this token of real affection from, my dear Jenny, Yours in wider love.

To Sarah Baker Date: HAVERFORDWEST, August 14, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, -- I will endeavor to be at Cowbridge [See letter of Oct. 27, 1784, to her.] on Thursday the 19th instant before two o'clock. My design was to have dined at Mr. [Flaxman's]; but I now purpose to wait upon Mrs. Paynton. I am glad to hear Betsy is with you; and am, dear Sally, Yours very affectionately.

To his Niece Sarah Wesley Date: LONDON, October 5, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SALLY, -- I am glad you are situated so comfortably. Mrs. Whitcomb does really fear God, and I hope before you leave her house will know what it is to love Him. Providence has not sent you to spend a little time in Margate merely on your own account. [See previous letter.] Before you leave it she with several others shall have reason to praise God that you came. See that you lose no time. A word spoken in season, how good is it! Warn every one and exhort every one, if by any means you may save some. 'In the morning sow thy seed, and in the evening withhold not thy hand; for thou knowest not which shall prosper.' Say not, 'I can do nothing, I am slow of speech.' True; but who made the tongue You have seen Sister Boon, a loving, simple-hearted woman. [Wife of Charles Boon, now at Canterbury. She was probably living at Chatham. See letter of Aug. 15.] Be a follower of her, as she is of Christ. Why should you not meet in her class I think you will not be ashamed. Is it not a good opportunity of coming a little nearer to them that love you well Let me have the comfort of one relation at least that will be an assistant to me in the blessed work of God. I must visit other places before I come into Kent, as well as visit the classes in London; so that I cannot be at Margate till the latter end of next month. If you stay there till then, you will see me, otherwise probably in London. Everywhere you will be welcome to, my dear Sally, Your affectionate Uncle.

To Thomas Roberts Date: LONDON, October 23, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR TOMMY, -- 'Tis well if you do not bring upon yourself more trouble than you are aware of by going out of the circuit before all things are thoroughly settled therein. However let it be so, if you can provide tolerably well for it in your absence. You have great [need] to make haste back; for a circuit does ill without its assistant. [Wesley had sent him to Carmarthen, though he was stationed at Bristol. See letters of Aug. 13, 1790, and Feb. 8, 1791.] -- I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother.

To his Niece Sarah Wesley Date: HINXWORTH, October 27, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SALLY, -- I am glad you have found benefit at Margate; and am persuaded the sea and the journey together will help you, not only as to your particular complaint but as to your health in general. On Saturday I am to return to London, and to remain a fortnight before I begin my next journey. So you should contrive to be with us when you can. You know you are always welcome. I [stay] here to write two or three lines before I set out for Bedford, [He left Hinxworth at twelve that morning for Bedford.] lest you should fear your letter had miscarried. -- Dear Sally, adieu!

To Samuel Bardsley Date: NEAR LONDON, October 29, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- DEAR SAMMY, -- The person that was appointed to come down to Bideford has been prevented from coming by want of health. And I believe it was well: it has confirmed me in a resolution which I had formed before -- not to send more preachers into any circuit than that circuit can provide for. We are almost ruined by not observing this rule. I will observe it better for the time to come. -- I am, dear Sammy, Your affectionate brother.

To Mrs. Charles Wesley Date: WEST STREET, December 20, 1790. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1790) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, -- As I do not have much money before-hand, I have not at present an hundred pounds in possession. [See letter of Dec. 21, 1788.] But I have desired Mr. Whitfield to gather up so much as soon as possible. I hope he will be able to do it in a week or two; and then you will be welcome to that or any other help that is in the power of Your affectionate brother.

To Mr. Clarke, At the New Room, Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1791) Author: John Wesley --- Dublin. PS. by James Rogers I hope you received my second letter about poor Simmonds, or rather that of the stewards from Plymouth Dock, as I was sorry their former letter must have reached you too long before I had it in my power to contradict it. It is wonderful how this report of your starving for want, &c., &c., in Dublin had arisen in the manner it seems to have been told our friend Mather. But I told Mr. Wesley at the time I was confident it was a mistake. It is well if some who thought, nay, often said: 'If such and such left us, the work of God as to temporals in Dublin must decline.' I say it is well if these are not the inventors of it. But, blessed be God, He will never be at loss for means to carry on His own work. My wife joins in much love to you and yours, and all friends.--I am yours, etc., etc.

To Henry Anderson Date: NEAR LONDON, January 13, 1791. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1791) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, -- The speaking to a congregation in the name of Christ is a thing of no small importance. You are therefore in the right, before you undertake it, to consider the matter well. Indeed, it may not be improper to speak a little now when opportunity offers. But I do not advise you to give yourself up to the work till you are proposed and approved at the next Conference.--I am Your friend and brother.

To Mrs. Adam Clarke Date: LONDON, January 18, 1791. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1791) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR SISTER, -- Before this time I hope God has heard the prayers and given Brother Clarke a little more ease. I should suspect a dropsy in the brain, which, though formerly judged incurable, has lately been cured. Both Brother Clarke and you have large proofs that whom the Lord loveth He chasteneth. [See letters of Jan. 3 and Feb. 9.] He knoweth the way whence you go; when you have been tried, you shall come forth as gold. I wonder at the folly of Mr. V. Surely he is a very weak man. But I shall judge better when I see his performances. Peace be multiplied again! -- I am, my dear sister, Ever yours.

To Thomas Roberts Date: LONDON, February 8, 1791. Source: The Letters of John Wesley (1791) Author: John Wesley --- MY DEAR BROTHER, [See letter of Oct. 23, 1790.] --Who was it opposed your reducing the preachers in the circuit to two and on what pretense We must needs reduce all our expenses everywhere as far as possible. You must never leave off till you carry this point and constitute bands in each large Society. When the lecture begins at Carmarthen, it will then be time enough to prevent any ill effects of it. I am glad to hear your journey home has not been in vain. My best wishes attend my friends at Traison and Langwair. [Trecwn and Llwynygwair. See Journal, vii. 426-7.] --I am, dear Tommy, Yours, &c.

week. I then inquired for a Chester ship, and found one which was expected to sail on Friday morning: But on Friday morning the Captain sent us word he must wait for General Montague. So in the afternoon I rode over to the Skirries, where the packet lay; but before I came thither, the wind, which was fair before, shifted to the east, and blew a storm. I saw the hand of God, and, after resting awhile, rode cheerfully back to Dublin. It being the watch-night, I came just in time to spend a comfortable hour with the congregation. O how good it is to have no choice of our own, but to leave all things to the will of God! Sat. 23.--The Captain of the Chester ship sent word the General would not go, and he would sail the next morning. So we have one day more to spend in Ireland. Let us live this day as if it were our last. Sun. 24.--At seven I took leave of my friends, and about noon embarked in the Nonpareil for Chester. We had forty or fifty passengers on board, half of whom were cabin passengers. I was afraid we should have an uneasy time, in the midst of such a crowd of Gentry. We sailed out with a fair wind, but at four in the afternoon it failed, and left us in a dead calm. I then made the gentlemen an offer of preaching, which they thankfully accepted. While I was preaching, the wind sprung up fair; but the next day we were becalmed again. In the afternoon they desired me to give them another sermon; and again the wind sprung up while I was speaking, and continued till, about noon, on Tuesday, we landed at Parkgate. Being in haste, I would not stay for my own horse, which I found could not land till low water. So I bought one, and, having hired another, set forward without delay. We reached Whitchurch that evening. Wed. 27.--We breakfasted at Newport, where, finding our horses begin to fail, we thought it best to take the Birmingham road, that, if they should fail us altogether, we might stay among our friends. But they would go no farther than Wolverhampton; so we hired fresh horses there, and imme diately set out for Worcester.

Law of this, wanted either sense or honesty. “He is so deeply displeased with the “Address to the Clergy, because it speaks strongly in favour of learning; but still, if this part of it is only ‘fit for an old grammarian, 20 REv. J. Wesley’s [Sept. 1760. grown blear-eyed in mending dictionaries, it will not follow that “almost all of it is mere empty babble; for a large part of it much more strongly insists on a single eye, and a clean heart. Heathen Philosophers may term this ‘empty babble;’ but let not Christians either account or call it so !” Wed. 17.--The Room at St. Just was quite full at five, and God gave us a parting blessing. At noon I preached on the cliff near Penzance, where no one now gives an uncivil word. Here I procured an account, from an eye-witness, of what happened the twenty-seventh of last month. A round pillar, narrowest at bottom, of a whitish colour, rose out of the sea near Mousehole, and reached the clouds. One who was riding over the strand from Marazion to Penzance saw it stand for a short space, and then move swiftly toward her, till, the skirt of it touching her, the horse threw her and ran away. It had a strong sulphurous smell. It dragged with it abundance of sand and pebbles from the shore; and then went over the land, carrying with it corn, furze, or whatever it found in its way. It was doubtless a kind of water-spout; but a water spout on land, I believe, is seldom seen. The storm drove us into the House at Newlyn also. Thursday, 18. As we rode from thence, in less than half an hour we were wet to the skin; but when we came to Penhale, the rain ceased; and, the people flocking from all parts, we had a comfortable opportunity together. About six I preached near Helstone. The rain stopped till I had done, and soon after was as violent as before. Fri. 19.--I rode to Illogan. We had heavy rain before I began, but scarce any while I was preaching. I learned several other particulars here concerning the water-spout. It was seen near Mousehole an hour before sunset. About sunset it began travelling over the land, tearing up all the furze and shrubs it met.

But ‘the Methodist proclaims he can bring into the field twenty-five thousand men.” What Methodist? Where and when P Prove this fact, and I will allow you, I am a Turk. “‘But it is said they are all good subjects. Perhaps they are; because under a Protestant government they have all the indulgence they can wish for.” And do you seriously wish for a Popish government to abridge them of that indulgence? “But has not a bad use been made of this? Has not the decency of religion been perverted?” Not in the least: The decency of religion is never so well advanced, as by advancing inward and outward religion together. 2. ‘Have not the minds of the vulgar been darkened to a total neglect of their civil and social duties?” Just the contrary: Thousands in London, as well as elsewhere, have been enlightened to under stand, and prevailed on to practise, those duties, as they never did before. 3. ‘Has not the peace of many families been ruined?’ The lost peace of many families has been restored. In others, a furious opposition to true religion has occasioned division, as our Lord foretold it would. 4. ‘Have not the 36 REv. J. wesLEY’s [Jan. 1761. circumstances of many industrious tradesmen been hurt?’ I believe not. I know no instance; but I know an hundred tradesmen in London who began to be industrious since they began to fear God, and their circumstances, low enough till then, are now easy and affluent. “I am almost ashamed to spend time upon these thread bare objections, which have been answered over and over. But if they are advanced again, they must be answered again, lest silence should pass for guilt. “‘But how can the government distinguish between tender ness of conscience, and schemes of interest?” Nothing more easy. “They may withdraw the licenses of such.” Sir, you have forgot the question. Before they withdraw them, they are to distinguish whether they are such or no. And how are they to do this? ‘O, it is very easy!” So you leave them as wise as they were before. “But, ‘the Methodist who pretends to be of the Church of England in forms of worship, and differs from her in point of doctrine, is not, let his pretences be what they will, a member of that Church. Alas, Sir!

Most certainly. We ought neither to add or diminish, nor alter whatever is written in that book. “I wish, Sir, before you write concerning the Methodists again, you would candidly read some of their writings. Common report is not a sure rule of judging: I should be unwilling to judge of you thereby. “To sum up the matter. The whole ingredients of our religion are, love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentleness, goodness, fidelity, meekness, temperance. Against these, I think, there is no law; and, therefore, I still apprehend they may be tolerated, at least in a Christian country. I am, Sir, “Your sincere well-wisher, “JoHN WESLEY.” Fri. 9.--I rode to Sundom, and preached in the evening; and the next evening at Bedford. Sunday, 11. I read Prayers and preached at Everton, both morning and afternoon. Monday, 12. I rode to Colchester; and, after spending two or three comfortable days, on Friday, 16, went on to Bury. I would gladly have stayed a day or two here, had it been only on account of the severity of the weather; but I had work to do elsewhere. So I took horse soon after preaching in the morning, Saturday, 17, though as bitter an one as most I have known. I never before felt so piercing a wind as that which met us in riding out of the gate at day-break. To think of looking up was a vain thing. I knew not whether I should not lose one of my eyes. The wind affected it as if I 38 REv. J. wesDEY’s [Jan. 1761. had received a severe blow; so that I had no use of it for a time. To mend the matter, having a very imperfect direction, we soon got out of our way. However, we hobbled on, through miserable roads, till about three in the afternoon we got to Norwich.- Sun. 18.--I met the Society in the morning, and many of them went with me to the cathedral. At two we had the largest congregation I ever saw at that hour. At five the House was well filled; and just as long as I was speaking, all were silent: But when I ceased, the floods lifted up their voice: One would have thought Bedlam was broke loose. And thus it always is; the custom began in the reign of King Log, and continued ever since.

The people of the town have never been uncivil. Surely they will not always be unfruitful. Mon. 27.--I preached at eight in the market-place at Wigton. The congregation, when I began, consisted of one woman, two boys, and three or four little girls; but in a quarter of an hour we had most of the town. I was a good deal moved at the exquisite self-sufficiency which was visible in the countenance, air, and whole deportment of a con siderable part of them. This constrained me to use a very uncommon plainness of speech. They bore it well. Who knows but some may profit? Before noon we came to Solway-Frith. The guide told us it was not passable; but I resolved to try, and got over well. Having lost ourselves but twice or thrice, in one of the most difficult roads I ever saw, we came to Moffat in the evening. Tuesday, 28. We rode partly over the mountains, partly with mountains on either hand, between which was a clear, winding river, and about four in the afternoon reached Edinburgh. Here I met Mr. Hopper, who had promised to preach in the evening, in a large Room, lately an episcopal meeting-house: Wednesday, 29. It being extremely cold, I preached in the 52 REv. J. wesLEY’s [May, 1761. same Room at seven. Some of the reputable hearers cried out in amaze, “Why, this is sound doctrine ! Is this he of whom Mr. Wh used to talk so?” Talk as he will, I shall not retaliate. I preached again in the evening, and the next day rode round by the Queen’s Ferry to Dundee; but, the wind being high, the boatmen could not, at least would not, pass. Nor could we pass the next day till between nine and ten. We then rode on through Montrose to Stonehaven. Here Mr. Memis met us; and on Saturday morning brought us to his house at Aberdeen. In the afternoon I sent to the Principal and Regent, to desire leave to preach in the College-Close. This was readily granted; but as it began to rain, I was desired to go into the Hall. I suppose this is full an hundred feet long, and seated all around. The congregation was large, notwithstanding the rain, and full as large at five in the morning. Sun.

In the evening I preached at Nafferton; and the next morning rode to Winlington, where I had appointed to be between twelve and one. They placed the stand exactly fronting the sun, which shone very warm and very bright; but almost as soon as I began, the clouds rose, and shadowed us till I concluded. I preached at Swalwell at five, to such a congregation as was never seen there before. Mon. 8.--I rode to Hexham, and preached, at noon, in an open place near the church. Some expected there would be much disturbance; but there was none at all. We rode thence over the mountains to Allandale, where I had not been for several years. After preaching and meeting the society, I took horse again, and, crossing another chain of mountains, reached Weardale before eleven. Tues. 9.--I preached at nine, but was obliged to stand abroad, because of the multitude of people. The sun shone full in my face; but after having spent a short time in prayer, I regarded it not. I then met the society; and came just in time to prevent their all turning Dissenters, which they were on the point of doing, being quite disgusted at the Curate, whose life was no better than his doctrine. At noon I preached in Teesdale. Most of the men are lead-miners, who awhile ago were turned out of their work for following “this way.” By this means many of them got into far better work; and some time after, their old master was glad to employ them again. We had a long stage from hence to Swaldale, where I found an earnest, loving, simple people, whom I likewise exhorted not to leave the church, though they had not the best of Ministers. I then baptized a man and two women, who had been bred among the Anabaptists; and I believe all of them received such a blessing therein as they were not able to express. Wed, 10.--I took horse at half-hour past three, and reached Barnard-Castle soon after six. I preached at eight in a ground adjoining to the town. Are these the people that a few years ago were like roaring lions? They were now quiet as lambs; nor could several showers drive them away till I concluded. In 62 REv. J. wesLEY’s [June, 1761. the evening I preached at Brancepath, near Bishop-Auckland.

the evening I preached at Brancepath, near Bishop-Auckland. Most of the congregation, though I stood in the street, were deeply attentive; only one, a kind of gentleman, seemed displeased; but he had none to second him. Fri. 12.--We had one of the most solemn watch-nights at Newcastle which we have had for several years. Saturday, 13. I rode once more to Sunderland, and preached as usual to a numerous congregation. Sunday, 14. After Mr. G. had read Prayers, I spoke exceeding plain to as many as could crowd into the church. And out of so many that are called, will not some be chosen? About three I preached at Gateshead-Fell; about five, at the Garth-Heads; at each place to a larger congregation than I ever saw there before. What a change is wrought in this whole country ! And will it not be wrought in the whole kingdom? Mon. 15.--I rode to Durham, having appointed to preach there at noon. The meadow, near the river side, was quite convenient, and the small rain neither disturbed me nor the congregation. In the afternoon I rode to Hartlepool; but I had much ado to preach: My strength was gone as well as my voice; and, indeed, they generally go together. Three days in a week I can preach thrice a day without hurting myself; but I had now far exceeded this, besides meeting classes and exhorting the societies. I was obliged to lie down good part of Tuesday: However, in the afternoon I preached at Cherington, and in the evening at Hartlepool again, though not without difficulty. Wednesday, 17. I rode to Stockton, where, a little before the time of preaching, my voice and strength were restored at once. The next evening it began to rain just as I began to preach; but it was suspended till the service was over: It then rained again till eight in the morning. Fri. 19.--It was hard work to ride eight miles (so called) in two hours and a half; the rain beating upon us, and the by-road being exceeding slippery. But we forgot all this when we came to the Grange; so greatly was God present with his people. Thence we rode to Darlington. Here we were under a difficulty again: Not half the people could come in, and the rain forbade my preaching without.

As July, 1761.] JOURNAL. 69 long as we live, our soul is connected with the body: 2. As long as it is thus connected, it cannot think but by the help of bodily organs: 3. As long as these organs are imperfect, we are liable to mistakes, both speculative and practical: 4. Yea, and a mistake may occasion my loving a good man less than I ought; which is a defective, that is, a wrong temper : 5. For all these we need the atoming blood, as indeed for every defect or omission. Therefore, 6. All men have need to say daily, “Forgive us our trespasses.” About one I preached at Bramley, where Jonas Rushford, about fourteen years old, gave me the following relation:-- “ABoUT this time last year I was desired by two of our neighbours, to go with them to Mr. Crowther's at Skipton, who would not speak to them, about a man that had been missing twenty days, but bid them bring a boy twelve or thirteen years old. When we came in, he stood reading a book. He put me into a bed, with a looking-glass in my hand, and covered me all over. Then he asked me whom I had a mind to see; and I said, “My mother. I presently saw her with a lock of wool in her hand, standing just in the place, and the clothes she was in, as she told me afterwards. Then he bid me look again for the man that was missing, who was one of our neighbours. And I looked and saw him riding towards Idle, but he was very drunk; and he stopped at the alehouse and drank two pints more, and he pulled out a guinea to change. Two men stood by, a big man and a little man; and they went on before him, and got two hedge stakes; and when he came up, on Windle-Common, at the top of the hill, they pulled him off his horse, and killed him, and threw him into a coal-pit. And I saw it all as plain as if I was close to them. And if I saw the men, I should know them again.

So that the oldest of our believers now cry out, “We never saw it before on this fashion l” Mon. 27.--I preached at Staincross about eleven; about five, at Barley-Hall; the next morning, at Sheffield. In the afternoon I rode on to Matlock-Bath. The valley which reaches from the town to the bath is pleasant beyond expres sion. In the bottom of this runs a little river, close to which a mountain rises, almost perpendicular, to an enormous height, part covered with green, part with ragged and naked rocks. On the other side, the mountain rises gradually with tufts of trees here and there. The brow on both sides is fringed with trees, which seem to answer each other. Many of our friends were come from various parts. At six I preached standing under the hollow of a rock, on one side of a small plain; on the other side of which was a tall mountain. There were many well-dressed hearers, this being the high season; and all of them behaved well. But as I Aug. 1761.] JOURNAL. 71 walked back, a gentleman-like man asked me, “Why do you talk thus of faith? Stuff, nonsense !” Upon inquiry, I found he was an eminent Deist. What, has the plague crept into the Peak of Derbyshire? Wed. 29.--I preached at five near the Bath; in Wood seats at two; and in the evening, at the end of the House in Sheffield, to thrice as many people as it would have contained. Thursday and Friday, I preached at Rotherham, in the shell of the new House, which is an octagon. Pity our Houses, where the ground will admit of it, should be built in any other form. The congregation was larger than ever; the society well united, and much alive to God. Sat. AUGUST 1.--I rode to Clayworth, and, after preaching, laboured all I could to reconcile two brothers, who had long been quarrelling about their inheritance; but it was labour lost. Indeed the reason of the thing was clear; but passion is ever too hard for reason. Hence I went on to Misterton; and, both in the evening and morning, spoke to a lifeless, money-getting people, in a sharper manner than ever I did before; and (I heard afterward) with good effect. Sun. 2.--I had the satisfaction of hearing Mr. Madan preach an excellent sermon at Haxey.

I found the people in general were more settled than when I was here before; but they were in danger of running from east to west. Instead of thinking, as many then did, that none can possibly have true faith but those that have trances or visions, they were now ready to think that whoever had any thing of this kind had no faith. Mon. 4.--After preaching to a large congregation at Wrest lingworth, we rode on to Harston. I never preached a whole sermon by moonlight before. However, it was a solemn * These were the words I wrote at the time. 78 REv. J. Wesley’s [Jan. 1762. season; a season of holy mourning to some; to others, of joy unspeakable. Tues. 5.--I preached in Harston at nine, and about eleven at Wiltstow, three miles farther, to a people just ripe for, “Come unto me, all ye that are weary and heavy laden.” In the afternoon we set out for Stoke, on the edge of Suffolk. As we rode through Haverhill, we were saluted with one huzza, the mob of that town having no kindness for Methodists. But all was quiet at Stoke; for Sir H A will suffer no disturbance there. The congregation came from many miles round, and God was in the midst of them. Their hearty prayers went up on every side; and many felt the answer to them. Wed. 6.--The largeness of the congregation at five showed they were not forgetful hearers. I preached longer than I am accustomed to do; but still they were not satisfied. Many crowded after me into the dwelling-house. After speaking a few words, I went to prayer. A cry began, and soon spread through the whole company; so that my voice was lost. Two seemed to be distressed above all the rest. We conti nued wrestling with God, till one of them had a good hope, and the other was “filled with joy and peace in believing.” In the afternoon it blew a storm, by the favour of which we came into Haverhill, quite unmolested. But, notwithstanding wind and rain, the people crowded so fast into the preaching house, that I judged it best to begin half an hour before the time; by which means it contained the greater part of them.

At four we took horse, and reached Grandchester a little before seven. Finding a little company met together, I spent half an hour with them exceedingly comfortably; and, through the blessing of God, I was no more tired when I went to bed than when I arose in the morning. Mon. 11.--The house was throughly filled at five, and that with serious and sensible hearers. I was sorry I had no more time at this place; especially as it was so near Cambridge, from whence many gentlemen used to come when any Clergyman preached. But my work was fixed; so I took horse soon after preaching, and rode to a village called Botsamlode, seven miles from Cambridge. Here a large congregation was soon assembled; and I had no sooner named my text, “When they had nothing to pay, he frankly forgave them both,” than a murmur ran through the whole people, and many of them were in tears. This concern increased as I went on; so that none appeared to be unmoved. Qne just by me cried with a bitter cry; but in a short time she shouted for joy. So did several others; so that it was not easy to tell whether more were wounded or comforted. Hence we rode to Lakenheath, and passed a comfortable night. Tuesday, 12. Just as we set out, the storm, which 80 REv. J. wesLEY’s [Feb. 1762. had been very high all night, brought on impetuous rain. It was a good providence, 1. That we had now firm, sandy road, not clay and miry fields, as yesterday; 2. That the wind was behind us; otherwise I believe it would have been impossible to go on. It was often ready to bear away man and beast: However, in the afternoon we came safe to Norwich. Wed. 13.--We rested from our labour. How can they who never labour taste the sweetness of rest? Friday, 15. I preached at Yarmouth. Saturday, 16. I transcribed the society at Norwich; but two hundred of them I made no account of, as they met no class. About four hundred remained; half of whom appeared to be in earnest. Tues. 19.--I rode to Bury, and was glad to find a little, serious company still. But there cannot be much done here, till we preach abroad, or at least in the heart of the town.

The violent rain kept away the delicate and curious hearers. For the sake of these I delayed the morning preaching till a quarter before nine: But it was too early still for a great part of the town, who could not possibly rise before ten. I added a few members to the society, and left them in peace and love. Where to preach in Belfast I did not know. It was too wet to preach abroad; and a dancing-master was busily employed in the upper part of the market-house; till at twelve the sovereign put him out, by holding his court there. While he was above, I began below, to a very serious and attentive audience. But they were all poor; the rich of Belfast “cared for none of these things.” After dinner we rode to Newtown, and found another poor, shattered society, reduced from fifty to eighteen members, and most of those cold enough. In the evening I preached to a large congregation in the market-house, on, “I will heal their backsliding.” God fulfilled his word: Many were healed, and many more deeply wounded. I had full employment among them the next day; and on Saturday, 24, I left between thirty and forty members, full of desire, and hope, and earnest resolutions, not to be almost, but altogether, Christians. About ten I preached at Comber, and then rode to Lisburn, where, in the evening, I had many rich and genteel hearers. Sunday, 25. The congregation was larger in the morning than April, 1762.] JOURNAL, 91 the evening before, and many appeared to be deeply wounded. O may none heal their wound slightly | But far the largest congregation of all met in the evening; and yet I saw not a scoffer, no, nor trifler, among them. Mon. 26.--In the evening I preached to a large congregation in the market-house at Lurgan. I now embraced the opportu nity which I had long desired, of talking with Mr. Miller, the contriver of that statue which was in Lurgan when I was there before. It was the figure of an old man, standing in a case, with a curtain drawn before him, over against a clock which stood on the other side of the room.

weslEY’s [May, 1762. The commotions in Munster having now alarmed all Ireland, we had hardly alighted, when some wise persons informed the Provost there were three strange sort of men come to the King's Arms. So the Provost with his officers came without delay, to secure the north from so imminent a danger. I was just come out, when I was required to return into the house. The Provost asked me many questions, and perhaps the affair might have turned serious, had I not had two letters with me, which I had lately received; one from the Bishop of Londonderry, the other from the Earl of Moira. Upon reading these, he excused himself for the trouble he had given, and wished me a good journey. Between six and seven I preached at Coot-Hill, and in the morning rode on to Enniskillen; the situation of which is both pleasant and strong, as it is surrounded by a deep and broad river; but fortifications it has none; no, nor so much as an old Castle. The inhabitants glory that they have no Papist in the town. After riding round, and round, we came in the evening to a lone house called Carrick-a-Beg. It lay in the midst of horrid mountains; and had no very promising appearance. However, it afforded corn for our horses, and potatoes for ourselves. So we made an hearty supper, called in as many as pleased of the family to prayers, and, though we had no fastening either for our door or our windows, slept in peace. Sat. MAY 1.--We took horse at five. The north-east wind would have suited the first of January; and we had soaking rain on the black mountains. However, before noon we came well to Sligo. None in Sligo, when I was there last, professed so much love to me as Mr. Knox's family. They would willingly have had me with them morning, moon, and night, and omitted no possible mark of affection. But what a change! Mrs. K went into the country the day before I came ; her brother and his wife set out for Dublin, at the same time; he himself, and the rest of his family, saw me, that is, at church, because they could not help it; But wonder'd at the strange man's face, As one they ne'er had known. I am sorry for their sake, not my own.

Her husband, who was before little awakened, was just then cut to the heart, and felt the wrath of God abiding on him: Nor did he cease crying to God, till his prayers and tears were swallowed up in thanksgiving. So here are two instances of persons both convinced and converted in the same hour. Sat. 31.--Although I never before felt such an union of heart with the people of Dublin, yet believing my present work in Ireland was ended, I cheerfully commended them to God, and embarked on board the Dorset for Parkgate. We weighed anchor at eight in the evening. Between nine and ten on Sunday morning, the Captain asked me if I would not go to prayers with them. All who were able to creep out were willingly present. After prayers I preached on Prov. iii. 17. We had scarce any wind when I began; but while I was preaching it sprung up, and brought us to Parkgate between six and seven. Mon. AUGUST 2.--I rode on to Chester. Never was the society in such a state before. Their jars and contentions were at an end; and I found nothing but peace and love among them. About twelve of them believed they were saved from sin; and their lives did not contradict their profession. Most of the rest were strongly athirst for God, and looking for him continually. 108 REv. J. wesLEY’s [Aug. 1762. Tues. 3.-I was desired to preach at Northwich; and one had stuck up notices in all parts of the town. But what place had they for me to preach in? Only a little room which would hold about fifty people. Between twelve and one they gathered from all parts, noisy and rude enough. I could not stand in the yard without just facing the sun; so I stood at the casement, that those without might hear, that is, if they had a mind to it. But a great part of them had no such intention: They came only either for sport or mischief. However, they were pretty quiet till I had done. Our friends would then have persuaded me to stay till the mob was dispersed; but, as they grew louder and louder, I judged it best to walk immediately through the midst of them. Many things were thrown, but nothing touched me, till I took horse and rode to Manchester.

“4. He was by me (by those who did it at my instance) recommended to the Bishop of Derry, to be ordained Priest, who told him then, (I had it from his own mouth,) ‘Mr. M , I ordain you to assist that good man, that he may not work himself to death.’- “5. When, a few years ago, many censured him much, I continually and strenuously defended him; though to the , disgusting several of the Preachers, and a great number of the people. “6. I disgusted them, not barely by defending him, but by commending him in strong terms, from time to time, both in public and private, with regard to his uprightness, as well as usefulness. “7. All this time Mr. M was complaining (of which I was frequently informed by those to whom he spoke) that he was never so ill persecuted by the rabble in Cornwall, as by me and my brother. “8. Four or five years since, a few persons were appointed to meet weekly at the Foundery. When I left London, I left these under Mr. M.'s care, desiring them to regard him just as they did me. “9. Not long after I was gone, some of these had dreams, visions, or impressions, as they thought, from God. Mr. M. did not put a stop to these; rather he encouraged them. “10. When I returned, I opposed them with my might, and in a short time heard no more of them. Meanwhile I defended and commended Mr. M., as before; and when I left the town again, left them again under his care. “ll. Presently visions and revelations returned: Mr. M. did not discourage them. Herewith was now joined a contempt of such as had them not, with a belief that they were proofs of the highest grace. “12. Some of our Preachers opposed them roughly. At this they took fire, and refused to hear them preach, but crowded after Mr. M. He took no pains to quench the fire, 132 REv. J. WESLEY’s [April, 1763. but rather availed himself of it to disunite them from other Preachers, and attach them to himself. He likewise continu ally told them they were not to be taught by man, especially by those who had less grace than themselves.

He likewise continu ally told them they were not to be taught by man, especially by those who had less grace than themselves. I was told of this likewise from time to time: But he denicd it; and I would not believe evil of my friend. “13. When I returned in October, 1763, I found the society in an uproar, and several of Mr. M.’s most intimate friends formed into a detached body. Enthusiasm, pride, and great uncharitableness appeared in many who once had much grace. I very tenderly reproved them. They would not bear it; one of them, Mrs. C., cried out, “We will not be brow-beaten any longer; we will throw off the mask.’ Accordingly, a few days after, she came, and, before an hundred persons, brought me hers and her husband’s tickets, and said, ‘Sir, we will have no more to do with you; Mr. M. is our Teacher.’ Soon after, several more left the society, (one of whom was George Bell,) saying, ‘Blind John is not capable of teaching us; we will keep to Mr. M.’ “14. From the time that I heard of George Bell’s prophecy, I explicitly declared against it both in private, in the society, in preaching, over and over; and, at length, in the public papers. Mr. M. made no such declaration; I have reason to think he believed it. I know many of his friends did, and several of them sat up the last of February, at the house of his most intimate friend, Mr. Biggs, in full expectation of the accomplishment. “15. About this time, one of our Stewards, who, at my desire, took the chapel in Snowsfields for my use, sent me word the chapel was his, and Mr. Bell should exhort there, whether I would or no. Upon this, I desired the next Preacher there to inform the congregation that while things stood thus, neither I nor our Preachers could in conscience preach there any more. “16. Nevertheless, Mr. M. did preach there. On this I sent him a note, desiring him not to do it; and adding, “If you do, you thereby renounce connexion with me.’ “17. Receiving this, he said, ‘I will preach at Snowsfields.” He did so, and thereby renounced connexion. On this point, and no other, we divided: By this act the knot was cut. Resolving to do this, he told Mr.

1763. number of people attended, to whom God enabled me to speak strong words; and they seemed to sink into the hearts of the hearers. Sat. OCTOBER 1.--I returned to London, and found our house in ruins, great part of it being taken down, in order to a thorough repair. But as much remained as I wanted: Six foot square suffices me by day or by night. I now received a very strange account from a man of sense, as well as integrity:-- “I asked M. S. many questions before she would give me any answer. At length, after much persuasion, she said, “On old Michaelmas-Day was three years, I was sitting by myself at my father's, with a Bible before me; and one, whom I took to be my uncle, came into the room, and sat down by me. He talked to me some time, till, not liking his discourse, I looked more carefully at him: He was dressed like my uncle; but I observed one of his feet was just like that of an ox. Then I was much frighted, and he began torturing me sadly, and told me he would torture me ten times more, if I would not swear to kill my father, which at last I did. He said he would come again, on that day four years, between half-hour past two and three o’clock. “‘I have several times since strove to write this down; but when I did, the use of my hand was taken from me. I strove to speak it; but whenever I did, my speech was taken from me, and I am afraid I shall be tormented a deal more for what I have spoken now.’ “Presently she fell into such a fit as was dreadful to look upon. One would have thought she would be torn in pieces. Several persons could scarce hold her; till, after a time, she sunk down as dead. “From that Michaelmas-Day she was continually tormented with the thought of killing her father, as likewise of killing herself, which she often attempted, but was as often hindered. Once she attempted to cut her own throat; once to throw herself into Rosamond’s Pond; several times to strangle herself, which once or twice was with much difficulty prevented.

In the evening I preached at Musselborough, and the next on the Calton-Hill, at Edinburgh. It being the time of the General Assembly, many of the Ministers were there. The wind was high and sharp, and blew away a few delicate ones. But most of the congregation did not stir till I had concluded. Sun. 27.--At seven I preached in the High-School yard, on the other side of the city. The morning was extremely cold. In the evening it blew a storm. However, having appointed to be on the Calton-Hill, I began there to an huge congregation. At first, the wind was a little troublesome; but I soon forgot it. And so did the people for an hour and a half, in which I fully delivered my own soul. Mon. 28.--I spent some hours at the General Assembly, composed of about an hundred and fifty Ministers. I was surprised to find, 1. That any one was admitted, even lads, twelve or fourteen years old: 2. That the chief speakers were Lawyers, six or seven on one side only: 3. That a single question took up the whole time, which, when I went away, seemed to be as far from a conclusion as ever, namely, “Shall Mr. Lindsay be removed to Kilmarnock parish or not?” The argument for it was, “He has a large family, and this living is twice as good as his own.” The argument against it was, “The people are resolved not to hear him, and will leave the kirk if he comes.” If then the real point in view had been, as their law directs, majus bonum Ecclesiae,” instead of taking up five hours, the debate might have been determined in five minutes. On Monday and Tuesday I spoke to the members of the society severally. Thursday, 31. I rode to Dundee, and, about half an hour after six, preached on the side of a meadow near the town. Poor and rich attended. Indeed, there is * The greater benefit of the Church.-EDIT, June, 1764.] JOURNAL, } 79 seldom fear of wanting a congregation in Scotland. But the misfortune is, they know everything: So they learn nothing. Fri. JUNE 1.--I rode to Brechin, where Mr. Blair received me in the most friendly manner. In the afternoon I preached on the side of an hill near the town, where we soon forgot the cold.

3.--I was reflecting on an odd circumstance, which I cannot account for. I never relish a tune at first hearing, not till I have almost learned to sing it; and as I learn it more per fectly, I gradually lose my relish for it. I observe something similar in poetry; yea, in all the objects of imagination. I seldom relish verses at first hearing; till I have heard them over and over, they give me no pleasure; and they give me next to none when I have heard them a few times more, so as to be quite familiar. Just so a face or a picture, which does not strike me at first, becomes more pleasing as I grow more acquainted with 186 REv. J. Wesley’s [July, 1764. it; but only to a certain point: For when I am too much acquainted, it is no longer pleasing. O, how imperfectly do we understand even the machine which we carry about us! Thur. 5.--I had the comfort of leaving our brethren at Leeds united in peace and love. About one I preached in a meadow at Wakefield. At first the sun was inconvenient; but it was not many minutes before that inconvenience was removed by the clouds coming between. We had not only a larger, but a far more attentive, congregation than ever was seen here before. One, indeed, a kind of gentleman, was walking away with great unconcern, when I spoke aloud, “Does Gallio care for none of these things? But where will you go, with the wrath of God on your head, and the curse of God on your back?” He stopped short, stood still, and went no farther till the sermon was ended. In the evening I preached on the top of the hill near Dewsbury, one of the pleasantest towns in England. The congregation was larger than ever before. They filled the preaching-house at five in the morning. I had purposed to take horse early, to avoid the heat; but was detained till between nine and ten. It was then warm enough, there being no wind, and the sun shining full in our face. However, before one we got to Heptonstall, where I preached in the shell of the new House. After service one brought his daughter to me, who had been ill some months, just like those near Brechin.

B being quite unwilling, we mounted again about seven. After having rode an hour, we found we were quite out of the way, having been wrong directed at setting out. We were then told to ride over some grounds; but our path soon ended in the edge of a bog. However, we got through to a little house, where an honest man, instantly mounting his horse, galloped before us, up hill and down, till he brought us into a road, which, he said, led straight to Roes-Fair. We rode on, till another met us, and said, “No ; this is the way to Aberystwith. If you would go to Roes-Fair, you must turn back, and ride down to yonder bridge.” The master of a little house near the bridge then directed us to the next village, where we inquired again, (it being past nine,) and were once more set exactly wrong. 192 REv. J. wesDEY’s [July, 1764. Having wandered an hour upon the mountains, through rocks and bogs, and precipices, we, with abundance of difficulty, got back to the little house near the bridge. It was in vain to think of rest there, it being full of drunken, roaring miners; besides that there was but one bed in the house, and neither grass, nor hay, nor corn to be had. So we hired one of them to walk with us to Roes-Fair, though he was miserably drunk, till, by falling all his length in a purling stream, he came tolerably to his senses. Between eleven and twelve we came to the inn; but neither here could we get any hay. When we were in bed, the good hostler and miner thought good to mount our beasts. I believe it was not long before we rose that they put them into the stable. But the mule was cut in several places, and my mare was bleeding like a pig, from a wound behind, two inches deep, made, it seemed, by a stroke with a pitch-fork. What to do we could not tell, till I remembered I had a letter for one Mr. Nathaniel Williams, whom, upon inquiry, I found to live but a mile off. We walked thither, and found “an Israelite indeed,” who gladly received both man and beast. After I had got a little rest, Mr. W. desired me to give an exhortation to a few of his neighbours.

desired me to give an exhortation to a few of his neighbours. None was more struck therewith than one of his own family, who before cared for none of these things. He sent a servant with us after dinner to Tregarron, from whence we had a plain road to Lampeter. Fri. 27.--We rode through a lovely vale, and over pleasant and fruitful hills, to Carmarthen. Thence, after a short bait, we went on to Pembroke, and came before I was expected; so I rested that night, having not quite recovered my journey from Shrewsbury to Roes-Fair. Sun. 29.--The Minister of St. Mary’s sent me word he was very willing I should preach in his church; but, before Service began, the Mayor sent to forbid it; so he preached a very useful sermon himself. The Mayor's behaviour so disgusted many of the Gentry, that they resolved to hear where they could; and accordingly flocked together in the evening from all parts of the town: And perhaps the taking up this cross may profit them more than my sermon in the church would have done. Mon. 30.--I rode to Haverfordwest : But no notice had been given, nor did any in the town know of my coming. However, after a short time, I walked up toward the Castle, and began singing an hymn. The people presently ran together from all July, 1764.] JOURNAL. 193 quarters. They have curiosity at least; and some, I cannot doubt, were moved by a nobler principle. Were zealous and active labourers here, what an harvest might there be, even in this corner of the land | We returned through heavy rain to Pembroke. Tuesday, 31. We set out for Glamorganshire, and rode up and down steep and stony mountains, for about five hours, to Larn. Having procured a pretty ready passage there, we went on to Lansteffan-Ferry, where we were in some danger of being swallowed up in the mud before we could reach the water. Between one and two we reached Kidwelly, having been more than seven hours on horseback, in which time we could have rode round by Carmarthen with more ease both to man and beast. I have, therefore, taken my leave of these ferries; considering we save no time by crossing them, (not even when we have a ready passage,) and so have all the trouble, danger, and expense, clear gains.

All the people turned their eyes upon him; and for once he was ashamed. In the evening I preached at Bayford, near Wincanton, and at seven in the morning. Wednesday, 12. I returned to Bristol; and at six in the evening preached on I96 REv. J. weslEY’s [Sept. 1764. Redcliff-Hill. Many were here who, I suppose, never heard me before; and attention sat on every face. Thur. 13.--I spent an hour in Lord B ’s gardens, or more properly, woods. They are small to the late Duke of Kent's, in Bedfordshire, and, therefore, not capable of so much variety; but, for the size, it is not possible for anything of the kind to be more agreeable; and the situation, on the top of an high hill, in one of the fruitfullest counties in England, gives them an advantage which even Stow-Gardens have not. Yet happiness is not in these shades; and if it were, yet, How long? How soon will they upbraid Their transitory master dead : Mon, 17.--About noon I preached at Bath. The day before Mr. Davis had preached abroad. One fruit of this was, the congregation was larger now than I remember it to have been these seven years. Thence I rode to Comb-Grove, an house built in a large grove, on the side of an high, steep hill. I found Mrs. W the same still, with regard to her liveliness, but not her wildness; in this she was much altered. I preached at five to a small, serious congregation; and, I believe, few were sent empty away. Two persons from London, who were at Bath for their health, had walked over to the preaching. Afterwards we all spent an hour in singing, and serious conversation. The fire kindled more and more, till Mrs. asked if I would give her leave to pray. Such a prayer I never heard before: It was perfectly an original; odd and unconnected, made up of disjointed fragments, and yet like a flame of fire. Every sentence went through my heart, and I believe the heart of every one present. For many months I have found nothing like it. It was good for me to be here. Tues.

22.--I was much refreshed by hearing the experience of Mary G , once a determined enemy to the doctrine of Perfection, opposing it with great eagerness and many reasons; but now an happy witness of it. During her hottest opposition she never could rest in any known sin: And this, at length, made both pride and anger so exceeding bitter to her that she could have no peace till she was fully delivered from them. Sun. 23.--I do not know whether we have had so large a congregation these twenty years, as this evening, at the new Square. Surely the wise world will not impute this to novelty; unless because the grace of God is ever new. On Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, I visited the societies in Somersetshire. On the following days I met the classes in Bristol, and marrowly inquired into the character and behaviour of each person; the rather because it had been 198 REv. J. wesDEY’s [Oct. 1764. strongly affirmed that there were many disorderly walkers in the society. I found one woman and one man, who, I am afraid, deserved that character. Let any one that is more clear-sighted than me find two more, and I will thank him. Sun. 30.--The whole society met in the evening, and jointly renewed their covenant with God, in a form recommended by Mr. Richard Alleine; and many felt that God was there. It was a day of his power not to be forgotten, a day both of godly sorrow and strong consolation. Mon. October 1.--I left Bristol with joy, having seen the fruit of my labour. At noon I preached at Comb-Grove, to a small congregation of earnest, simple people. I had designed to preach in the evening at Bradford, in the same place I did before; but Mr. R., at whose door I then stood, had now altered his mind: So I was constrained to preach in our own Room, to (comparatively) an handful of people. Tues. 2.--I breakfasted at the Devizes, with Mr. B r a black swan, an honest Lawyer | Hence we rode through a most intricate road to Pewsey. I found a neighbouring gentleman had been there, moving every stone, to prevent my preaching.

About five our great congregation met, and (what has seldom been known) very quietly. We were cqually quiet at the meeting of the society, which met now for the first time on a Sunday evening. So has God stilled the madness of the people. Are not the hearts of all men in his hand? Mon. 15.--At the request of many, I had given notice of a watch-night. We had but an indifferent prelude: Between six and seven the mob gathered in great numbers, made an huge noise, and began to throw large stones against the out ward doors. But they had put themselves out of breath before eight, so that when the service begun they were all gone. Tues. 16.-In the evening the whole congregation seemed not a little moved, while I was enforcing those solemn words, “He died for all, that they which live should not henceforth live unto themselves, but unto him which died for them, and rose again.” The same was observable, and that in an higher and higher degree, the two following evenings. If I could stay here a month, I think there would be a society little inferior to that at Bristol. But it must not be; they who will bear sound doctrine only from me, must still believe a lie. Sat. 20.--My horses meeting me at Burntwood, I rode on to Leytonstone, and preached to a serious congregation, on, “I will; be thou clean.” The following week I made a little tour through part of Kent and Sussex, where some of our brethren swiftly increase in goods. Do they increase in grace too? If not, let them take care that their money do not perish with them. Sun. NovEMBER. 4.--I proposed to the Leaders, the assist ing the Society for the Reformation of Manners, with regard to their heavy debt. One of them asked, “Ought we not to pay our own debt first?” After some consultations, it was agreed to attempt it. The general debt of the society in London, occasioned chiefly by repairing the Foundery, and chapels, and by building at Wapping and Snowsfields, was about nine hundred pounds. This I, laid before the society in the evening, and desired them all to set their shoulders to the Dec. 1764.] JOURNAL. 201 work, either by a present contribution, or by subscribing what they could pay, on the first of January, February, or March.

Mon. 18.--I set out for Norwich, and spent a few days there with more comfort than I had ever done before. The congregations were not only more numerous than ever, but abundantly more serious: And the society appeared to be more settled, and more loving to each other. Monday, 25. In my way to Yarmouth I read Dr. Watts, on “The Improvement of the Mind.” He has many just and useful observations, mixed with some that are not just, and with more that are of little use, besides that they are trite and obvious. I preached at seven in a preaching-house built for the General Anabaptists; one of the most elegant buildings I have seen; which was well filled both this and the following evening with serious and attentive hearers. There now seems to be a general call to this town: Surely some will hear the voice that raises the dead. We returned to Norwich on Wed nesday, and left it on Thursday morning, in a wonderful day of frost and snow, and sleet and wind. However, we reached March, 1765.] JOURNAL, 205 Lakenheath in the afternoon. Considering the weather, there was a large congregation. Mr. I. read prayers, and I preached, with great liberty of spirit, on, “What is a man profited, if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?” Fri. MARCH 1.--I read Prayers and preached at seven in the morning. It was noon before we could procure a post-chaise. We then pushed on, though the snow lay deep on the ground, to the great inn at Hockerill, the dearest house I ever was at, So fare it well. In the morning we went on to London. Sun. 10.--I made a collection in our congregation for the poor weavers who are out of employment. It amounted to about forty pounds. In the evening our own society met, and contributed fourteen pounds more, to relieve a few of their own distressed members. Mon. 11.--I took horse with Mr. Pennington for Bristol. In two or three hours my mare fell lame, without any discernible cause; and in an hour or two after, the beast he rode was taken ill, and grew worse and worse, till she dropped down and died. So I was glad to go into a machine which was driving by; and the next evening I reached Bristol. Mon.

Hearing the congregation waited for me, I went to the Town-Hall, and began without delay. About one in the morning we had a violent storm of thunder and lightning. The house being full of dragoons, M. L. and M. D. were constrained to lodge in the same room with our landlady, who, being waked by the storm, and throughly terrified, began praying aloud. M. D. laid hold on the opportunity, to speak very closely to her. The words seemed to sink into. her heart. Who knows but they may bring forth fruit? Tues. 23.--I preached at Dunbar about noon, and in the evening at Edinburgh. My coming was quite seasonable, (though unexpected,) as those bad letters, published in the name of Mr. Hervey, and reprinted here by Mr. John Erskine, had made a great deal of noise. Wednesday, 24. I preached at four in the afternoon on the ground where we had laid the foundation of our House. Friday, 26. About noon I preached at Musselburgh, where are a few living souls still. In the evening we had another blessed oppor tunity at Edinburgh, and I took a solemn leave of the people. Yet how I should be able to ride, I knew not. At Newcastle I had observed a small swelling, less than a pea, but in six days it was as large as a pullet’s egg, and exceeding hard. On Thursday it broke. I feared riding would not agree with this, especially an hard trotting horse. However, trusting God, I set out early on Saturday morning: Before I reached Glasgow it was much decreased, and in two or three days more it was quite gone. If it was a boil, it was such an one as I never heard of; for it was never sore, first or last, nor ever gave me any pain. This evening I preached in the hall of the Hospital; the next day, morning and afternoon, in the yard. So much of the form of religion is here still, as is scarce to be found in any town in England. There was once the power too. And shall it not be again? Surely the time is at hand. Mon. 29.--I rode with James Kershaw through a fruitful country to Kilmarnock, and thence to Ayr.

“You have admirably well expressed what I mean by an opinion, contra-distinguished from an essential doctrine. Whatever is ‘compatible with love to Christ, and a work of grace, I term an opinion. And certainly the holding Parti cular Election and Final Perseverance is compatible with these. ‘Yet what fundamental errors, you ask, ‘have you opposed with half that fervency as you have these opinions?’--I have printed near fifty sermons, and only one of these opposes them at all. I preach about eight hundred sermons in a year; and, taking one year with another, for twenty years past, I have not preached eight sermons in a year upon the subject. But, ‘how many of your best Preachers have been thrust out because they dissented from you in these parti culars?” Not one, best or worst, good or bad, was ever ‘thrust out’ on this account. There has not been a single instance of this kind. Two or three (but far from the best of our Preachers) voluntarily left us, after they had embraced those opinions. But it was of their own mere motion: And two I should have expelled for immoral behaviour; but they 212 REv. J. wesLEY’s [May, 1765. withdrew, and pretended ‘they did not hold our doctrine.’ Set a mark, therefore, on him that told you that tale, and let his word for the future go for nothing. “‘Is a man a believer in Jesus Christ, and is his life suitable to his profession?” are not only the main, but the sole inquiries I make in order to his admission into our society. If he is a Dissenter, he may be a Dissenter still; but if he is a Churchman, I advise him to continue so; and that for many reasons; some of which are mentioned in the tract upon that subject. “I think on Justification just as I have done any time these seven-and-twenty years; and just as Mr. Calvin does. In this respect I do not differ from him an hair's breadth. “But the main point between you and me is Perfection.

I stand amazed ! Have landlords no common sense, (whether they have common humanity or no,) that they will suffer such tenants as these to be starved away from them? In the evening I preached at Newmarket, to a larger congregation of Papists as well as Protestants, both in the evening and morning, than I remember to have seen there before. For the present, many were full of good resolutions; and “why should ye revolt any more?” Sunday, 16, was a Sabbath indeed. Both in the morning and afternoon many were filled with consolation. Few were absent at five, Monday, 17, when I cheerfully commended them to the grace of God. Two or three of them were desirous to bear me company for a day’s journey. Before noon we were met by a violent shower, which drove us into a little cabin, where were a company of children, with their mother, grandmother, and great-grand June, 1765.] JOURNAL. 225 mother. They seemed much frighted; but one of our com pany, who spoke Irish, soon took away their fears. We then sang a hymn, and went to prayer. They gaped and stared abundantly; and when we went away, after giving them a small piece of money, followed us with a thousand blessings. At seven I preached in the market-house at Kilfinnan. Well nigh all the town, Irish, English, and Germans, Protestants and Papists, presently gathered together. At first, most of the Papists stood aloof, and so did several of the genteeler people; but by degrees they drew in and mixed with the congregation; and I believe all of them felt that God was there. When I went to my lodging, they crowded after me, so that the house was quickly filled. I exhorted and prayed again, till I found it was full time both for them and me to go to rest.1. To-day I received from Prudence Nixon herself the strange account of her late husband:--In November last, on a Sunday evening, he was uncommonly fervent in prayer, and found such a desire as he never had before, “to depart, and to be with Christ.” In the night she awaked, and found him quite stiff, and without either sense or motion. Supposing him to be either dying or dead, she broke out into a vehement agony of prayer, and cried for half an hour together, “Lord Jesus!

About eleven we were waked with a cry of “Fire,” which was at the next door but one. The flames shone so that one might see to pick up a pin, and the sparks flew on every side; so that it was much feared the neighbouring houses would take fire, as several of them were thatched: But the violent vain, which fell an hour before, had made the thatch so wet that it could not catch quickly; and in less than two hours all the fire was quenched; so we slept the rest of the night in peace. Wed. 10.--I preached at Clara about noon, and in the evening at Athlone. The two next evenings I preached in the market-house, for the sake of the Papists, who durst not July, 1765.] JOURNAL, 229 come to the Room. Saturday, 13. I read Sir Richard Cox’s “History of Ireland.” I suppose it is accounted as authentic as any that is extant. But surely never was there the like in the habitable world! Such a series of robberies, murders, and burning of houses, towns, and countries, did I never hear or read of before. I do not now wonder Ireland is thinly inhabited, but that it has any inhabitants at all ! Probably it had been wholly desolate before now, had not the English come, and prevented the implacable wretches from going on till they had swept each other from the earth. In the afternoon I rode to Aghrim, and preached about seven to a deeply serious congregation, most of whom were present again at eight in the morning. On Sunday, 14, about five, I began in my usual place at Athlone, on the Connaught side of the river. I believe the congregation (both of Protestants and Papists) was never so large before. Some were displeased at this; and several pieces of turf were thrown over the houses, with some stones; but neither one nor the other could in the least interrupt the attention of the people. Then a Popish miller (prompted by his betters, so called) got up to preach over against me; but some of his comrades throwing a little dirt in his face, he leaped down in haste to fight them. This bred a fray, in which he was so roughly handled that he was glad to get off with only a bloody nose. Mon.

11.--Perceiving my voice began to fail, I resolved to preach, for a while, but twice a day. In the evening I preached in a little ground at Newlyn, to a numerous congregation. None behaved amiss but a young gentleman who seemed to understand nothing of the matter. Thur. 12.--Coming to St. Just, I learned that John Bennets had died some hours before. He was a wise and a good man, who had been above twenty years as a father to that society. A little before his death he examined each of his children concerning their abiding in the faith. Being satisfied of this, he told them, “Now I have no doubt but we shall meet again at the right hand of our Lord.” He then cheerfully committed his soul to Him, and fell asleep. On the numerous congregation in the evening I enforced those solemn words, “There is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in the grave, whither thou goest.” Fri. 13.--I rode to St. Ives; and in the evening preached on the sea-shore; but though there was little wind, yet the noise of the waves prevented many from hearing. Saturday, 14. About noon I preached at the Hayle, a small arm of the sea, 236 REv. J. wesLEY’s [Sept. 1765. which runs up into the land, two or three miles from St. Ives, and makes a tolerable harbour. In the evening we procured a more convenient place at St. Ives, a meadow on the side of the hill, where the people stood before me, row above row, to a considerable distance. On Sunday, 15, we had nearly the same congregation at seven in the morning; to whom I explained, “Truly our fellowship is with the Father, and with his Son Jesus Christ.” At one I preached in Lelant, three miles from St. Ives; and at five in the same meadow, to a larger congregation than before. Indeed the whole town seems moved; the truths we preach being so confirmed by the lives of the people. Mon. 16.--We had our Quarterly Meeting at Redruth; and it appeared, by the accounts from all parts, that the flame which was kindled the last year, though abated, is not extinguished. At six I began on the market-house steps, as usual, to a very numerous congregation; but I had not finished the hymn, when Mr. C.

My own soul, and I trust many others, were refreshed, while I was describing our fellowship with the Father and the Son. After visiting the other neighbouring places, on Saturday, 28, at noon, I preached at Bath: But I had only the poor to hear; there being service at the same time in Lady H.’s chapel. So I was just in my element. I have scarce ever found such liberty at Bath before. Monday, 30, and the two following days, I examined the society at Bristol, and was surprised to find fifty members fewer than I left in it last October. One reason is, Christian Perfection has been little insisted on; and wherever this is not done, be the Preachers ever so eloquent, there is little increase, either in the number or the grace of the hearers. Sat. OcToBER 5.--I spent some time with the children at Kingswood. They are all in health: They behave well: They learn well: But, alas ! (two or three excepted) there is no life in them | About this time, the oldest Preacher in our connexion, Alex ander Coats, rested from his labours. A little account of his death, one who was in the house sent me, in these words: “Newcastle, October 7, 1765. “I HAD an opportunity, the last evening, of seeing our dear, aged brother Coats. A few days before, he was sore tempted by the enemy; but near the close he had perfect peace. His faith was clear, and he found Christ precious, his portion, and his eternal all. I asked him, a little before he died, if he had ‘followed cunningly devised fables. He answered, ‘No, no, no.’ I then asked him whether he saw land. He said, ‘Yes, I do;’ and, after waiting a few moments at anchor, he put into the quiet harbour.” Wed. 9.-I read Mr. Jones’s ingenious “Essay on the 238 REv. J. wesLEY’s [Dec. 1765. Principles of Natural Philosophy.” He seems to have totally overthrown the Newtonian principles; but whether he can establish the Hutchinsonian is another question. Friday, 11, we observed as a day of fasting and prayer. Sunday, 13. We met in the evening jointly to renew our covenant with God. It was, as usual, a time of remarkable blessing. Mon. 14.--In the evening I preached at Shaftesbury; and on Tuesday, at Wincanton.

14.--In the evening I preached at Shaftesbury; and on Tuesday, at Wincanton. Riding homeward, we saw the pond in which a great man, a few weeks since, put an end to a wretched life. And is death more welcome than life, even to a man that wallows in gold and silver? Sun. 20.--I preached a funeral sermon at Kingswood, over the remains of Susanna Flook; who, a few days before, rose up and said, “I am dying,” and dropped down dead. So little security is there in youth or health ! Be ye therefore likewise ready.- Mon. 21.--I went in the coach to Salisbury, and on Thurs day, 24, came to London. Monday, 28. I breakfasted with Mr. Whitefield, who seemed to be an old, old man, being fairly worn out in his Master’s service, though he has hardly seen fifty years: And yet it pleases God, that I, who am now in my sixty-third year, find no disorder, no weakness, no decay, no difference from what I was at five-and-twenty; only that I have fewer teeth, and more grey hairs. Thur. NoveMBER 7.--A fire broke out near the corner of Leadenhall-Street, which (the wind being exceeding high) soon seized on both the corners of the street, and both the corners of Cornhill, and in a few hours destroyed above threescore houses. Yet no lives were lost. Even Mr. Rutland (at whose house it began) and his whole family were preserved; part escaping through the chamber window, part over the top of the house. Sun. 24.--I preached on those words in the Lesson for the day, “The Lord our righteousness.” I said not one thing which I have not said, at least, fifty times within this twelve month: Yet it appeared to many entirely new, who much importuned me to print my sermon, supposing it would stop the mouths of all gainsayers. Alas, for their simplicity | In spite of all I can print, say, or do, will not those who seek occasion of offence find occasion? Mon. DECEMBER 2.--I went to Canterbury. I had received most tragical accounts, as if the society were all fallen from Dec. 1765.] JOURNAL. 239 grace, if ever they had any. I determined to search this to the bottom.

After a little talk, the woman of the house said, “I fear it is not so well with me as it was once. Before I married, I used to kneel down in the cow-house, to pray to God for all I wanted. But now I am incumbered with worldly cares; and yet God has not forgotten me. Last winter, when my husband had lost the use of all his limbs, I prayed to God for him, and he was well.” This woman knew nothing about the Methodists; but God is nigh to all that call upon him. In the evening I preached at Birmingham. Towards the close, the mob gathered: But they were restrained till I had concluded. Thur. 20.--It was as much as we could do to bear the cold before sunrise. However, we came well to Burton before eleven, where I preached to an exceeding serious congregation. In the evening I preached at Nottingham in the new House, throughly filled with serious hearers. Indeed there is never any disturbance here. And there could be none anywhere, if the Magistrates were lovers of peace, and exerted themselves in the defence of it. Sun. 23.--I had thoughts of preaching in the market-place; but the snow which fell in the night made it impracticable. In the morning the house contained the congregation; but in the evening many were constrained to go away. There seems to be now (what never was before) a general call to the town. Mon. 24.--We rode to Derby. I never saw this House full April, 1766.] JOURNAL. 245 before; the people in general being profoundly careless. I endeavoured to show them their picture, by enlarging on those words, “Gallio cared for none of these things.” Tues. 25.--At ten I preached in their new House at Creitch, about twelve miles from Derby, to a loving, simple hearted people; many of whom felt what I spoke of fellow ship with the Father and with the Son. Thence we rode on through several heavy showers of snow to Sheffield, where at six we had a numerous congregation. There has been much disturbance here this winter; but to-night all was peace. Thur. 27.--I preached in the morning at a little village near Eyam, in the High-Peak. The eagerness with which the poor people devoured the word made me amends for the cold ride over the snowy mountains.

The Curate preached a very harmless sermon against the Methodists. Between one and two I preached at Westwood-side, om, “Behold, now is the day of salvation l’’ And it seemed as if all had ears to hear. About four I began in the market-place at Epworth, on, “He beheld the city, and wept over it.” And such a call I think the inhabitants of this town have scarce ever had before. Mon. 28.--I preached at Thorne. Although a great part of the congregation had never heard one preach under a tree May, 1766.] JOURNAL, 249 before, yet they behaved extremely well. Before we came to York, I was thoroughly tired; but my strength quickly returned; so that, after preaching to a large congregation, and meeting the society, I was fresher than when I began. Tues. 29.--I preached at noon in the new House at Thirsk, almost equal to that at Yarm: And why not quite, seeing they had the model before their eyes, and had nothing to do but to copy after it? Is it not an amazing weakness, that when they have the most beautiful pattern before them, all builders will affect to mend something? So the je ne sgai quoi is lost, and the second building scarce ever equals the first. I preached at Yarm in the evening, and the next at New castle. I know not to what it is owing, that I have felt more weariness this spring, than I had done before for many years; unless to my fall at Christmas, which perhaps weakened the springs of my whole machine more than I was sensible of. Thur. MAY 1.--I enjoyed a little rest. I do not find the least change in this respect. I love quietness and silence as well as ever; but if I am called into noise and tumult, all is well. Sun. 4.--The rain constrained me to preach in the Room, both in the morning and evening. But it was fair at two while I preached abroad at the Fell, where the Room could not contain one half of the congregation. Tues. 6.--I rode to Sunderland. On Wednesday and Thursday evening, I preached in Monkwearmouth church. Saturday, 10. I spent an agreeable hour at a Quaker's, a man of large substance. His spirit put me in mind of Thomas Keene. May thy last end be like his ! Sun.

13.--We reached Brechin a little before twelve. Quickly after, I began preaching in the flesh-market, on the “one thing needful.” It being the fair-day, the town was full of strangers, and perhaps some of them were found of Him they sought not. I preached in the evening at Dundee, with greater liberty than ever before. Saturday, 14. It rained from the moment we set out, till (about one) we came to Kinghorn. Finding the boat was not to move till four o'clock, I purposed to hire a pinnace; but the wind springing up fair, I went into the large boat. Quickly it fell calm again, so that we did not get over till past seven. Sun. 15.--Our Room was very warm in the afternoon, through the multitude of people; a great number of whom were people of fashion, with many Ministers. I spoke to them with the utmost plainness, and, I believe, not in vain; for we had such a congregation at five in the morning as I never saw at Edinburgh before. It is scarce possible to speak too plain in England; but it is scarce possible to speak plain enough in Scotland. And if you do not, you lose all your labour, you plough upon the sand. Mon. 16.--I took a view of one of the greatest natural curiosities in the kingdom; what is called Arthur's Seat; a small, rocky eminence, six or seven yards across, on the top of an exceeding high mountain, not far from Edinburgh. The prospect from the top of the Castle is large, but it is nothing in comparison of this. In the evening we had another June, 1766.] JOURNAL, 253 Sunday’s congregation, who seemed more affected than the day before. Tuesday, 17. It rained much, yet abundance of people came; and again God made bare his arm. I can now leave Edinburgh with comfort; for I have fully delivered my own soul. Wed. 18.--I set out for Glasgow. In the afternoon the rain poured down, so that we were glad to take shelter in a little house, where I soon began to talk with our host's daughter, eighteen or nineteen years old. But, to my surprise, I found her as ignorant of the mature of religion as an Hot tentot.

any man wonder, if the members of it were more fierce, sour, and bitter of spirit, than some of them are? For what a pattern have they before them | I know it is commonly said, “The work to be done needed such a spirit.” Not so: The work of God does not, cannot need the work of the devil to forward it. And a calm, even spirit goes through rough work far better than a furious one. Although, therefore, God did use, at the time of the Reformation, some sour, over-bearing, passionate men, yet he did not use them because they were such, but notwithstanding they were so. And there is no doubt, He would have used them much more, had they been of an humbler and milder spirit. Tues. 24.--Before eight we reached Dumfries, and after a short bait pushed on in hopes of reaching Solway-Frith, before the sea was come in. Designing to call at an inn by the Frith side, we inquired the way, and were directed to leave the main road, and go straight to the house which we saw before us. In ten minutes Duncan Wright was embogged: However, the horse plunged on, and got through. I was inclined to turn back; but Duncan telling me I needed only go a little to the left, I did so, and sunk at once to my horse’s shoulders. He sprung up twice, and twice sunk again, each time deeper than before. At the third plunge he threw me on one side, and we both made shift to scramble out. I was covered with fine, soft mud, from my feet to the crown of my head; yet, blessed be God, not hurt at all. But we could not cross till between seven and eight o’clock. An honest man crossed with us, who went two miles out of his way to guide us over the sands to Skilburness; where we found a little clean house, and passed a comfortable night. Wed. 25.--We rode on to Whitehaven. Here I spent the rest of the week. Sunday, 29. I appointed the children to meet me; and desired Mr. Atlay to meet them for the time to come. At one, Robert Williams preached in the market place, to some thousands of people, all quiet and attentive.

Many were not a little surprised in the evening, at seeing me in the Countess of H.’s chapel. The congregation was not only large, but serious; and I fully delivered my own soul. So I am in no concern, whether I preach there again, or no. I have no choice concerning it. Wed. 27.--I rode to Bristol, and the next day delivered the management of Kingswood house to stewards on whom I could depend. So I have cast an heavy load off my shoulders. Blessed be God for able and faithful men, who will do his work without any temporal reward | Fri. 29.--In my way to Cornwall, I preached at Shepton Mallet at nine, in Wincanton at one. I was throughly tired before we came to Shaftesbury: However, at six I preached in the new House, filled within and without, to the no small astonishment, it seemed, of most of the hearers. But it was a time of consolation, as well as conviction. I trust many will experience both in this House. Sat. 30.--We rode to Stallbridge, long the seat of war, by a senseless, insolent mob, encouraged by their betters, so called, to outrage their quiet neighbours. For what? Why, they were mad: They were Methodists. So, to bring them to their senses, they would beat their brains out. They broke their windows, leaving not one whole pane of glass, spoiled their goods, and assaulted their persons with dirt, and rotten eggs, and stones, whenever they appeared in the street. But Sept. 1766.] JOURNAL. 263 no Magistrate, though they applied to several, would show them either mercy or justice. At length they wrote to me. I ordered a lawyer to write to the rioters. He did so; but they set him at nought. We then moved the Court of King's Bench. By various artifices, they got the trial put off, from one Assizes to another, for eighteen months. But it fell so much the heavier on themselves, when they were found guilty; and, from that time, finding there is law for Methodists, they have suffered them to be at peace. I preached near the main street, without the least disturb ance, to a large and attentive congregation. Thence we rode on to Axminster, but were throughly wet before we came thither.

Thence we rode on to Axminster, but were throughly wet before we came thither. The rain obliged me to preach within at six; but at seven on Sunday morning, I cried in the market-place, “The kingdom of God is at hand; repent ye, and believe the Gospel.” In the evening I preached in the street at Ashburton. Many behaved with decency; but the rest, with such stupid rudeness as I have not seen, for a long time, in any part of England. Mon. SEPTEMBER 1.--I came to Plymouth-Dock, where, after heavy storms, there is now a calm. The House, notwithstanding the new galleries, was extremely crowded in the evening. I strongly exhorted the backsliders to return to God; and I believe many received “the word of exhortation.” Tues. 2.--Being invited to preach in the Tabernacle at Plymouth, I began about two in the afternoon. In the evening I was offered the use of Mr. Whitefield's Room at the Dock; but, large as it is, it would not contain the congregation. At the close of the sermon, a large stone was thrown in at one of the windows, which came just behind me, and fell at my feet, the best place that could have been found. So no one was either hurt or frightened, not many knowing anything of the matter. Wed. 3.--I rode to Medros, where there was, last year, the most lively society in Cornwall. But they are decreased, both in number and strength; many who were then strong in the Lord, being now weak and faint. However, we had a deeply serious congregation in the evening, and a remarkable blessing at the meeting of the society. Thur. 4.--At noon I preached in Truro. I was in hopes, 264 REv. J. wesley’s [Sept. 1766. when Mr. Walker died, the enmity in those who were called his people would have died also. But it is not so: They still look upon us as rank heretics, and will have no fellowship with us. In the evening I preached at Penryn, in the main street, at the door of one of the chief gentlemen in the town. I never saw such a congregation here before; and all seemed to hear as for life. Fri. 5.--I preached near Helstone, to an exceeding large and serious congregation.

Buckingham met me, who, for fear of offending the Bishop, broke off all commerce with the Methodists. He had no sooner done this, than the Bishop rewarded him by turning him out of his curacy; which, had he continued to 266 REv. J. wesLEY’s [Oct. 1766. walk in Christian simplicity, he would probably have had to this day. Wed. 17.--I twice stopped a violent bleeding from a cut, by applying a brier-leaf. The Room at Launceston would not near contain the congregation in the evening, to whom I strongly applied the case of the impotent man at the pool of Bethesda. Many were much affected; but O, how few are willing to be made whole ! Thur. 18.--I rode to Collumpton, preached at six, and then went on to Tiverton. Friday, 19, came a messenger from Jo. Magor, dangerously ill at Sidmouth, four or five and twenty miles off, to tell me he could not die in peace till he had seen me. So the next morning, after preaching, I set out, spent an hour with him, by which he was exceedingly refreshed, and returned to Tiverton time enough to rest a little before the evening preaching. Sun. 21.--I preached, morning and evening, in the market house, and at one in an open place at Bampton. Monday, 22. I preached in the street at Culmstock, to almost all the inhabitants of the town. A little before six in the evening I preached at Mr. Jones's door, in Middlesey. Many of the hearers did once run well; some of whom resolve to set out anew. Tuesday, 23. At eleven I preached to a large and serious congregation at Lymsham-Green. When I concluded, a Clergyman began to entertain the people with a dispute concerning Lay-Preachers. In the instant began a violent shower; so they left him to himself. But it was fair again in the afternoon, and we had a pleasant ride to Bristol. Sun. 28.--I preached in Princes-Street at eight, in Kings wood at two, and at five near the new Square. The last especially was an acceptable time; particularly while I was explaining, “Neither can they die any more; but are the children of God, being children of the resurrection.” In the following days I preached at Pensford, Paulton, Coleford, Buckland, Frome, Beckington, Freshford, and Bradford. Sunday, October 5.

Sun. 26.--I preached at West-Street in the morning to a crowded audience, and in the evening at the Foundery. How pleasing would it be to play between Bristol and London, and preach always to such congregations as these ! But what account then should I give of my stewardship when I can “be no longer steward?” Mon. 27.--I rode to Wycombe. The Room was much crowded, and yet could not contain the congregation. In the morning, too, they flocked together in such a manner as had not been seen here before. In the evening I preached at 268 REv. J. wesLEY’s [Nov. 1766. Witney, (where a little company stand fast together,) and thrice the next day, endeavouring to lay “line upon line, and precept upon precept.” Thur. 30.--At one I preached in Wattleton, and thence rode with some difficulty, the wind being exceeding high, over the mountain to Wycombe. The congregation was as before, both for number and earnestness. So, at length we see the fruit of our labour. Fri. 31.--At my return to London, I found it needful to hasten to Leytonstone; but I came too late. Miss Lewen died the day before, after an illness of five days. Some hours before, she witnessed that good confession, Nature's last agony is o'er, And cruel sin subsists no more. Awhile after, she cried out earnestly, “Do you not see him? There he is ! Glory ! glory ! glory ! I shall be with him for ever,-for ever,-for ever !” So died Margaret Lewen | a pattern to all young women of fortune in England: A real Bible Christian. So she “rests from her labours, and her works do follow her.” Sat. NoveMBER 1.--“God, who hath knit together his elect in one communion and fellowship,” gave us a solemn season at West-Street (as usual) in praising him for all his Saints. On this day in particular, I commonly find the truth of these words: The Church triumphant in his love, Their mighty joys we know ; They praise the Lamb in hymns above, And we in hymns below. Mon. 3.--I rode to Brentford, where all was quiet, both in the congregation and the society. Tuesday, 4. I preached at Brentford, Battersea, Deptford, and Welling, and examined the several societies. Wednesday, 5. I rode by Shoreham to Sevenoaks.

I rode by Shoreham to Sevenoaks. In the little journeys which I have lately taken, I have thought much on the huge encomiums which have been for many ages bestowed on a country life. How have all the learned world cried out, O.fortunati nimium, sua si bona norint Agricolae : * *Too happy, if their happiness they knew ! Nov. 1766.] JOURNAL. 269 But, after all, what a flat contradiction is this to universal experience! See that little house, under the wood, by the river side | There is rural life in perfection. How happy then is the farmer that lives there ! Let us take a detail of his happiness. He rises with, or before, the sun, calls his servants, looks to his swine and cows, then to his stables and barns. He sees to the ploughing and sowing his ground, in winter or in spring. In summer and autumn he hurries and sweats among his mowers and reapers. And where is his happiness in the mean time? Which of these employments do we envy? Or do we envy the delicate repast that succeeds, which the poet so languishes for ?-- O quando faba, Pythagorae cognata, simulque Uncta satis pingui ponentur oluscula lardo / “O the happiness of eating beans well greased with fat bacon / Nay, and cabbage too !”--Was Horace in his senses when he talked thus, or the servile herd of his imitators? Our eyes and ears may convince us there is not a less happy body of men in all England than the country farmers. In general, their life is supremely dull; and it is usually unhappy too. For of all people in the kingdom, they are most discontented; seldom satisfied either with God Or man. Mon. 10.--I set out early for Northampton. But before we came to Luton, James Glasbrook met me, and informed me that he had given notice of my preaching every day, at one place or another, in Bedfordshire. Upon reflection, we thought it best for Mr. Blackwell to go to Northampton, and for me to keep the appointments which had been made. So I preached in Luton at two, and in the evening at Sundon. Tuesday, 1f.

We procured one, however, between three and four: But there was more sea than we expected; so that, notwithstanding all I could do, my legs and the skirts of my coat were in the water. The motion of the waves made me a little giddy; but it had a stranger effect on Mr. Atlay: He lost his sight, and was just dropping off his horse, when one of our fellow-travellers caught hold of him. We rode on nine or ten miles, and lodged at a village called Ruthwell. Friday, 27. We rode by Dumfries and the Bridge of Orr, over the Military-Way, to Gatehouse-of-Fleet: But the house was filled with so noisy company, that we expected little rest. Before eleven, however, I fell asleep, and heard nothing more till between three and four in the morning. Sat. 28.--We rode to Portpatrick. Sunday, 29. The packet boat was ready in the morning, but waited for the mail, hour after hour, till past three in the afternoon. Hereby we avoided a violent storm, and had only what they called a fresh breeze; however, this breeze drove us to Donaghadee (thirty miles) in about three hours. Mon. 30.--I rode to Newtown; and in the evening preached in the market-house, to a large number of serious hearers. The society, I found, had been shattered in pieces, but were uniting again. To these I spoke more particularly in the morning. It may be they will yet have ears to hear. Tues. 31.--After meeting the society at Belfast, I rode on to Lisburn. At six I preached in the Linen-Hall, (a small Square so called,) as also the two following evenings. We had many people of fashion there, and the congregation increased continually. Friday, APRIL 3. At the end of Dromore I met Robert Williams, who showed me the way to Newry. A little after six I went to the market-house; but when I began I had only four hearers. A good number assembled before I had done, only none of the Gentry; they were hindered by a business of more importance,--dressing for the assembly | Sun. 5.--I was in hopes of reaching Tanderagee before the church began; but it was farther off than we expected. 276 REv. J. westEY’s [April, 1767.

Hearers swiftly increased; the society increased; so did the number both of the convinced and the converted. I came when the flame was at the height, and preached abroad, in the heart of the city, on the south side of it, near the barracks, and several times in Blackpool, which lies on the north side of it. More and more were stirred up, and there was a greater awakening here than in any part of the kingdom. But misunderstandings crept in between the Leaders, and between some of them and the Preachers. And these increased seven-fold, when one of the Leaders was expelled the society; some believing him faulty, some not, and neither side having patience with the other. Hence a flame of anger succeeded the flame of love, and many were destroyed by it. At the same time some of our brethren learned a new opinion, and warmly propagated it. This heat was almost as destructive as the former; and the effect of both was, the Spirit of God was grieved; his blessing was withheld, and of course the flock was scattered. When they are convinced of their sin, and humbled before him, them, and not before, he will return. Wed, JUNE 3.--As it was fair, though the wind was high and extremely sharp, I preached in an open place at Black pool, to a large number of quiet hearers. On the three following evenings the wind and rain confined us in the House, much against my will; as those who wanted us most could not or would not come thither. JUNE 7.--(Being Whit-Sunday.) The weather turning fair, between four and five in the afternoon I began preaching in George's Street, to such a congregation as that in the Old Camp at Limerick. A solemn awe sat on the faces of the whole assembly while I explained, “If any man thirst, let him come unto me and drink.” Surely some of them found the promise fulfilled, and did drink of the living water | Mon. 8.--I rode to Youghall. When I was here two years ago, a flame was kindled among the people: But it was gone out. And I could not wonder at it; for they have scarce had any preaching since. I purposed staying only a night; but, observing the number and deep attention of the congregation, I stayed another day, and on Tuesday, 9, 282 REv.

15.--I rode through a pleasant and well-cultivated country to Aghrim. For many years I have not seen so large a congregation here, and so remarkably well-behaved. At the prayer, both before and after sermon, all of them kneeled upon the grass. A few of the poor Papists only remained standing, at a distance from the rest of the people. These would come in droves at every place, if the Priests, as well as the King, would grant liberty of conscience. June, 1767.] JOURNAL. 283 At the desire of the good old widow, Mrs. M-, I went with Mr. S to C . Lord and Lady M- were there before us; to whom I was probably A not-expected, much-unwelcome guest. But whatsoever it was to them, it was a heavy afternoon to me; as I had no place to retire to, and so was obliged to be in genteel company, for two or three hours together. O what a dull thing is life without religion | I do not wonder that time hangs heavy upon the hands of all who know not God, unless they are perpetually drunk with noise and hurry of one kind or another. Wed. 17.--We came to Athlone. Here the scene was changed. I was among those that both feared and loved God; but to this day they have not recovered the loss which they sustained, when they left off going to church. It is true they have long been convinced of their mistake: Yet the fruit of it still remains; so that there are very few who retain that vigour of spirit which they before enjoyed. At seven I preached in the new House, which Mr. S. has built entirely at his own expense. The congregation was, as usual, both large and serious. I rested the four following days, only preaching morning and evening. Sunday, 21. We had a solemn meeting of the society at five. After preaching at eight I would willingly have gone to church, but was informed there had been no Service for near two years, and would be none for a year or two longer, the inside of the church wanting to be repaired: In the evening I preached in the barracks.

287 as the townsmen. In the evening, notwithstanding the cold and blustering winds, I was obliged to preach abroad at Tyrrel's Pass. But the rain on the two following evenings drove us into the House at Edinderry. Saturday, 4. Having now finished my circuit, I went on cheerfully to Dublin. Sun. 5.--Our House was throughly filled, a sight which I have seldom seen. Friday, 10, we observed as a day of fasting and prayer. It was at our last meeting that we found the answer of our prayers. It seemed as if the windows of heaven were opened; the Spirit of grace and supplication was poured out. Many were filled with consolation; and many who had grown weary resolved to set out anew. Tues. 14.--A poor backslider, whom I found ten days ago dying in black despair, told me, “Now I am not afraid to die. I see Jesus just before me, and his face is all glory.” Instances of this kind do by no means prove that a saint cannot fall, even for ever; but only that God is “pitiful, and of tender mercy, not willing any should perish.” Thur. 16.--About ten I reached Donard, seven or eight and twenty English miles from Dublin. Standing under some shady trees, I enforced upon a serious congregation, “All things are ready; come unto the marriage.” From hence I rode on to Baltinglass, and preached on, “By grace are ye saved through faith.” It was sultry hot as we rode to Carlow; so that I was weary and faint when we came in : But I soon recovered, and at seven preached in the Sessions House, to a numerous congregation. But the greater part of them were like blocks, and some like wild asses’ colts. I was constrained to reprove them sharply. They received it well, and behaved with more decency. Fri. 17.--We lost our way in setting out of the town. It rained most of the day: However, this was far better than sultry heat. In the evening we returned to Dublin. In my scraps of time this week I read over that wonderful poem, “Fingal.” If it is genuine, if it is really extant (as many assure me it is) in the Erse language, it is an amazing proof of a genius in those barbarous times, little inferior to Homer or Virgill Mon.

She said, ‘I have long been drinking wine-and-water here; now I shall drink wine in my Father's kingdom. She lay still about a quarter of an hour, and then breathed her soul into the hands of her Redeemer.” On Wednesday and Thursday, we had our little Confer ence at Dublin. Friday we observed as a day of fasting and prayer; and concluded it with the most solemn watch-night that I ever remember in this kingdom. I was much tired. between seven and eight o'clock, but less and less so as the service went on; and at the conclusion, a little after twelve, I was fresher than at six in the morning. Sunday, 26, was a comfortable day indeed; but the conclusion of it tried my strength, as I was speaking, with scarce any intermission, from a little after five till between nine and ten. Mon. 27.--Having a severe cold, I was in hopes of riding it away; so I took horse a little after four, and reached Newry in the evening. But my voice was still so weak, that I doubt if many of the congregation in the market-house could hear me; and my cough was so violent at night, I could hardly Aug. 1767.] JourtNAL. 298 sleep a quarter of an hour together. However, I preached at five in the morning, without much difficulty. Wednesday, 29. I hasted on to Donaghadee, but found all the packet-boats were on the other side. So I agreed with the Captain of a small vessel, and went on board about two o'clock; but it was so late when we landed, (after a passage of five hours,) that we could only reach Stranraer that night. Thur. 30.--We rode through a country swiftly improving to Ayr, and passed a quiet and comfortable night. Friday, 31. Before two we reached Glasgow. In the evening I preached, and again at five in the morning. Saturday, AUGUST 1. As both my horse and myself were a little tired, I took the stage-coach to Edinburgh. Before I left Glasgow I heard so strange an account, that I desired to hear it from the person himself. He was a sexton, and yet for many years had little troubled himself about religion.

A gentleman in the west of Scotland was a serious, sensible man, but violently attached both to the doctrine and discipline of the Kirk. His eldest daughter dreamed, some months since, that she was poisoned, and must die in an hour. She waked in the utmost consternation, which issued in a deep conviction of sin. Soon after she had an earnest desire to see me, though not perceiving any possibility of it. But business calling Mr. H to Edinburgh, he brought her with him, three days before I came. On Sunday morning he heard the preaching for the first time, and afterwards omitted no oppor tunity. He now sent his daughter to beg I would come, if possible, to the west; and to desire that I, or any of our Preachers, would make his house our home. Tues. 4.--I rode to Dunbar, and endeavoured, if possible, to rouse some of the sleepers, by strongly, yea, roughly, enforcing those words, “Lord, are there few that be saved?” And this I must say for the Scots in general, I know no men like them for bearing plain dealing. On Thursday I reached Newcastle. Saturday, 8. At the request of Mr. Whitaker, of New-England, I preached, and afterwards made a collection for the Indian schools in America. A large sum of money is now collected; but will money convert Heathens? Find Preachers of David Brainerd’s spirit, and nothing can stand before them; but without this, what will gold or silver do? No more than lead or iron. They have indeed sent thousands to hell; but never yet brought a soul to heaven. Sun. 9.--I preached about ten in Mr. Goodday’s church at Monk-Wearmouth. About two I preached to a willing multitude at Gateshead-Fell; and at five, near the Garth Heads at Newcastle. Mon. 10.--I laboured to set some right, who have much grace, but little understanding; and I prevailed on all but one, who appeared indeed to be the twin-soul of poor George Bell. Tues. 11.--I came to a friendly conclusion (blessed be Aug. 1767.] JOURNAL. 295 God!) with Mr. L. He agreed to pay the legacies on the second of November; and we relinquished the residue of the estate. So the harpy Lawyers are happily disappointed; and the design of the dying saint in some measure answered. Wed. 12.--I took coach.

1767.] JOURNAL, 297 two miles from Pembroke. The rain a little lessened the congregation, but did not hinder the blessing. God was eminently present, to comfort the mourners; as likewise at Pembroke in the evening. Sat. 5.--I rode to Haverfordwest, but knew not what to do, because of the rain. However, at six I was constrained, by the number of people, to stand abroad, near the Castle; and the whole congregation as quietly attended as if we had been in a cathedral. Sun. 6.--I had a large and earnest congregation at six. About ten I began the Service at St. Daniel’s, a little church about half a mile from Pembroke, which, till lately, lay in ruins. It was throughly filled, during the Prayers and sermon, and a considerable number gladly partook of the Lord’s Supper. Afterwards I rode back to Haverford, and, notwith standing the rain, stood in the same place as before, and applied, “O that thou hadst known, at least in this thy day, the things that belong unto thy peace l’’ Mon. 7.--I rode to Carmarthen, and preached on the Green, on, “Is there no balm in Gilead?” In the afternoon, finding none that could direct us to Oxwych, we were obliged to ride round by Swansea. The next morning we came to Oxwych, and found George Story there, who had come to Swansea the day before, in his way to Cork. Hearing I was near, he came over just in season to preach to the congregation who waited for me. At noon I preached to, I suppose, all the inhabitants of the town, and then rode to Neath. I had designed to preach abroad, but the rain would not permit. The preaching-house was much crowded, and the power of God was in the midst of the congregation. Prejudice sunk down before it; and the innumerable lies which most of them had heard of me vanished into air. The same power rested upon them early in the morning. The bigots on all sides were ashamed, and felt that, in Christ Jesus, nothing avails but the “faith that worketh by love.” Wed.

The bigots on all sides were ashamed, and felt that, in Christ Jesus, nothing avails but the “faith that worketh by love.” Wed. 9.--About twelve I preached to a large and serious congregation in the assembly-room at Cowbridge; and in the evening, in the Court-House at Cardiff; where, both this and the following evening, we had most of the Gentry in the town; and, both the mornings, the hearers were more than for many years. Who knows but, even in this desolate town, God may build up the waste places? 298 REv. J. wesDEY’s [Sept. 1767. Fri. 11.--I rode to Llanbraddoch, a single house, delight fully situated near the top of an high mountain; and in the evening preached to a serious company of plain Welshmen with uncommon enlargement of heart. Saturday, 12. Setting out early, I reached Chepstow before noon, and preached at a friend’s door, to a civil, unconcerned congregation. We came to the Old Passage, (being told we had time to spare,) a few minutes after the boat was gone off. Finding they would not pass again that day, I left my horses behind; and, crossing over in a small boat, got to Bristol soon enough to preach in the evening. The following week I visited most of the Somersetshire societies. Sunday, 20, (as the Sunday before,) I preached in Princes-Street at eight; about two under the sycamore-tree at Kingswood; and at five in the new Square, to a larger congregation than, I think, was ever there before. Monday, 21. I preached at Pensford, Paulton, and Coleford; on Tuesday noon, at Midsummer-Norton; (so called, I suppose, because formerly it was accessible at no other time of the year;) and in the evening, at Coleford again, where we had a comfortable love-feast, at which many spoke their experience with all simplicity. Wed, 23.--About noon I preached at Buckland, and in the evening at Frome: But the House was too small, so that many were constrained to go away. So the next evening I preached in a meadow, where a multitude, of all denomina tions, attended. It seems that God is at length giving a more general call to this town also; the people whereof seemed before, in every sense, to be “rich and increased in goods, and having need of nothing.” Fri.

It seems that God is at length giving a more general call to this town also; the people whereof seemed before, in every sense, to be “rich and increased in goods, and having need of nothing.” Fri. 25.--I was desired to preach at Freshford; but the people durst not come to the House, because of the small-pox, of which Joseph Allen, “an Israelite indeed,” had died the day before. So they placed a table near the church-yard. But I had no sooner begun to speak, than the bells began to ring, by the procurement of a neighbouring gentleman. However, it was labour lost; for my voice prevailed, and the people heard me distinctly: Nay, a person extremely deaf, who had not been able to hear a sermon for several years, told his neighbours, with great joy, that he had heard and understood all, from the beginning to the end. I preached at Bristol in the evening, on 2 Cor. iv. 17, a Sept. 1767.] JOURNAL, 299 text which had been chosen by William New, a little before God called him hence. He laboured under a deep asthma for several years, and for seven or eight months was confined to his bed; where he was, from time to time, visited by a friend, who wrote the following account : “He was one of the first Methodists in Bristol, and always walked as became the Gospel. By the sweat of his brow he maintained a large family, leaving six children behind him. When he was no longer able to walk, he did not discontinue his labour; and, after he kept his room, he used to cut out glass, (being a glazier,) to enable his eldest son, a child about fourteen, to do something toward the support of his family. Yea, when he kept his bed, he was not idle; but still gave him what assistance he could. “He was formerly fond of company and diversions; but, as soon as God called him, left them all, having a nobler diversion,--visiting the sick and afflicted, in which he spent all his leisure hours. He was diligent in the use of all the means of grace; very rarely, during his health, missing the morning preaching at five, though he lived above a mile from the Room.

10.--I rode to Prescot, eight miles from Liverpool, and came thither just as the church began. The Vicar preached an excellent sermon, on, “Whatsoever is born of 316 REv. J. wesley’s [April, 1768. God overcometh the world: And this is the victory that overcometh the world, even our faith.” After Service, many followed me to a vacant place, where we were tolerably shel tered from the cold wind. Fifty or sixty of our Liverpool friends also were there, who had walked over; and God made it both a solemn and a comfortable opportunity to many souls. Mon. 11.--I rode to Bolton; on Wednesday, to Kendal. Seceders and mongrel Methodists have so surfeited the people here, that there is small prospect of doing good; however, I once more “cast” my “bread upon the waters,” and left the event to God. Thur. 14.--I rode on, through continued rain, to Amble side. It cleared up before we came to Keswick, and we set out thence in a fair day; but on the mountains the storm met us again, which beat on us so impetuously, that our horses could scarce turn their faces against it. However, we made shift to reach Cockermouth; but there was no room for preaching, the town being in an uproar through the election for Members of Parliament; so, after drying ourselves, we thought it best to go on to Whitehaven. I found the society here more alive to God than it had been for several years; and God has chosen the weak to make them strong: The change has been wrought chiefly by means of Joseph G. Many of the children likewise are serious and well-behaved; and some of them seem to be awakened. Sun. 17.--I commended them to the grace of God, and rode to Cockermouth. I had designed to preach near the market house, but the rain constrained us to go into the House, where I explained, (out of the First Lesson,) “Let me die the death of the righteous.” In the evening I preached at Coldbeck, in the mountains, to an exceeding serious congregation. Monday, 18. Taking horse at four, I reached Solway-Frith before eight, and, finding a guide ready, crossed without delay, dined at Dumfries, and then went on to Drumlanrig. Tues. 19.--I rode through heavy rain to Glasgow. On Thursday and Friday I spoke to most of the members of the society.

I grew weaker and weaker, till, one morning, about one o’clock, as I was lying crying, as usual, I heard some noise, and, rising up, saw him come to the bedside. He looked much displeased, shook his head at me, and in a minute or two went away. “8. About a week after, I took my bed, and grew worse and worse; till, in six or seven days, my life was despaired of. Then, about eleven at night, my uncle came in, looked well pleased, and sat down on the bedside. He came every night after, at the same time, and stayed till cock-crowing. I was exceeding glad, and kept my eyes fixed upon him all the time he stayed. If I wanted drink or any thing, though I did not speak or stir,” he fetched it, and set it on the chair by the bedside. Indeed I could not speak; t many times I * So it is plain, he knew her thoughts. But this is widely distant from knowing the hearts of all men. + Such an impression, even though she felt no fear, did the presence of a superior nature make upon her | 328 REv. J. wesley’s [May, 1768. strove, but could not move my tongue. Every morning, when he went away, he waved his hand to me, and I heard delightful music, as if many persons were singing together. “9. In about six weeks, I grew better. I was then musing, one night, whether I did well in desiring he might come; and I was praying that God would do his own will, when he came in, and stood by the bedside. But he was not in his usual dress; he had on a white robe, which reached down to his feet. He looked quite pleased. About one, there stood by him a person in white, taller than him, and exceeding beautiful. He came with the singing as of many voices, and continued till near cock-crowing. Then my uncle smiled, and waved his hand toward me twice or thrice. They went away with inexpressibly sweet music, and I saw him no more. “10. In a year after this, a young man courted me, and in some months we agreed to be married. But he purposed to take another voyage first, and one evening went aboard his ship.

But he purposed to take another voyage first, and one evening went aboard his ship. About eleven o’clock, going out to look for my mother, I saw him standing at his mother’s door, with his hands in his pockets, and his hat pulled over his eyes. I went to him, and reached my hand to put up his hat; but he went swiftly by me, and I saw the wall, on the other side of the lane, part as he went through, and then immediately close after him. At ten the next morning he died. “11. A few days after, John Simpson, one of our neigh bours, a man that truly feared God, and one with whom I was particularly acquainted, went to sea, as usual. He sailed out on a Tuesday. The Friday night following, between eleven and twelve o’clock, I heard one walking in my room; and every step sounded as if he was stepping in water. He then came to the bedside, in his sea-jacket, all wet, and stretched his hand over me. Three drops of water fell on my breast,” and felt as cold as ice. I strove to wake his wife, who lay with me; but I could not, any more than if she was dead. Afterward I heard he was cast away that night. In less than a minute he went away: But he came to me every night, for six or seven nights following, between eleven and two. Before he came, and when he went away, I always heard sweet music.t. Afterwards he came both day and night; every * Was this real, or did he only raise such a sensation in her ? + Was this a real modulation of the air? Was it designed to show that he was happy, and to encourage her to speak? May, 1768.] JOURNAL, 329 night about twelve, with the music at his coming and going, and every day at sunrise, noon, and sunset. He came, what ever company I was in ; at church, in the preaching-house, at my class; and was always just before me, changing his posture as I changed mine. When I sat, he sat; when I kneeled, he kneeled; when I stood, he stood likewise. I would fain have spoke to him, but I could not; when I tried, my heart sunk within me.

I would fain have spoke to him, but I could not; when I tried, my heart sunk within me. Meantime it affected me more and more, so that I lost both my stomach, my colour, and my strength. This continued ten weeks, while I pined away, not daring to tell any one. At last, he came four or five nights without any music, and looked exceeding sad. On the fifth night he drew the curtains of the bed violently to and fro, still looking wishfully at me, and as one quite distressed. This he did two nights. On the third, I lay down, about eleven, on the side of the bed. I quickly saw him walking up and down the room. Being resolved to speak to him, but unwilling any should hear, I rose and went up into the garret. When I opened the door, I saw him walking toward me, and shrunk back; on which he stopped, and stood at a distance. I said, “In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, what is your business with me?” He answered, ‘Betsy, God forgive you for keeping me so long from my rest.* Have you forgot what you promised before I went to sea,--to look to my children, if I was drowned? You must stand to your word, or I cannot rest: I said, ‘I wish I was dead.” He said, “Say not so; you have more to go through before then : And et, if you knew as much as I do, you would not care how soon you died. You may bring the children on in their learning, while they live; they have but a short time.’t I said, ‘I will take all the care I can.” He added, ‘Your brother has wrote for you, to come to Jamaica; but if you go, it will hurt your soul. You have also thoughts of altering your condition; but if you marry him you think of, it will draw you from God, and you will neither be happy here nor hereafter. Keep close to God, and go on in the way wherein you have been brought up.’ I asked, “How do you spend your time?’ He answered, “In songs of praise. But of this you will know more by and by; for where I am, you will surely be. * Who can account for this ?

* Who can account for this ? + By what means could he know this? # So he likewise knew her thoughts. 330 REv. J. wesLEY’s [May, 1768. I have lost much happiness by coming to you:* And I should not have stayed so long without using other means to make you speak; but the Lord would not suffer me to fright you. Have you anything more to say? It draws near two, and after that I cannot stay. I shall only come to you twice more before the death of my two children. God bless you.’ Immediately I heard such singing, as if a thousand voices joined together. He then went down stairs, and I followed him to the first landing. He smiled, and I said, ‘I desire you will come back. He stood still till I came to him. I asked him one or two questions, which he immediately answered; but added, ‘I wish you had not called me back; for now I must take something from you.’t He paused a little, and said, ‘I think you can best part with the hearing of your left ear. He laid his hand upon it, and in the instant it was deaf as a stone; and it was several years before I recovered the least hearing of it. The cock crowed as he went out of the door, and then the music ceased. The eldest of his children died at about three years and an half, the younger before he was five years old. He appeared before the death of each, but without speaking: After that I saw him no more. “12. A little before Michaelmas, 1763, my brother George, who was a good young man, went to sea. The day after Michaelmas-day, about midnight, I saw him standing by my bedside, surrounded with a glorious light, and looking earnestly at me. He was wet all over. That night the ship in which he sailed split upon a rock, and all the crew were drowned. “13. On April 9, 1767, about midnight, I was lying awake, and I saw my brother John standing by my bedside.t Just at that time he died in Jamaica. “14. By his death I became entitled to an house in Sunderland, which was left us by my grandfather, John Hobson, an exceeding wicked man, who was drowned fourteen years ago.

By his death I became entitled to an house in Sunderland, which was left us by my grandfather, John Hobson, an exceeding wicked man, who was drowned fourteen years ago. I employed an Attorney to recover it from my aunts, who kept possession of it. But finding more difficulty than I expected, in the beginning of December I gave it up. * I do not understand this. + Another instance like this we shall see by and by ; but the reason of it we cannot so much as conjecture. # So, a spirit finds no difficulty in travellihg three or four thousand miles in a moment 1 May, 1768.] JOURNAL, 331 Three or four nights after, as I rose from prayer, a little before eleven, I saw him standing at a small distance. I cried out, ‘Lord bless me ! what brings you here?” He answered, ‘You have given up the house: Mr. Parker advised you so to do;' but if you do, I shall have no rest:+ Indeed Mr. Dunn,t whom you have hitherto employed, will do nothing for you. Go to Durham, employ an Attorney there, and it will be recovered.’$ His voice was loud, and so hollow and deep, that every word went through me. His lips did not move at all, (nor his eyes,) but the sound seemed to rise out of the floor. When he had done speaking, he turned about, and walked out of the room." “15. In January, as I was sitting on the bedside, a quarter before twelve he came in, stood before me, looked earnestly at me, then walked up and down and stood and looked again. This he did for half an hour, and thus he came every other night* for about three weeks. All this time he seemed angry,tt and sometimes his look was quite horrid and furious. One night I was sitting up in bed crying, when he came and began to pull off the clothes. I strove to touch his hand, but could not; on which he shrunk back and smiled.tt “16. The next night but one, about twelve, I was again sitting up and crying, when he came and stood at the bedside. As I was looking for an handkerchief, he walked to the table, took one up,§§ brought and dropped it upon the bed.

Arise and pray.’ I said, ‘I can pray none.’ He said, ‘But God will help you; only keep close to God. You are backward likewise in praying with others, and afraid to receive the Lord’s Supper. Break through that backwardness and that fear. The Lord bless you, and be * About half a mile from the town. + No ! Not though she knew him to be a damned spirit. # Why not? Who can tell ? § And where canst thou stay with any comfort? Dost not thou carry with thee thy own hell? 334 REv. J. wesLEY’s [May, 1768. ever with you !’ As he went away, I heard many voices singing Hallelujah, with such melody as I never heard before. All my trouble was gone, and I wanted nothing but to fly away with them. “22. Sat. 28.--About twelve, my grandfather stood at the bedside. I said, ‘In God’s name, what do you want?” He said, ‘You do not make an end of this thing: Get it decided as soon as possible. My coming is as uneasy to myself as it can be to you.” Before he came, there was a strong smell of burning, and the room was full of smoke, which got into my eyes, and almost blinded me for some time after. “23. Wed. June 21.--About sunset, I was coming up stairs, at Mrs. Knot's, and I saw him coming toward me out of the opposite room. He went close by me on the stair-head. Before I saw him, I smelt a strong smell of burning, and so did Miss Hosmer. It got into my throat, and almost stifled me. I sat down, and fainted away. “24. On Friday, July 3, I was sitting at dinner, when I thought I heard one come along the passage. I looked about, and saw my aunt, Margaret Scot, of Newcastle, standing at my back. On Saturday I had a letter, informing me that she died on that day.”--Thus far Elizabeth Hobson. On Sunday, JULY 10, I received the following letter from a friend, to whom I had recommended her:-- “Sunderland, July 6, 1768. “I wroTE you word before, that Elizabeth Hobson was put into possession of the house.

“I wroTE you word before, that Elizabeth Hobson was put into possession of the house. The same night her old visitant, who had not troubled her for some time, came again, and said, ‘You must meet me at Boyldon-Hill, on Thursday night, a little before twelve. You will see many appear ances,” who will call you to come to them; but do not stir, neither give them any answer. A quarter after twelve, I shall come and call you; but still do not answer, nor stir. She said, ‘It is an hardship upon me for you to desire me to meet you there. Why cannot you take your leave now?” He answered, ‘It is for your good that I desire it. I can take my leave of you now; but if I do, I must take something from you, which you would not like to part with. She said, ‘May not a few friends come with me?” He said, “They may; but they must not be present when I come.” * How strange is this I Who can account for it? June, 1768.] JOURNALs 335 “That night twelve of us met at Mr. Davison's," and spent some time in prayer. God was with us of a truth. Then six of us went with her to the place, leaving the rest to pray for us. We came thither a little before twelve, and then stood at a small distance from her. It being a fine night, we kept her in our sight, and spent the time in prayer. She stood there till a few minutes after one. When we saw her move, we went to meet her. She said, ‘Thank God, it is all over and done. I found everything as he told me. I saw many appearances, who called me to them; but I did not answer or stir. Then he came and called me at a distance; but I took no notice. Soon after, he came up to me, and said, You are come well-fortified.” He then gave her the reasons why he required her to meet him at that place, and why he could take his leave there, and not in the house, without taking something from her.

3.--I rode to Richmond, intending to preach near the house of one of our friends; but some of the chief of the town sent to desire me to preach in the market-place. The Yorkshire Militia were all there, just returned from their exercise: And a more rude rabble-rout I never saw; without sense, decency, or good manners. In running down one of the mountains yesterday, I had got a sprain in my thigh: It was rather worse to-day; but as I rode to Barnard-Castle, the sun shone so hot upon it, that, before I came to the town, it was quite well. In the evening the Commanding Officer gave orders there should be no exercise, that all the Durham Militia (what a contrast I) might be at liberty to attend the preaching. Accordingly, we had a little army of Officers as well as soldiers; and all behaved well. A large number of them were present at five in the morning. I have not found so deep and lively a work in any other part of the kingdom, as runs through the whole circuit, particularly in the vales that wind between these horrid mountains. I returned to Newcastle in the evening. Sun. 5.--I preached in the morning at Placey, to some of the most lively colliers in England; and about two at Hartley, to a still larger congregation; but to the largest of all, in the Castlegarth, at Newcastle. Tues. 7.--I went down by water to South-Shields, and preached at noon, to far more than could hear. We went, after dinner, to Tynemouth Castle, a magnificent heap of ruins. Within the walls are the remains of a very large church, which seems to have been of exquisite workmanship; and the stones are joined by so strong a cement, that, but for Cromwell’s cannon, they might have stood a thousand years. Mon. 13.--I left Newcastle, and in the residue of the month visited most of the societies in Yorkshire. Thursday, JULY 14. I crossed over into Lincolnshire, and, after spending about ten days there, returned by Doncaster, Rotherham, and Sheffield, and thence crossed over to Madeley. On Tuesday, 19, I wrote the following letter: July, 1768.] JOURNAL. 337 “REv. AND DEAR SIR, Swinfleet, July 19, 1768.

Here abundance of people flocked together, and willingly “suffered the word of exhortation.” Indeed, a more quiet, humane, courteous people, I have scarce ever seen. But I fear, they were surfeited with preaching before we set foot in the town. Sat. 6.--I went to Pembroke. We were here several times before we had any place in Haverfordwest. But we have reason to fear lest the first become last. Sunday, 7. I took a good deal of pains to compose the little misunderstandings which have much obstructed the work of God. At ten I * What is it to me 2 Aug. 1768.] JOURNAL. 339 read Prayers, preached, and administered the sacrament to a serious congregation at St. Daniel's; and the next morning left the people full of good desires, and in tolerable good humour with each other. Mon. 8.--I rode to Llanelly, and preached to a small, earnest company, on, “Ye are saved through faith.” Thence we found a kind of a way to Oxwych, where I pressed the one thing needful, on a plain, simple people, right willing to hear, with great enlargement of heart. Tues. 9.--I took a full view of the castle, situate on the top of a steep hill, and commanding a various and extensive prospect, both by sea and land. The building itself is far the loftiest which I have seen in Wales. What a taste had they who removed from hence, to bury themselves in the hole at Margam ! When we came to Neath, I was a little surprised to hear I was to preach in the church; of which the Churchwardens had the disposal, the Minister being just dead. I began reading Prayers at six, but was greatly disgusted at the manner of singing. 1. Twelve or fourteen persons kept it to themselves, and quite shut out the congregation: 2. These repeated the same words, contrary to all sense and reason, six or eight or ten times over: 3. According to the shocking custom of modern music, different persons sung different words at one and the same moment; an intolerable insult on common sense, and utterly incompatible with any devotion. Wed.

Sat. 22.--I was much surprised in reading an “Essay on Music,” wrote by one who is a thorough master of the subject, to find that the music of the ancients was as simple as that of the Methodists; that their music wholly consisted of melody, or the arrangement of single notes; that what is now called harmony, singing in parts, the whole of counter point and fugues, is quite novel, being never known in the world till the popedom of Leo the Tenth. He farther observes, that as the singing different words by different persons at the very same time necessarily prevents attention to the sense, so it frequently destroys melody for the sake of harmony; meantime it destroys the very end of music, which is to affect the passions. Mon. 24.--I left Bristol, and went, by Bath and Bradford, to Salisbury. Wednesday, 26. At one I preached in Romsey, to a very quiet, unaffected audience; and in the evening at Winchester, to a company of as poor people as I have seen for many years. Thursday, 27. The scene was changed: At Portsmouth rich and poor flocked together from all parts. Abundance of them came again at five in the morning. In the evening the House ill contained them; and never did I see any receive the word with greater earnestness. The next day I returned to London. Mon. 31.--I took horse at five, and just then found that my horse had scarce a shoe on his feet. However, I was obliged Nov. 1768.] JOURNAL, 347 (not having a minute to spare) to ride on as far as Colney. There I procured one to shoe my horse all round, and lame him on both his fore-feet. However, he halted on to Hockley, where an honest and skilful smith so altered and removed the shoes, that he did not halt any more. But by this means we had lost so much time that the sun set before we reached Whittlebury-Forest. We had then wonderful road; some of the ridings (so called) being belly-deep. However, between six and seven we came safe to Whittlebury. James Glasbrook was so wearied out, that he could scarce stir hand or foot; so I desired him to go to rest. I was weary enough myself, till I began to speak; but weariness then vanished away, and we all praised God with joyful lips. Tues.

About ten I was a little tired; but before it struck twelve, my weariness was all gone. It seemed to be the same with all the congregation; and prayer was swallowed up in praise. Sun. 23.--At nine I preached in the Royal Square at the Barracks, on the dead, small and great, standing before God. An huge multitude soon gathered together and listened with deep attention. Many of the soldiers were among them. By what means but field-preaching could we have reached these poor souls? Mon. 24.--After preaching in the evening, I went on board the packet, and the next afternoon landed at Holyhead. We reached Chester on Thursday morning. Here I finished Dr. Warner’s “History of the Irish Rebellion.” Imever saw before so impartial an account of the transactions of those times. He really seems to be of no side; but to speak the naked truth of all, according to the best light he could procure. Fri. 28.--I rode to Manchester. As we were pretty well tired, our friends there insisted on my going on in a chaise; so in the morning, Saturday, 29, we set out. When we were on the brow of the hill above Ripponden, suddenly the saddle horse fell, with the driver under him; and both lay without motion. The shaft-horse then boggled and turned short toward the edge of the precipice; but presently the driver and horse rose up unhurt, and we went on safe to Leeds. Sun. 30.--Mr. Crook being out of order, I read Prayers and preached in Hunslet church, both morning and afternoon. At five I preached at Leeds; and on Monday, 31, prepared all things for the ensuing Conference. Tuesday, AUGUST 1, it began; and a more loving one we never had. On 374 REv. J. wesley’s [Aug. 1769. Thursday I mentioned the case of our brethren at New-York, who had built the first Methodist preaching-house in America, and were in great want of money, but much more of Preachers. Two of our Preachers, Richard Boardman and Joseph Pillmoor, willingly offered themselves for the service; by whom we determined to send them fifty pounds, as a token of our brotherly love. Sat. 5.--In the evening I preached at Bradford, to an extremely crowded audience: The heat was hardly supportable. Such a day I had seldom, if ever, known in England.

A great part of the congregation was perfectly void both of sense and modesty. But at this time they were unusually quiet, as I did not take them out of their depth, in opening and applying those words, “It is appointed unto men once to die.” Tues. 17.--We went to Wallingford, a town I never saw before, though I lived so many years at Oxford. How white are the fields here unto the harvest ! The whole town seemed flocking together, rich and poor, in the evening, and received the word with joy. But who will endure to the end? Abun dance of people came again at five in the morning, and were ready to devour the word. How pleasant it is to see the dawn of a work of grace | But we must not lay too much stress upon it. Abundance of blossoms | But when the sun is up, how many of these will wither away ! Having appointed to preach in Oxford at ten, I was under some difficulty. I did not like to preach in the Dissenting meeting-house; and I did not see how to avoid it. But the proprietors cut the knot for me, by locking up the doors. So I preached in James Mears's garden: And to such a congregation as I had not had in Oxford since I preached in St. Mary’s church. Thence we went on to Witney, where we have now a large and commodious House. It was well filled in the evening; and (whoever else did) I found it good to be there; especially at the meeting of the society: The Spirit of glory and of Christ was among them. I had designed to spend another day here; but two of our friends, who were come on purpose from Broadmarston, impor tuned me much to go thither. So I set out with them on Thursday, and came to Broadmarston in the afternoon. The 382 Rev. J. wesley’s [Oct. 1769. lovely family, and the congregation from all parts, made me full amends for my labour. Great was our glorying in the Lord. Many felt the two-edged sword, and many were filled with consolation. Fri. 20.--I had appointed to be in Oxford at eight. So I took horse at two, and took chaises from Shipston, which brought me thither at my time.

383 and the next day came to Norwich. At six I preached in the shell of the new House, crowded enough both within and without. Thur. NoveMBER 2.--We went to Yarmouth, a cold, dead, uncomfortable place. Friday, 3. I laboured to gather up the fragments of the poor society, shattered to pieces by Presbyterians, Anabaptists, and disputers of all kinds; especially by one unhappy man, who had arisen among ourselves. In the evening I strongly exhorted them to “repent and do the first works.” Sat. 4.--We returned to Norwich. In coming to Yarmouth, I had called upon a young woman, alive to God, but exceeding ill. She died before I came back. This after noon I was desired to bury her. I took the opportunity of preaching at five in the burying-ground, to a multitude of people, who were all attention, as though they had already seen “the dead standing before God.” Monday, 6, and the following days, I visited as many of the people, sick and well, as I possibly could; and on Friday, 10, leaving them more united than they had been for many years, I took coach again, and the next afternoon came to London. In the coach, going and coming, I read several volumes of Mr. Guthrie's ingenious “History of Scotland:” I suppose, as impartial an one as any to be found, and as much to be depended upon. I never read any writer before who gave me so much light into the real character of that odd mixture, King James the First; nor into that of Mary Queen of Scots, so totally misrepresented by Buchanan, Queen Eliza beth’s pensioner, and her other hireling writers; and not much less, by Dr. Robertson. Them he effectually exposes, showing how grossly they contradict matter of fact, and one another. He likewise points out the many and great mistakes of Dr. R., such as seem to imply either great inattention or great partiality. Upon the whole, that much-injured Queen appears to have been far the greatest woman of that age, exquisitely beautiful in her person, of a fine address, of a deep, unaffected piety, and of a stronger understanding even in youth than Queen Elizabeth had at threescore. And probably the despair wherein Queen Elizabeth died, was owing to her death, rather than that of Lord Essex. Fri. 17.--I preached at a chapel near St. John-Street, built 384 REv.

17.--In a little journey, which I took into Bedford shire, I finished Dr. Burnet’s “Theory of the Earth.” He is doubtless one of the first-rate writers, both as to sense and style; his language is remarkably clear, unaffected, nervous, and elegant. And as to his theory, none can deny that it is ingenious, and consistent with itself. And it is highly probable, 1. That the earth arose out of the chaos in some such manner as he describes: 2. That the antediluvian earth 386 REv. J. weslBY’s [Feb. 1770. was without high or abrupt mountains, and without sea, being one uniform crust, inclosing the great abyss: 3. That the flood was caused by the breaking of this crust, and its sinking into the abyss of waters: And, 4. That the present state of the earth, both internal and external, shows it to be the ruins of the former earth. This is the substance of his two former books, and thus far I can go with him. I have no objection to the substance of his third book upon the General Conflagration, but think it one of the noblest tracts which is extant in our language. And I do not much object to the fourth, concerning the new heavens and the new earth. The substance of it is highly probable. Tues. 30.--One informed me that Mrs. Kitely, at Lambeth, not expected to live many hours, had a great desire to see me before she died. I went as quick as possible; but when I came she seemed senseless, as well as speechless. I regarded not this, but spoke to her immediately; and immediately both her understanding and her speech returned, to testify an hope full of immortality. Having had her desire, she fell asleep, two days before her husband, A perfect pattern of true womanhood. A good wife, a good parent, a good mistress; and “her works shall praise her in the gates.” How suitable was her death to her life! After many years spent in doing good, she redeemed a poor, friendless youth out of prison, took the gaol-distemper, and died. Sat. FEBRUARY 3, and at my leisure moments on several of the following days, I read with much expectation, a celebrated book,-Rousseau upon Education. But how was I disappointed ! Sure a more consummate coxcomo never saw the sun How amazingly full of himself!

Several of them appeared to be convinced of sin; five rejoicing in God their Saviour: And, upon inquiry, I found their whole behaviour was suitable to their profession. APRIL 13.--(Being Good-Friday.) Notice having been given, through mistake, of my preaching at Carlisle, I was obliged to set out from Whitehaven, immediately after the morning preaching. I preached in Cockermouth at one, and then rode on to Carlisle. It was here the day of small things; the society consisting but of fifteen members. I preached at six; and as many as could hear, behaved with the utmost seriousness. Afterwards I walked to Houghton, a village two miles from Carlisle, and on an hard, clean bed, slept in peace. Sat. 14.--I preached at five to most of the village, though on so short a warning; and at eight in Carlisle. Leaving Mr. Rankin to preach in the evening, I rode on to Long town; where, finding no better place to screen us from the wind, I stood in a large, broad entry, with a room on either hand. Many crowded in here; the rest stood at the door. APRIL 15.--(Being Easter-Day.) Joseph Guilford preached at five. At eight I preached in a little Square; but at one I was desired to preach in the market-place, where was a far more numerous congregation. Afterwards we took horse, and before eight reached an admirable inn at Dumfries. April, 1770.] JOURNAL, 395 Mon. 16.--We had a fair morning till we began to climb up Enterkine, one of the highest mountains in the west of Scotland. We then got into a Scotch mist, and were drop ping wet, before we came to the Lead-Hills. In the evening we reached Lesmahagoe, and Glasgow on Tuesday, where I spent two days with much satisfaction. I had designed to go straight from hence to Perth; but being desired to take Edinburgh in my way, I rode thither on Friday, and endeavoured to confirm those whom many had strove to turn out of the way. What pity is it that the children of God should so zealously do the devil’s work How is it that they are still ignorant of Satan’s devices? Lord, what is man P Sat. 21.--Pushing through violent wind and rain, we came to Perth in the afternoon. This evening the Tolbooth contained the congregation, and at eight in the morning.

It rained, as usual, all the time; but the congregation stood as still as the trees; and God did satisfy the hungry with good things, many of whom have given him all their heart. Tues. 26.--It rained all the time I was preaching at Otley, to a numerous congregation; and they drank in the words of life, just as the thirsting earth the showers. The next evening I preached in the House at Yeadon, the rain not suffering us to stand abroad. Thur. 28.--I rode to Mr. Sutcliffe's at Hoohole; a lovely valley, encompassed with high mountains. I stood on the smooth grass before his house, (which stands on a gently rising ground,) and all the people on the slope before me. It was a glorious opportunity. I trust many “came boldly to the throne,” and found “grace to help in time of need.” I can hardly believe that I am this day entered into the sixty-eighth year of my age. How marvellous are the ways of God! How has he kept me even from a child ! From ten to thirteen or fourteen, I had little but bread to eat, and not great plenty of that. I believe this was so far from hurting me, that it laid the foundation of lasting health. When I grew up, in consequence of reading Dr. Cheyne, I chose to eat sparingly, and drink water. This was another great means of continuing my health, till I was about seven and-twenty. I then began spitting of blood, which continued several years. A warm climate cured this. I was afterwards brought to the brink of death by a fever; but it left me July, 1770.] JOURNAL. 403 healthier than before. Eleven years after, I was in the third stage of a consumption; in three months it pleased God to remove this also. Since that time I have known neither pain nor sickness, and am now healthier than I was forty years ago. This hath God wrought ! On Friday and Saturday I preached at Heptonstall, Colne, and Keighley. Sunday, JULY 1. Being much concerned for the poor parishioners of Haworth, who hear and hear, and are no more affected than stones, I spoke to them in the most cutting manner I could.

At five in the evening I went to the market-place in Nottingham. Thou sands upon thousands flocked together; and all were still as Aug. 1770.] JOURNAL, 407 night, while I opened and applied, “I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ.” We closed the day with a love-feast, during which four mourners found peace with God; two of them could not avoid declaring it in the presence of all their brethren. Mon. 30.--I preached at Bingham, ten miles from Notting ham. I really admired the exquisite stupidity of the people. They gaped and stared while I was speaking of death and judgment, as if they had never heard of such things before. And they were not helped by two surly, ill-mannered Clergy men, who seemed to be just as wise as themselves. The congregation at Houghton in the evening was more noble, behaving with the utmost decency. Tues. 31.--At nine I preached in the market-place at Loughborough, to almost as large a congregation as at Nottingham, and equally attentive. Thence I rode to Mark field. Notwithstanding the harvest, the church was quickly filled. And great was our rejoicing in our great High Priest, through whom we “came boldly to the throne of grace.” In the evening I preached in the Castle-yard at Leicester, to a multitude of awakened and unawakened. One feeble attempt was made to disturb them; a man was sent to cry fresh salmon at a little distance; but he might as well have spared the pains, for none took the least notice of him. Wed. AUGUST 1.--I rode to Northampton. It being still extremely hot, I determined not to be cooped up, but took my stand on the side of the Common, and cried aloud to a large multitude of rich and poor, “Acquaint thyself now with him, and be at peace.” Thur. 2.--Some friends from London met us at St. Alban’s. Before dinner we took a walk in the Abbey, one of the most ancient buildings in the kingdom, near a thousand years old; and one of the largest, being five hundred and sixty feet in length, (considerably more than Westminster Abbey,) and broad and high in proportion. Near the east end is the tomb and vault of good Duke Humphrey. Some now living remember since his body was entire.

I got a few of them together; but did not find so much as one, who had not given up his confidence. At nine I renewed the meeting of the children, which had also been given up for a long season. But so dead a company have I seldom seen. I found scarce one spark of even the fear of God among them. In the evening I preached before the House at St. Just, on, “I saw the dead, small and great, stand before God.” It was a glorious hour. The same spirit breathed upon us, at the meeting of the society. At such a season, who does not feel that nothing is too hard for God? Aug. 1770.] JOURNAL. 409 On Tuesday and Wednesday I preached at Newlyn, Gold sithney and St. John's. Thursday, 30. I rode to Falmouth; and preached at two in the afternoon near the church, to a greater number of people than I ever saw there before, except the mob, five-and-twenty years ago. I preached at Penryn in the evening; Friday noon in Crowan; in the evening at Treworgey, near Redruth. Here I met with an ingenious book, the late Lord Lyttleton's “Dialogues of the Dead.” A great part of it I could heartily subscribe to, though not to every word. I believe Madam Guion was in several mistakes, speculative and practical too: Yet I would no more dare to call her, than her friend, Archbishop Fenelon, “a distracted enthusiast.” She was undoubtedly a woman of a very uncommon understanding, and of excellent piety. Nor was she any more “a lunatic,” than she was an heretic. Another of this lively writer's assertions is, “Martin has spawned a strange brood of fellows, called Methodists, Moravians, Hutchinsonians, who are madder than Jack was in his worst days.” I would ask any one who knows what good breeding means, is this language for a nobleman or a porter? But let the language be as it may, is the sentiment just? To say nothing of the Methodists, (although some of them too are not quite out of their senses,) could his Lordship show me in England many more sensible men than Mr. Gambold and Mr. Okely? And yet both of these were called Moravians. Or could he point out many men of stronger and deeper understanding than Dr. Horne and Mr. William Jones?

3.--Between eight and nine, while I was preaching at Truro, we had only a few light showers; although, a few miles off, there was impetuous rain, with violent thunder and lightning. About noon I preached at Mevagissey, in a vacant space near the middle of the town, and strongly applied those words, “Turn ye, turn ye, from your evil ways; for why will ye die, O house of Israel?” At six I stood at the head of the street, in St. Austle, and enforced, on a large and quiet congregation, “Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve,” After visiting Medros, Plymouth, and Collumpton, I came on Friday, 7, to Taunton. Presently after preaching, I took horse. The rain obliged us to make haste; but in a while the saddle came over his neck, and then turned under his belly I had then only to throw myself off, or I must have fallen under him. I was a little bruised, but soon mounted again, and rode to Lympsham, and the next day to Bristol. Sun. 9.--My voice was weak when I preached at Princes Street in the morning. It was stronger at two in the after moon, while I was preaching under the sycamore-tree in Kingswood; and strongest of all at five in the evening, when we assembled near King's Square in Bristol. Tues. 11.--In the evening I preached at Frome; but not abroad, as I designed, because of the rain. The next evening I preached in the adjoining meadow, to as quiet a congregation as that in the House. Sun. 16.--The appointed Preacher not coming in time, I preached myself at five; at eight in Princes-Street, at two in 414 REv. J. wesLEY’s [Sept. 1770. Kingswood, and near King’s Square at five in the evening, Saturday, 15. It was the day before, that I first observed a very uncom mon concern in the children at Kingswood School, while I was explaining, and enforcing upon them, the first principles of religion. Tues. 18.--Most of them went to see the body of Francis Evans, one of our neighbours, who died two or three days before. About seven Mr. Hindmarsh met them all in the school, and gave an exhortation suited to the occasion.

Wednesday, 10. I preached at Fordingbridge, to a serious, well-behaved congregation: Only two young gentlewomen were at first inclined to mirth. But in the evening, two young women at Salisbury retained their mirth to the end; being greatly diverted with hearing of “the dead, small and great, standing before God!” Now what understanding have these pretty things? Have they as much as many children six years old? Thur. 11.--About eleven I preached at Winchester, to a genteel and yet serious congregation. I was a little tired before I came to Portsmouth, but the congregation soon made me forget my weariness. Indeed the people in general here are more noble than most in the south of England. They receive the word of God “with all readiness of mind,” and show civility, at least, to all that preach it. Fri. 12.--I walked round the Dock, much larger than any Oct. 1770.] JOURNAL. 419 other in England. The late fire began in a place where no one comes, just at low water, and at a time when all were fast asleep. So that none can doubt its being done by design. It spread with such amazing violence, among tow, and cordage, and dry wood, that none could come near without the utmost danger. Nor was anything expected, but that the whole Dock would be consumed, if not the town also. But this God would not permit. It stopped on one side, close to the Commissioner's house; and just as it was seizing the town on the other side, the wind changed and drove it back. Afterwards the fury of it was checked, by water, by sand, and by pulling down some buildings. And yet it was full five weeks before it was wholly put out. Saturday, 13. I set out at two, and in the afternoon came to the Foundery. Mon. 15.--I set out for Oxfordshire, and was throughly wet in my way to Wallingford. The congregation was large, and deeply serious. Tuesday, 16. I preached at Witney, in the new House, and again on Thursday morning. After service, many crowding with me into the House, I spent some time with them in prayer. It was a happy opportunity; and many praised God for the consolation they received. We had afterwards a fair and pleasant ride to High Wycomb.

i. 16,) including * I did not desert her: I did not send her away: I will never recall her. 424. Rev. J. wesley’s [March, 1771. their satellites also. But be this as it may, is it well thus to run down all that differ from us? Dr. Pye is an ingenious man; but so is Dr. Robinson also. So are twenty more, although they understand Moses in a quite different manner. Thur. 14.--I went through both the upper and lower rooms of the London Workhouse. It contains about an hundred children, who are in as good order as any private family. And the whole house is as clean, from top to bottom, as any gentleman's needs be. And why is not every workhouse in London, yea, through the kingdom, in the same order? Purely for want either of sense, or of honesty and activity, in them that superintend it. Tues. 19.--I preached once more at Welling, to a larger congregation than I have seen there for many years. And many seemed to be uncommonly affected: Particularly one young gentlewoman, who had never heard any preaching of this kind before this evening. After struggling some time, she cried out aloud, and could not be comforted; although her mother told her how good she was; nay, and had been all her life. Wed. 20.--We never, that I remember, before had such a congregation at Wapping, either of hearers or communicants; and very seldom such an outpouring of the Spirit. Saturday, 23. We had the greatest number of communicants at Snows fields, that we have had since the chapel was built. It seems as if God were about throughly to heal the wound which we received here in the house of our friends. Mon. 25.--I showed a friend, coming out of the country, the tombs in Westminster Abbey. The two with which I still think none of the others worthy to be compared, are that of Mrs. Nightingale, and that of the Admiral rising out of his tomb at the resurrection. But the vile flattery inscribed on many of them reminded me of that just reflection,-- If on the sculptur'd marble you rely, Pity that worth like his should ever die. If credit to the real life you give, Pity a wretch like him should ever live : Sun.

15.--I rode to Birr, through much hail and snow, driven in our face by a furious wind. So was the hail the next day, as we rode to Tullamore. Here, likewise, I lamented the want of zeal. So the society here also is no larger than it was two years ago. On the following days I preached at Coolylough, Mount Mellick, and Portarlington. Monday, 22. I rode to Kilkenny. The new preaching-house was just finished,--a meat and com modious building. But before we came to it in the evening, it was filled from end to end. So it was the next evening. On Wednesday, 24, I cheerfully commended them to the grace of God. In the evening I knew not where to preach at Enniscorthy, the wind being very high and very cold. But I was in some 430 REv. J. weslEY’s [May, 1771. measure sheltered by the side of an house; and the people standing close together, sheltered one another. Only a few careless ones were blown away. Thur. 25.--Two of our brethren from Wexford earnestly entreated me to go thither. I preached in the market-house at ten o’clock. The congregation was very large, and very genteel; and yet as remarkably well-behaved as any I have seen in the kingdom. By hard riding we reached Waterford before six, where the House tolerably well contained the congregation: So it generally does the first night I am here. Fri. 26.--I laboured to calm the minds of some that had separated from their brethren; but it was labour lost. After two or three hours spent in fruitless altercation, I was throughly convinced that they would not, and ought not to be re-united to them. Sun. 28.--At eleven, and again in the afternoon, I went to the cathedral, where a young gentleman most valiantly encoun tered the “grievous wolves,” as he termed the Methodists. I never heard a man strike more wide of the mark. However, the shallow discourse did good; for it sent abundance of people, rich and poor, to hear and judge for themselves. So that the court, at the top of which I stood, was filled from end to end. Mon. 29.-In the evening I preached in the market-place at Clonmell, to a listening multitude. Some seemed inclined to disturb; but the serious, well-behaved Troopers kept them all in awe. Tues.

26.--I rode to Llanelly, and at six read Prayers, and preached in another large church, almost as ruinous as that at Pembroke. The congregation was numerous; yet most of them seemed to understand what they heard. Tuesday, 27. We crept through a right Welsh road, and reached Oxwych between twelve and one. The congregation had waited for some time; so I began without delay. The road to Swansea was a little better; so I reached the town in time; and at six preached in the yard, as our Room would contain hardly a third of the people. Wednesday, 28. I called at Neath, on one of our friends; but, before I could sit down, was informed a congregation was waiting for me. This I had no thought of: However, I gave them a short sermon, and hastened on to Coy church, near Bridge-End. I preached as deliberately as possible, as great part of the audience were Welsh: And I believe, by this means, all of them could understand at least the substance of the discourse. About six I preached in the Town-Hall, at Cowbridge, to high and low, rich and poor; and the two next evenings in the Court-House at Cardiff, to a still larger congregation. After wards we had a comfortable love-feast, which brought to our mind former days, when we praised God with Ann Jenkins, Arthur Price, and Thomas Glascott, before Thomas Prosser sowed the deadly tares among them. Sat. 31.--I returned to Bristol, and in part of the following week visited some of the neighbouring societies. Friday, SEPTEMBER 6. I spent an hour among our children at Kingswood. It is strange | How long shall we be con strained to weave Penelope's web 7 What is become of the wonderful work of grace which God wrought in them last September? It is gone ! It is lost ! It is vanished away ! There is scarce any trace of it remaining ! Then we must begin again; and in due time we shall reap, if we faint not. Mon. 9.--I read over Dr. Cadogan's ingenious treatise on Oct. 1771.] JOURNAL. 443 Chronical Distempers. It is certainly true that “very few of them are properly hereditary;” that most of them spring either from indolenee, or intemperance, or irregular passions. But why should he condemn wine toto genere, which is one of the noblest cordials in nature?

Yet, 4. I admire him for doing justice to many great men, who have been generally misrepresented; Manlius Capitolinus, in particular, as well as the two Gracchi. So that, upon the whole, this is far the best history of Rome that I have seen. I read to-day a circumstantial account of the late inundations in the north of England, occasioned by the sudden and violent overflowing of three rivers, the Tees, the Wear, and the Tyne. All these have their rise within a few miles of each other, in a mountain at the head of Teesdale and Weardale; on which there was nothing more than a little mizzling rain, till the very hour when the rivers rose, and poured down such an amazing quantity of water as utterly astonished the people of Sunder land, at the mouth of the Wear, overflowed all the lower part of Newcastle-upon-the-Tyne, and filled the main street of Yarm, upon the Tees, with water nine or ten feet deep. Such an overflowing of these rivers none ever saw before, nor have we an account of any such in history. Rain was not the cause of this; for there was next to none at the head of these rivers. What was the cause we may learn from a letter wrote at this time, by a Clergyman in Carlisle:--“Nothing is so surprising as what lately happened at Solway-Moss, about ten miles north from Carlisle. About four hundred acres of this Moss arose to such a height above the adjacent level, that at last it rolled forward like a torrent, and continued its course above a mile, sweeping along with it houses and trees, and every other thing in its way. It divided itself into islands of different extent, from one to ten feet in thickness. It is remarkable, that no river or brook runs either through or near the Moss.” To what cause then can any thinking man impute this, but 450 REv. J. wesDEY’s [Dec. 1771. to an earthquake? And the same doubtless it was, which, about the same time, wrought in the bowels of that great mountain, whence those rivers, rise, and discharged from thence that astonishing quantity of water. Sun. 8.--I read a little more of that strange book, Baron Swedenborg's Theologia Caelestis. It surely contains many excellent things.

4.--At five I took my leave of this blessed people. I was a little surprised, in looking attentively upon them, to June, 1772.] JOURNAL, 467 observe so many beautiful faces as I never saw before in one congregation; many of the children in particular, twelve or fourteen of whom (chiefly boys) sat full in my view. But I allow, much more might be owing to grace than nature, to the heaven within, that shone outward. Before I give a more particular account of this work of God, it may be well to look back to the very beginning of it. In this part of Weardale, the people in general are employed in the lead-mines. In the year 1749, Mr. Hopper and John Brown came and preached among them. But it made no impression; none opposed, and none asked them to eat or drink. Mr. H., nevertheless, made them several visits in the ensuing spring and summer. Towards autumn four found peace with God, and agreed to meet together. At Christmas two of the Exhorters in Allandale determined to visit Wear dale. Before they entered it, they kneeled down on the snow, and earnestly besought the Lord that he would incline some person, who was worthy, to receive them into his house. At the first house where they called, they were bid welcome, and they stayed there four days. Their word was with power, so that many were convinced, and some converted to God. One of these Exhorters was Jacob Rowell. They continued their visits, at intervals, all winter. In the beginning of summer, about twenty lively, steady people were joined together. From that time they gradually increased to thirty-five, and continued about that number for ten years. There was then a remarkable revival among them, by means of Samuel Meggot; so that they increased to eighty; but, four years since, they were reduced to sixty-three. From that time they increased again, and were, in August, an hundred and twenty. In two respects, this society has always been peculiarly remarkable: The one, they have been the most liberal in pro viding everything needful for the Preachers: The other, they have been particularly careful with regard to marriage. They have in general married with each other; and that not for the sake of money, but virtue.

Imme diately he was seized with racking pains all over, and in two hours expired. At one I preached at Heptonstall, to some thousands of people, who stood just before the preaching-house, on a lovely Green, which rises, slope above slope, like artificial terraces. Hence we climbed up and down wonderful mountains to Keighley; where many, from various parts, were waiting for us. Sunday, 5. Not half the congregation at Haworth could get into the church in the morning, nor a third part in the afternoon. So I stood on a kind of pulpit, near the side of the church. Such a congregation was never seen there before; and I believe all heard distinctly. Mon. 6.--At noon I preached to a large congregation at Bingley, and at Bradford in the evening. From this comfort able place, on Wednesday, 8, I went to Halifax. My old friend, Titus Knight, offered me the use of his new meeting, larger than Dr. Taylor’s at Norwich, full as superb, (so he terms it in his poem,) and finished with the utmost elegance. But I judged more people would attend in the open air: So I preached in the cow-market, to an huge multitude. Our House was well filled at five in the morning. At ten I preached in the new House at Thong; at two, in the market-place at Huddersfield, to full as large a congregation as at Halifax. Such another we had at Dewsbury, in the evening; and my strength was as my day. Sat. 11.--I was presented with Mr. Hill's Review, a curio sity in its kind. But it has nothing to do either with good nature or good manners; for he is writing to an Arminian. 476 REv. J. wesLEY’s [July, 1772. I almost wonder at his passionate desire to measure swords with me. This is the third time he has fallen upon me without fear or wit. Tandem extorquebis ut vapules.* Sun. 12.--I preached at Morley about nine, Birstal at one, and Leeds in the evening. Monday, 13. I preached in Ledstone church, and spoke as plain and close as I could: But it seemed to be Heathen Greek to the congregation. In the evening we had such another congregation at Doncaster. Tuesday, 14. I preached at Sheffield; Thursday, 16, at Hathenham; and Friday, 17, at Hatfield.

Before two we reached Longner. After we had dimed, a poor woman came in, and another, and another, till we had seven teen or eighteen men and women, with whom we spent a little time very comfortably in prayer and praise. At the end of the town the chaise broke down. We had two-and-twenty miles to Burslem; so I took horse, and, making haste, came thither a little before preaching time. Wednesday, 12. I preached at Salop, and spake strong words, to the amazement of many notional believers. Thursday, 13. I preached at the Hay. Friday, 14. About noon, at the request of my old friend Howell Harris, I preached at Trevecka, on the strait gate; and we found our hearts knit together as at the beginning. He said, “I have borne with those pert, ignorant young men, vulgarly called students, till I cannot in con science bear any longer. They preach bare-faced Reprobation, and so broad Antinomianism, that I have been constrained to oppose them to the face, even in the public congregation.” It is no wonder they should preach thus. What better can be expected from raw lads of little understanding, little learning, and no experience? After spending a day or two very comfortably at Brecknock, on Monday, 17, I preached in the Castle at Carmarthen; and on Tuesday, 18, in the new House at Haverfordwest, far the neatest in Wales. There is a considerable increase in this society, and not in number only. After preaching on Wednes day evening, we had such a meeting as I have seldom known. Almost every one spoke, as well as they could for tears, and with the utmost simplicity; and many of them appeared to know “the great salvation,” to love God with all their heart. Thur. 20.--I rode over to Mr. Bowen’s, at Llanguire; an agreeable place, and an agreeable family. Here I rejoiced to meet with Mr. Pugh, whose living is within a mile of Llanguire. In the evening he read Prayers at Newport, and preached to a deeply serious congregation. I trust his lot is cast for good among a people both desirous and capable of instruction. Friday, 21. I preached again about eight, and then rode back to Harford.

He traced them to the ditch, whence the groans came. He lifted her up, not knowing her at all, as her face was covered with blood, carried her to a neigh bouring house, and, running to the village, quickly brought a Surgeon. She was just alive; but her throat was much hurt, so that she could not speak at all. “Just then a young man of the village was missing. Search being made, he was apprehended in an alehouse two miles off. He had all her clothes with him in a bag, which, he said, he found. It was three months before she was able to go abroad. He was arraigned at the Assizes. She knew him perfectly, and swore to the man. He was condemned, and soon after executed.” Mon. 23.--I opened the new House at Dorking, and was much comforted both this and the following evening. In returning to London, I read over Belisarius. The historical part is both affecting and instructive. But his tedious detail of the duties of a King might very well be spared. Wed. DECEMBER 2.--I preached at the new preaching house, in the parish of Bromley. In speaking severally to the members of the society, I was surprised at the openness and artlessness of the people. Such I should never have expected to find within ten miles of London. Mon. 7.--I went to Canterbury, and on Tuesday to Dover. The raw, pert young men that lately came hither, (vulgarly, though very improperly, called students,) though they have left no stone unturned, have not been able to tear away one single member from our society. I preached here two evenings and two mornings, to a large and much affected congregation. Thur. 10.--I preached at Margate about one, and at Canterbury in the evening. Friday, 11. Passing through Sittingbourne, I found a congregation ready; so I gave them a short discourse, and went on to Chatham. In this journey I read over Sir John Dalrymple’s “Memoirs of the Revolution.” He appears to be a man of strong under Dec. 1772.] JOURNAL, 485 standing; and the book is wrote with great accuracy of language, (allowing for a few Scotticisms,) and intermixed with very sensible reflections. But I observe, 1. He believes just as much of the Bible as David Hume did.

12.--I took my leave of this affectionate people, and in the evening preached at Clare. What a contrast between Clare and Limerick l--A little ruinous town; no inn that could afford us either meat, or drink, or comfortable lodging; May, 1773.] JOURNAL. 493 no society, and next to no congregation, till the soldiers came. After preaching, I spent an agreeable hour with the Commanding Officer; and, having procured a tolerable lodging in the barracks, slept in peace. Thur. 13.--We went on, through a most dreary country, to Galway; where, at the late survey, there were twenty thousand Papists, and five hundred Protestants. But which of them. are Christians, have the mind that was in Christ, and walk as he walked? And without this, how little does it avail, whether they are called Protestants or Papists' At six I preached in the Court-House, to a large congregation, who all behaved well. Friday, 14. In the evening I preached at Ballinrobe; and on Saturday went on to Castlebar. Enter ing the town, I was struck with the sight of the Charter School;--no gate to the court-yard, a large chasm in the wall, heaps of rubbish before the house-door, broken windows in abundance; the whole a picture of slothfulness, nastiness, and desolation | I did not dream there were any inhabitants, till, the next day, I saw about forty boys and girls walking from church. As I was just behind them, I could not but observe, 1. That there was neither Master nor Mistress, though, it seems, they were both well: 2. That both boys and girls were completely dirty: 3. That none of them seemed to have any garters on, their stockings hanging about their heels: 4. That in the heels, even of many of the girls’ stockings, were holes larger than a crown-piece. I gave a plain account of these things to the Trustees of the Charter-School in Dublin: Whether they are altered or no, I cannot tell. Sun. 16.--I preached in the Grand-Jury room, morning and evening, to a lovely congregation, whose hearts seemed to be as melting wax. Monday, 17. I spent a comfortable afternoon with the amiable family at Rehins. I know not that I could bear many such days: Strong cordials must not be taken too often. Tuesday, 18. I went on to Tubber carragh, and on Wednesday morning to Sligo.

I went on to Tubber carragh, and on Wednesday morning to Sligo. Here I expected little comfort, as having little expectation of doing any good; and the less, as some strollers were acting a play over the market-house where I was to preach. At seven I began in our own Room. Many of the soldiers, with some Officers, were present; and the whole congregation, rich and poor, were so remarkably serious, that I had a faint hope we shall see some fruit, even in cold, barren Sligo. 494 REv. J. weslEY’s [May, 1773. Thur. 20.--We had a large congregation of soldiers, as well as townsmen, at five in the morning. In the evening I preached in the market-house to such a congregation as has not been seen here for many years. Surely God is giving yet another call to the poor, stupid sinners of Sligo. Fri. 21.--I went on to Manorhamilton, and preached to a large and serious congregation. Saturday, 22. In our way to Swadlingbar, the hinder axle-tree of the chaise broke in two. I borrowed an horse, and rode on till we overtook one of our friends who was a coachmaker. By his help the damage was repaired, and things made, at least, as good as they were before. In the evening we had a large congregation of (mostly) experienced Christians, and a larger at eight in the morning on Sunday; but the grand concourse was in the evening; when the hearts of the people were as wax melting before the fire, and I trust many received the stamp of love. Mon. 24.--About noon I preached to just such another congregation at Tonnylommon. Afterwards I talked with four men and eight women, who believe they are saved from sin. Their words were in wisdom as well as in power: I think none who heard them could doubt of their testimony. One of my horses having a shoe loose, I borrowed Mr. Watson’s horse, and left him with the chaise. When we came near Enniskillen, I desired two only to ride with me, and the rest of our friends to keep at a distance. Some masons were at work on the first bridge, who gave us some coarse words.

Some masons were at work on the first bridge, who gave us some coarse words. We had abundance more as we rode through the town; but many soldiers being in the street, and taking know ledge of me in a respectful manner, the mob shrunk back. An hour after, Mr. Watson came in the chaise. Before he came to the bridge, many ran together, and began to throw what ever came next to hand. The bridge itself they had blocked up with large stones, so that a carriage could not pass; but an old man cried out, “Is this the way you use strangers?” and rolled away the stones. The mob quickly rewarded him by plastering him over with mortar from head to foot. They then fell upon the carriage, which they cut with stones in several places, and well nigh covered with dirt and mortar. From one end of the town to the other, the stones flew thick about the coachman’s head. Some of them were two or three pounds’ weight, which they threw with all their might. If May, 1773.] JOURNAL. 495 but one of them had struck him, it would have effectually prevented him from driving any farther; and then, doubtless, they would have given an account of the chaise and horses. I preached at Sydore in the evening and morning, and then set out for Roosky. The road lay not far from Enniskillen. When we came pretty near the town, both men and women saluted us, first with bad words, and then with dirt and stones. My horses soon left them behind; but not till they had broke one of the windows, the glass of which came pouring in upon me; but did me no further hurt. About an hour after, John Smith came to Enniskillen. The masons on the bridge preparing for battle, he was afraid his horse would leap with him into the river; and therefore chose to alight. Immediately they poured in upon him a whole shower of dirt and stones. However, he made his way through the town, though pretty much daubed and bruised. At Roosky, Mr. Macburney, one of our Preachers, gave me the following account:--On Thursday, March 4, he went to Mr. Perry’s, a quarter of a mile from Achalun, a village six or seven miles from Enniskillen.

This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized by Google as part of an ongoing effort to preserve the information in books and make it universally accessible. https://books.google.com 3.2/7 , 10% / ; 27 // Michigan State University o | \o soMETIME FELLOW of LINCOLN college, oxFord. 1872. [ENTERED AT STATIONERs' HALL.] HARMER & HARLEY, PRINTERs, 39-44, CowPER STREET, FINsBURY, E.C. r- ---- Mon. SEPTEMBER 13.--My cold remaining, I was ill able to speak. In the evening I was much worse, my palate and throat being greatly inflamed. However, I preached as I could ; but I could then go no farther. I could swallow neither liquids nor solids, and the windpipe seemed nearly closed. I lay down at myusual time, but the defluxion of rheum was so uninterrupted, that I slept not a minute till near three in the morning. On the following nine days I grew better. Friday, 17. I went to Kingswood, and found several of the children still alive to God. Sat. 18.--I gave them a short exhortation, which tired but did not hurt me. Sun. 19.--I thought myself able to speak to the congre gation, which I did for half an hour; but afterwards I found a pain in my left side and in my shoulder by turns, exactly as I did at Canterbury twenty years before. In the morning I could scarce lift my hand to my head; but, after being electrified, I was much better; so that I preached with tolerable ease in the evening; and the next evening read the letters, though my voice was weak. From this time I slowly recovered my voice and my strength, and on Sunday preached without any trouble. Wed. 29.--After preaching at Pensford, I went to Publow, and in the morning spent a little time with the lovely children. Those of them who were lately affected, did not appear to have lost anything of what they had received; and some of them were clearly gaining ground, and advancing in the faiti, which works by love. Sunday, October 3. I took a solemn leave of the society at Bristol, now consisting of eight hundred members. Mon. 4.--I went, by Shepton-Mallet, to Shaftesbury, and on Tuesday to Salisbury. Wednesday, 6. Taking chaise at two in the morning, in the evening I came well to London.

Some months after I observed, testiculum alterum altero duplo majorem esse. I consulted a Physician: He told me it was a common case, and did not imply any disease at all. In May twelvemonth it was grown near as large as a hen’s egg. Being then at Edinburgh, Dr. Hamilton insisted on my having the advice of Drs. Gregory and Munro. They immediately saw it was a Hydrocele, and advised me, as soon as I came to London, to aim at a radical cure, which they judged might be effected in about sixteen days: When I came to London, I consulted Mr. Wathem. He advised me, 1. Not to think of a radical cure, which could not be hoped for, without my lying in one posture fifteen or sixteen days. And he did not know whether this might not give a wound to my constitution, which I should never recover. 2. To do nothing while I continued easy. And this advice I was determined to take. Last month the swelling was often painful. So on this day, Mr. Wathen performed the operation, and drew off something more than half a pint of a thin, yellow, transparent water. With this came out (to his no small surprise) a pearl of the Feb. 1774.] JOURNAL, 7 size of a small shot; which he supposed might be one cause of the disorder, by occasioning a conflux of humours to the part. Wednesday, 5. I was as perfectly easy, as if no operation had been performed. Tues. 11.-I began at the east end of the town to visit the society from house to house. I know no branch of the pas toral office, which is of greater importance than this. But it is so grievous to flesh and blood, that I can prevail on few, even of our Preachers, to undertake it. Sun. 23.−Mr. Pentycross assisted me at the chapel. O what a curse upon the poor sons of men is the confusion of opinions ! Worse by many degrees than the curse of Babel, the confusion of tongues. What but this could prevent this amiable young man from joining heart and hand with us? Mon. 24.--I was desired by Mrs. Wright, of New-York, to let her take my effigy in wax-work. She has that of Mr. Whitefield and many others; but none of them, I think, comes up to a well-drawn picture. Fri.

I was agreeably surprised. They have fairly profited since I was here last. Such a number of persons having sound Christian experience I never found in this society before. I preached in the evening to a very elegant June, 1774.] JOURNAs. 17 congregation, and yet with great enlargement of heart. Satur day, 4. I found uncommon liberty at Edinburgh in applying Ezekiel's vision of the Dry Bones. As I was walking home, two men followed me, one of whom said, “Sir, you are my prisoner. I have a warrant from the Sheriff, to carry you to the Tolbooth.” At first I thought he jested; but finding the thing was serious, I desired one or two of our friends to go up with me. When we were safe lodged in a house adjoining to the Tolbooth, I desired the Officer to let me see his warrant. I found the prosecutor was one George Sutherland, once a member of the society. He had deposed, “That Hugh Saun derson, one of John Wesley’s Preachers, had taken from his wife one hundred pounds in money, and upwards of thirty pounds in goods; and had, besides that, terrified her into madness; so that, through the want of her help, and the loss of business, he was damaged five hundred pounds.” Before the Sheriff, Archibald Cockburn, Esq., he had deposed, “That the said John Wesley and Hugh Saunder son, to evade her pursuit, were preparing to fly the country; and therefore he desired his warrant to search for, seize, and incarcerate them in the Tolbooth, till they should find security for their appearance.” To this request the Sheriff had assented, and given his warrant for that purpose. But why does he incarcerate John Wesley P Nothing is laid against him, less or more. Hugh Saunderson preaches in connexion with him. What then 2 Was not the Sheriff strangely overseen 2 Mr. Sutherland furiously insisted that the Officer should carry us to the Tolbooth without delay. However, he waited till two or three of our friends came, and gave a bond for our appearance on the 24th instant. Mr. S. did appear, the cause was heard, and the prosecutor fined one thousand pounds. Sun. 5.--About eight I preached at Ormiston, twelve miles from Edinburgh.

Hence we hasted to Richmond, where I preached in a kind of Square. All the Yorkshire Militia were there; and so were their Officers, who kept them in awe, so that they behaved with decency. At six I preached at the end of our House in Barnard-Castle. I was faint and feverish when I began; but the staying an hour in a cold bath (for the wind was very high and sharp) quite refreshed me; so that all my faintness was gone, and I was perfectly well when I concluded. Wed. 15.--I went on by Durham to Sunderland. Saturday, 18. I preached at Biddick. It was fair while I was preaching, but rained very hard both before and after. Sunday, 19. I preached at the east end of the town, I think, to the largest congregation I ever saw at Sunderland. The rain did not begin till I had concluded. At two I preached at the Fell, at five in the Orphan-House. Mon. 20.-About nine I set out for Horsley, with Mr. Hopper and Mr. Smith. I took Mrs. Smith and her two little girls, in the chaise with me. About two miles from the town just on the brow of the hill, on a sudden both the horses set 20 REv. J. WESLEY’s [June, 1774. out, without any visible cause, and flew down the hill, like an arrow out of a bow. In a minute John fell off the coach-box. The horses then went on full speed, sometimes to the edge of the ditch on the right, sometimes on the left. A cart came up against them: They avoided it as exactly as if the man had been on the box. A narrow bridge was at the foot of the hill. They went directly over the middle of it. They ran up the next hill with the same speed; many persons meeting us, but getting out of the way. Near the top of the hill was a gate, which led into a farmer's yard. It stood open. They turned short, and run through it, without touching the gate on one side, or the post on the other. I thought, “However, the gate which is on the other side of the yard, and is shut, will stop them:” But they rushed through it as if it had been a cobweb, and galloped on through the corn-field.

Sun. 10.--Some of Tadcaster informing me that the Minis ter was willing I should preach in the church, I went thither in the morning. But his mind was changed: So I preached in the street, to a listening multitude, from the Lesson for the day, on the righteousness which exceeds that of the Scribes and Pharisees; in the morning and evening at York. Tuesday, 12, was the Quarterly Meeting. It was a busy, and yet a comfortable, day. Many were refreshed, both at the love-seast, and while I was describing the “hundred forty and July, 1774.] JOURNAL. 23 four thousand,” standing “with the Lamb on mount Sion.” Who is ambitious to be of that number? Thur. 14.--About nine I preached at Wakefield, and in the evening at Doncaster. Here also God has a few names. Friday, 15. About eleven I preached at Thorne, and in the evening at Rotherham, to a people who both understand and love the Gospel. Sat. 16.-I went to Epworth, and preached in the market place to a numerous and quiet congregation. Sunday, 17. About eight I preached at Misterton. The sun shining in my face was a little troublesome at first; but was soon covered with clouds. We had an useful sermon at Haxey church. About one I preached at Overthorpe; and between four and five, the rain being stayed, I began in Epworth market-place. Such a congregation never met there before ; and they did not meet in vain. Mon. 18.--I reached Brigg before eight; and, by the request of the chief persons in the town, preached at nine in the market place, to a large and attentive congregation. Hence I went on to Tealby, and preached near the church to a multitude of plain, serious country-people: Very different from the wild, unbroken herd, to whom I preached at Horncastle in the evening. Tues. 19.--I preached at Louth about noon, and at Grimsby in the evening. At ten, on Wednesday, 20, I preached at Wimberton. None of the hearers was more attentive than an old acquaintance of my father's, Mr. George Stovin, formerly a Justice of the peace near Epworth, now as teach able as a little child, and determined to know nothing save Christ crucified. About two I preached in an open place at Scotter, and in the evening at Owston. One of my audience here was Mr.

Sat. 30.-I went on to Madeley; and in the evening preached under a sycamore-tree, in Madeley-Wood, to a large congregation, good part of them colliers, who drank in every word. Surely never were places more alike, than Madeley-Wood, Gateshead-Fell, and Kingswood. Sun. 31.--The church could not contain the congregation, either morning or afternoon; but in the evening I preached to a still larger congregation at Broseley; and equally attentive. I now learned the particulars of a remarkable story, which I had heard imperfectly before:--Some time since, one of the colliers here, coming home at night, dropped into a coal-pit, twenty-four yards deep. He called aloud for help, but none heard all that night, and all the following day. The second night, being weak and faint, he fell asleep, and dreamed that his wife, who had been some time dead, came to him, and greatly comforted him. In the morning, a gentleman going a hunting, Aug. 1774.] JOURNAL. 25 an hare started up just before the hounds, ran straight to the mouth of the pit, and was gone; no man could tell how. The hunters searched all round the pit, till they heard a voice from the bottom. They quickly procured proper help, and drew up the man unhurt. Mon. AUGUST 1.--I preached at Bewdley, in an open place at the head of the town; and in the evening at Worcester, which still continues one of the liveliest places in England. Here I talked with some who believe God has lately delivered them from the root of sin. Their account was simple, clear, and scriptural; so that I saw no reason to doubt of their testimony.- Tues. 2.-I preached at ten in the Town-Hall, at Evesham, and rode on to Broadmarston. Thursday, 4. I crossed over to Tewkesbury, and preached at noon in a meadow near the town, under a tall oak. I went thence to Cheltenham. As it was the high season for drinking the waters, the town was full of Gentry: So I preached near the market-place in the evening, to the largest congregation that was ever seen there. Some of the footmen at first made a little disturbance; but I turned to them, and they stood reproved. Sat. 6.--I walked from Newport to Berkeley-Castle.

So another is brought, just in time to supply the place of Wilfred Colley. I preached at five near sister Deer's door, to a good company of plain country-people; and then rode over to the old ruinous house, which Mr. Cook is making all haste to repair. It is not unlike old Mr. Gwynne's house at Garth, having a few large handsome rooms. It is also situated much like that; only not quite so low: For it has the command of a well-cultivated vale, and of the fruitful side of the opposite mountain. Fri. 19.--We rode on to Larn-Ferry; and seeing a person just riding over the ford, we followed him with ease, the water scarce reaching above our horses' knees. Between two and three we came to Pembroke. Sun. 21.--At nine I began the service at St. Daniel’s, and concluded a little before twelve. It was a good time. The power of the Lord was unusually present, both to wound and to heal. Many were constrained to cry, while others were filled with speechless awe and silent love. After dinner I went over to Haverfordwest, but could not preach abroad because of the rain. Both here and at Pem broke, I found the people in general to be in a cold, dead, languid state. And no wonder, since there had been for several months a total neglect of discipline. I did all I could to awaken them once more, and left them full of good resolu tions. Tuesday, 23. I went to the New Inn, near Llandilo; and on Wednesday, 24, to Brecknock. Sept. 1774.] J() URNAL. 27 In the evening I preached in the Town-Hall to most of the Gentry in the town. They behaved well, though I used great plainness of speech in describing the narrow way. Thur. 25.--At eleven I preached within the walls of the old church at the Hay. Here and everywhere I heard the same account of the proceedings at . The Jumpers (all who were there informed me) were first in the court, and after wards in the house.

Ives. No Methodist, I was told, had preached in this town : So I thought it high time to begin; and about one I preached to a very well-dressed and yet well-behaved congregation. Thence my new friend (how long will she be such P) carried me to Godmanchester, near Huntingdon. A large barn was ready, in which Mr. Berridge and Mr. Venn used to preach. And though the weather was still severe, it was well filled with deeply attentive people. Saturday, 26. I set out early, and in the evening reached London. Mon. 28.--I paid a visit to the amiable family at Shoreham, and found the work of God there still increasing. Wednes day, 30. I crossed over to Ryegate, and had a larger con gregation than ever before. 38 REv. T. wesley’s [Jan. 1775. Thur. DECEMBER 1.--I preached at Dorking, and was much pleased with the congregation, who seemed to “taste the good word.” Friday, 2. I returned to London. Mon. 5.-I preached at Canterbury; and Tuesday, 6, at Dover. As I was setting out thence on Wednesday morning, a wagon, jostling us, disabled our chaise. Our coachman went back to procure another, saying, he would soon overtake us. He did so after we had walked nine or ten miles, and brought us safe to Canterbury, where I spent a day or two with much satisfaction; and on Saturday, returned home. Mon. 12.-I opened the new House at Sevenoaks. Tuesday, 13. About noon I preached at Newbounds; and in the evening at Sevenoaks again, where our labour has not been in vain. Wed. 14.--I rode to Chatham, and found that James Wood, one of our Local Preachers, who, being in a deep consumption, had been advised to spend some time in France, had come back thither two or three days before me. The day after he came he slept in peace: And two days after, his body was interred, all our brethren singing him to the grave, and praising God on his behalf. I preached his funeral sermon to a crowded audience, on the text which he had chosen: “Let me die the death of the righteous; and let my last end be like his l’” Monday, 19, and the following days, I read with the Preachers what I judged most useful: And we endeavoured to “provoke one another to love and to good works.” Thur.

At six I preached in the Room, and could not but observe such singing as I have seldom heard in England. The women, in particular, sang so exactly that it seemed but one voice. Monday, MAY 1. I examined the society, and found it in such order, so increased both in grace and number, as I apprehend it had not been before, since the time of William Pennington. Wed. 3.-I rode to Bandon, and preached in the main street to a very numerous congregation. All behaved well, except three or four pretty gentlemen, who seemed to know just nothing of the matter. I found this society likewise much established in grace, and 44 REv. J. Wesley’s [May, 1775. greatly increased in number. So has God blessed the labours of two plain men, who put forth all their strength in his work. Sat. 6.--I returned to Cork, and in the evening preached at Blackpool. It rained a little all the time I was preaching, but the people regarded it not. Sun. 7.--I was desired to preach on 1 John v. 7: “There are three that bear record in heaven.” The congregation was exceeding large; but abundantly larger in the evening. I never saw the House so crowded before. It was much the same the next evening. Tuesday, 9. I preached my farewell sermon in the afternoon; and going to Mallow in the evening, went on the next day to Limerick. Sat. 13.--I preached to a large congregation of Papists and Protestants, in the yard of the Custom-House, where many could hear within as well as without. Mon. 15.-Having waited for a chaise to go to Balligarane as long as I could, I at length set out on horseback. But T. Wride loitering behind, I might as well have spared my pains; for though I came to the town at the time appointed, I could find neither man, woman, nor child, to direct me to the preaching house. After gaping and staring some time, I judged it best to go to Newmarket, where I was to preach in the evening. I began about six. The congregation was deeply serious; great part of whom came again at five in the morning. And were it only for this opportunity, I did not regret my labour. Wed.

Yet I breathed freely, and had not the least thirst, nor any pain, from head to foot. I was now at a full stand, whether to aim at Lisburn, or to push forward for Dublin. But my friends doubting whether I could bear so long a journey, I went straight to Derry-Aghy; a gentleman's seat, on the side of a hill, three miles beyond Lisburn. Here nature sunk, and I took my bed. But I could July, 1775.] JOURNAL. 49 no more turn myself therein, than a new-born child. My memory failed, as well as my strength, and well nigh my understanding. Only those words ran in my mind, when I saw Miss Gayer on one side of the bed, looking at her mother on the other:--* She sat, like Patience on a monument, Smiling at grief. But still I had no thirst, no difficulty of breathing, no pain, from head to foot. I can give no account of what followed for two or three days, being more dead than alive. Only I remember it was difficult for me to speak, my throat being exceeding dry. But Joseph Bradford tells me I said on Wednesday, “It will be deter mined before this time to-morrow;” that my tongue was much swollen, and as black as a coal; that I was convulsed all over; and that for some time my heart did not beat perceptibly, neither was any pulse discernible. In the night of Thursday, 22, Joseph Bradford came to me with a cup, and said, “Sir, you must take this.” I thought, “I will, if I can swallow, to please him; for it will do me neither harm nor good.” Immediately it set me a vomiting; my heart began to beat and my pulse to play again; and from that hour the extremity of the symptoms abated. The next day I sat up several hours, and walked four or five times across the room. On Saturday, I sat up all day, and walked across the room many times, without any weariness; on Sunday, I came down stairs, and sat several hours in the parlour; on Monday, I walked out before the house; on Tuesday, I took an airing in the chaise; and on Wednesday, trusting in God, to the astonishment of my friends, I set out for Dublin.

Two or three of the neigh bours then came in to prayer. Quickly the house was filled; and, a few minutes after, all the space before the door. I saw the opportunity, and without delay got upon the horse-block, in the yard. Abundance of children crowded round me, and round them a numerous congregation. So I gave them an earnest exhortation, and then commended them to the grace of God. Sun. 6.--At one I proclaimed the glorious Gospel to the usual congregation at Birstal, and in the evening at Leeds. Then, judging it needful to pay a short visit to our brethren at London, I took the stage-coach, with five of my friends, about eight o'clock. Before nine, a gentleman in a single horse chaise struck his wheel against one of ours. Instantly the weight of the men at top overset the coach; otherwise, ten times the shock would not have moved it; but neither the coachman, mor the men at top, nor any within, were hurt at all. On Tuesday, in the afternoon, we were met at Hat field by many of our friends, who conducted us safe to London. Having spent a few days in town, on Monday, 14, I set out for Wales; and Wednesday, 16, reached the Hay. Being desired to give them one sermon at Trevecka, I turned aside thither, and on Thursday, 17, preached at eleven to a numerous congregation. What a lovely place | And what a lovely family still consisting of about sixscore persons. So 52 REv. J. wesley’s [Aug. 1775. the good “man is turned again to his dust!” But his thoughts do not perish. U preached at Brecon the next day, and on Saturday, 19, went on to Carmarthen. How is this wilderness become a fruitful field ! A year ago I knew no one in this town who had any desire of fleeing from the wrath to come; and now we have eighty persons in society. It is true not many of them are awakened; but they have broke off their outward sins. Now let us try, whether it be not possible to prevent the greater part of these from drawing back. About this time I received a remarkable letter, from one of our Preachers at West-Bromwich, near Wednesbury. The substance of it is as follows:-- “August 16, 1775.

I made some additions to the “Calm Address to our Ame rican Colonies.” Need any one ask from what motive this was wrote? Let him look round: England is in a flame ! A flame of malice and rage against the King, and almost all that are in authority under him. I labour to put out this flame. Ought not every true patriot to do the same? If hireling writers on either side judge of me by themselves, that I cannot help. Sun. 12.--I was desired to preach, in Bethnal-Green church, a charity sermon for the widows and orphans of the soldiers that were killed in America. Knowing how many would seek occasion of offence, I wrote down my sermon. I dined with Sir John Hawkins and three other gentlemen that are in com mission for the peace; and was agreeably surprised at a very serious conversation, kept up during the whole time I stayed. Wed. 15.--I preached at Dorking; the next evening at Ryegate-place, I think, to the largest congregation that I have seen there. But still I fear we are ploughing upon the sand : We see no fruit of our labours. Friday, 17. I crossed over to Shoreham, the most fruitful place in all the Circuit, and preached in the evening to a people just ripe for all the Gospel promises, on, “Now, why tarriest thou? Arise, and wash away thy sins.” The next morning I returned to London. Mon. 20.-I went on to Robertsbridge, and preached to a deeply attentive congregation. Tuesday, 21. Several were with us in the evening at Rye, who had never heard a Methodist sermon before. However, considering the bulk of the congre gation, more than an handful of Gentry, I earnestly besought them not to “receive the grace of God in vain.” The next evening I applied part of the thirteenth chapter of the First Nov. 1775.] JOURNAL. 59 Epistle to the Corinthians. Many were shaken when they weighed themselves in that balance. May we not be found wanting in that day ! Thur. 23.--About noon I preached at Cranbrook, and in the evening at Staplehurst. Friday, 24. I preached at Seven oaks, and on Saturday returned to London. In some of my late little journeys I read Mr. Wraxal’s Travels, in which are several ingenious remarks.

But he could not in anywise be prevailed on to accept of the proposal. I afterwards heard, he had been insane before he left London. However, I could now only make the best of it. Dec. 1775.] JOURNAL. 6] Fri. December 1.--After preaching at Loddon, I returned to Norwich, and procured Mr. a lodging in a friend’s house, where I knew he would want nothing. I now again advised him to go straight to London in my chaise; but it was lost labour. Sat. 2.--I procured “the History of Norwich,” published but a few years since. The author shows, that it was built about the year 418. But it increased in succeeding ages, till it was more than double to what it is now, having no less than sixty churches. Its populousness may be indisputably proved, by one single circumstance:-The first time it was visited with the sweating-sickness, (which usually killed inten hours,)there died, in about six months, upwards of fifty-seven thousand persons; which is a considerably greater number than were in the whole city a few years ago. He remarks concerning this unaccount able kind of plague, 1. That it seized none but Englishmen; none of the French, Flemings, or other foreigners then in the kingdom, being at all affected: 2. That it seized upon English men in other kingdoms, and upon none else: And, 3. That the method at last taken was this,-The patient, if seized in the day-time, was immediately to lie down in his clothes, and to be covered up; if in the night-time, he was to keep in bed; and if they remained four-and-twenty hours without eating or drinking any thing, then they generally recovered. In the evening a large mob gathered at the door of the preaching-house, the captain of which struck many (chiefly women) with a large, stick. Mr. Randal going out to see what was the matter, he struck him with it in the face. But he was soon secured, and carried before the Mayor; who, knowing him to be a notorious offender, against whom one or two warrants were then lying, sent him to gaol without delay. Tues. 5.-We set out a little before day, and reached Lynn in the afternoon.

Tuesday, 12. I preached at Dover. As many as could, squeezed into the House, and the rest went quietly away. Thur. 14.--I returned to Canterbury, and had a long con versation with that extraordinary man, Charles Perronet. What a mystery of Providence Why is such a saint as this buried alive by continual sickness? In the evening we had a larger congregation than before. I never saw the House thoroughly filled till now : And I am sure the people had now a call from God, whether they will hear or whether they will forbear. Fri. 15.--In the evening I preached at Chatham, and on Saturday returned to London. In the evening I preached a kind of funeral sermon at Snowsfields, for that upright woman, Jane Binknell. For many years she was a pattern of all holi ness; and, for the latter part of her life, of patience. Yet as she laboured under an incurable and painful disorder, which allowed her little rest, day or night, the corruptible body pressed down the soul, and frequently occasioned much heaviness. But, 64 REv. J. WESLEY’s Jourt NAL. [Jan. 1776. before she went, the clouds dispersed, and she died in sweet peace; but not in such triumphant joy as did Ann Davis, two or three weeks before. She died of the same disorder; but had withal, for some years, racking pains in her head day and night, which in a while rendered her stone-blind. Add to this, that she had a kind husband; who was continually reproach ing her for living so long, and cursing her for not dying out of the way. Yet in all this she did not “charge God foolishly;” but meekly waited till her change should come. To-day I read Dr. Beattie’s Poems; certainly one of the best Poets of the age. He wants only the ease and simplicity of Mr. Pope.--I know one, and only one, that has it. Mon. 18.--I took another little journey, and in the evening preached at Bedford. Tuesday, 19. I dragged on, through miserable roads, to St. Neot's, and preached in a large room to a numerous congregation. Understanding that almost all the Methodists, by the advice of Mr. , had left the church, I earnestly exhorted them to return to it. In the evening I preached at Godmanchester. Wed.

7.--I went on to Selkirk. The family came to prayer in the evening, after which the mistress of it said, “Sir, my daughter Jenny would be very fond of having a little talk with 74 REv. J. wesley’s [May, 1776. you. She is a strange lass; she will not come down on the Lord’s day but to public worship, and spends all the rest of the day in her own chamber.” I desired she would come up; and found one that earnestly longed to be altogether a Chris tian. I satisfied her mother that she was not mad; and spent a little time in advice, exhortation, and prayer. Wed. 8.--We set out early, but found the air so keen, that before noon our hands bled as if cut with a knife. In the evening I preached at Edinburgh; and the next evening near the river-side in Glasgow. Fri. 10.--I went to Greenock. It being their fast-day before the sacrament, (ridiculously so called, for they do not fast at all, but take their three meals, just as on other days,) the congregation was larger than when I was here before, and remarkably attentive. The next day I returned to Glasgow, and on Sunday, 12, went in the morning to the high-kirk, (to show I was no bigot,) and in the afternoon to the Church of England chapel. The decency of behaviour here surprises me more and more. I know nothing like it in these kingdoms, except among the Methodists. In the evening the congre gation by the river-side was exceeding numerous; to whom I declared “the whole counsel of God.” Monday, 13. I returned to Edinburgh, and the next day went to Perth, where (it being supposed no house would contain the congre gation) I preached at six on the South-Inch, though the wind was cold and boisterous. Many are the stumbling-blocks which have been laid in the way of this poor people. They are removed; but the effects of them still continue. Wed. 15.--I preached at Dundee, to nearly as large a con gregation as that at Port-Glasgow. Thursday, 16. I attended an Ordination at Arbroath. The Service lasted about four hours; but it did not strike me. It was doubtless very grave; but I thought it was very dull. Fri. 17.--I reached Aberdeen in good time. Saturday, 18. I read over Dr.

I read over Dr. Johnson’s “Tour to the Western Isles.” It is a very curious book, wrote with admirable sense, and, I think, great fidelity; although, in some respects, he is thought to bear hard on the nation, which I am satisfied he never intended. Sunday, 19. I attended the Morning Service at the kirk, full as formal as any in England; and no way calculated either to awaken sinners, or to stir up the gift of God in believers. In May, 1776.] JOURNAL. 75 the afternoon I heard a useful sermon in the English chapel; and was again delighted with the exquisite decency both of the Minister and the whole congregation. The Methodist congre gations come the nearest to this; but even these do not come up to it. Our House was sufficiently crowded in the evening; but some of the hearers did not behave like those at the chapel. Mon. 20.--I preached about eleven at Old Meldrum, but could not reach Banff till near seven in the evening. I went directly to the Parade, and proclaimed, to a listening multi tude, “the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ.” All behaved well but a few Gentry, whom I rebuked openly; and they stood corrected. After preaching, Mrs. Gordon, the Admiral's widow, invited me to supper. There I found five or six as agreeable women as I have seen in the kingdom; and I know not when I have spent two or three hours with greater satisfaction. In the morning I was going to preach in the assembly-room, when the Episcopal Minister sent and offered me the use of his chapel. It was quickly filled. After reading prayers, I preached on those words in the Second Lesson, “What lack I yet?” and strongly applied them to those in particular who supposed themselves to be “rich and increased in goods, and lacked nothing.” I then set out for Keith. Banff is one of the neatest and most elegant towns that I have seen in Scotland. It is pleasantly situated on the side of a hill, sloping from the sea, though close to it; so that it is sufficiently sheltered from the sharpest winds. The streets are straight and broad. I believe it may be esteemed the fifth, if not the fourth, town in the kingdom.

I believe it may be esteemed the fifth, if not the fourth, town in the kingdom. The county quite from Banff to Keith is the best peopled of any I have seen in Scotland. This is chiefly, if not entirely, owing to the late Earl of Find later. He was indefatigable in doing good, took pains to pro cure industrious men from all parts, and to provide such little settlements for them as enabled them to live with comfort. About noon I preached at the New-Mills, nine miles from Banff, to a large congregation of plain, simple people. As we rode in the afternoon the heat overcame me, so that I was weary and faint before we came to Keith; but I no sooner stood up in the market-place than I forgot my weariness; such were the seriousness and attention of the whole congregation, though as numerous as that at Banff. Mr. Gordon, the Minister of the 76 REv. J. wesley’s [May, 1776. parish, invited me to supper, and told me his kirk was at my service. A little society is formed here already; and is in a fair way of increasing. But they were just now in danger of losing their preaching-house, the owner being determined to sell it. I saw but one way to secure it for them, which was to buy it myself. So (who would have thought it?) I bought an estate, consisting of two houses, a yard, a garden, with three acres of good land. But he told me flat, “Sir, I will take no less for it than sixteen pounds ten shillings, to be paid, part now, part at Michaelmas, and the residue next May.” Here Mr. Gordon showed me a great curiosity. Near the top of the opposite hill, a new town is built, containing, I suppose, a hundred houses, which is a town of beggars. This, he informed me, was the professed, regular occupation of all the inhabitants. Early in spring they all go out, and spread themselves over the kingdom; and in autumn they return, and do what is requisite for their wives and children. Wed. 22.-The wind turning north, we stepped at once from June to January. About one I preached at Inverury, to a plain, earnest, loving people, and before five came to Aberdeen. Thursday, 23. I read over Mr.

Another church, afterwards used in its stead, bears date 1124. A steeple, standing near the cathedral, is thought to have stood thirteen hundred years. What is left of St. Leonard's College is only a heap of ruins. Two Colleges remain. One of them has a tolerable Square; but all the windows are broke, like those of a brothel. We were informed, the students do this before they leave the College. Where are their blessed Governors in the mean time? Are they all fast asleep? The other College is a mean building, but has a handsome library newly erected. In the two Colleges, we learned, were about seventy students; near the same number as at Old-Aberdeen. Those at New Aberdeen are not more numerous: Neither those at Glasgow. In Edinburgh, I suppose there are a hundred. So four Uni versities contain three hundred and ten students | These all come to their several Colleges in November, and return home in May ! So they may study five months in the year, and lounge all the rest O where was the common sense of those who instituted such Colleges? In the English Colleges, every one may reside all the year, as all my pupils did : And I should have thought myself little better than a highwayman, if I had not lectured them every day in the year, but Sundays. We were so long detained at the Passage, that I only reached Edinburgh time enough to give notice of my preach ing the next day. After preaching at Dunbar, Alnwick, and Morpeth, on Saturday, JUNE 1, I reached Newcastle. Mon, 3.−I visited Sunderland, where the society then con 78 Rev. J. w Esley’s [June, 1776. tained three hundred and seventy-two members. Thursday, 6. I preached at Darlington and Barnard-Castle: On Friday, in Teesdale and Weardale. Here many rejoiced with joy un speakable, and seemed determined never to rest till they had recovered that great salvation which they enjoyed some years ago. Saturday, 8. As we rode to Sheep-Hill, we saw and heard at a distance, much thunder, and rain, and lightning. The rain was before and behind, and on each side: But none fell upon us. About six, I preached at Sheep-Hill. It rained hard very near us; but not a drop came upon us. After eight, I reached Newcastle, thoroughly tired. But a night's rest set me up again.

Sun. 11.--I oxperienced a second time what one calls, febris ea insolatione.* The day was cold; but the sun shone warm on my back, as I sat in the window. In less than half an hour I began to shiver, and soon after had a strong fit of an ague. I directly lay down between blankets, and drank largely of warm lemonade. In ten minutes the hot fit came on, and quickly after I fell asleep. Having slept half an hour, I rose up and preached. Afterwards I met the society; and I found no want of strength, but was just as well at the end as at the beginning. Mon. 12.--I preached at Bridlington; Tuesday, 13, in the morning at Beverley; and in the evening at Hull, on, “Narrow is the way that leadeth unto life.” And yet, blessed be God, there are thousands walking in it now, who a few years since thought nothing about it. Wed. 14.--At eleven I preached at Pocklington, with an eye to the death of that lovely woman, Mrs. Cross. A gay young gentleman, with a young lady, stepped in, stayed five minutes, and went out again, with as easy an unconcern as if they had been listening to a ballad-singer. I mentioned to the congre gation the deep folly and ignorance implied in such behaviour. These pretty fools never thought that for this very oppor tunity they are to give an account before men and angels! In the evening I preached at York. I would gladly have rested the next day, feeling my breast much out of order. But notice having been given of my preaching at Tadcaster, I set out at nine in the morning. About ten the chaise broke down. I borrowed a horse ; but as he was neme of the easiest, in riding three miles I was so thoroughly electri fied, that the pain in my breast was quite cured. I preached in the evening at York; on Friday took the diligence; and on Saturday afternoon came to London. MAY 18.-(Being Whit-Sunday.) Our Service at the Foun dery began as usual at four. I preached in West-Street chapel in the forenoon; and at the Foundery in the evening. In the * A fever produced by an incautious exposure to the sun.--EDIT. May, 1777.] JOURNAL.

May, 1777.] JOURNAL. 99 afternoon I buried the body of Joseph Guildford, a holy man, and a useful Preacher. Surely never before did a man of so weak talents do so much good! He died, as he lived, in the full triumph of faith, vehemently rejoicing and praising God. Tues. 20.--I met the Committee for building, which indeed was my chief business at London. We consulted together on several articles, and were confidently persuaded, that He who had incited us to begin, would enable us to finish. Sat. 24.--My brother and I paid another visit to Dr. Dodd, and spent a melancholy and useful hour. He appears, so far as man can judge, to be a true, evangelical penitent. To ease my journey, I went to Stevenage on Sunday even ing. Monday, 26. I went on to Witham-Common; and on Tuesday reached Sheffield. The next day I went to Leeds; and, after preaching in the evening, pushed on to Otley. Here I found E- R-- weaker and happier than ever. Her life seemed spun out to the last thread. I spent half an hour with her, to Teach her, at once, and learn of her, to die. I then rested two or three hours; and took chaise at two, on Thursday, 29, hoping to reach Whitehaven in the evening; but I could only get to Cockermouth. Friday, 30. I went on to Whitehaven, where I found a little vessel waiting for me. After preaching in the evening, I went on board about eight o'clock, and before eight in the morning landed at Douglas, in the Isle of Man. Douglas exceedingly resembles Newlyn in Cornwall; both in its situation, form, and buildings; only it is much larger, and has a few houses equal to most in Penzance. As soon as we landed, I was challenged by Mr. Booth, who had seen me in Ireland, and whose brother has been for many years a member of the society in Coolylough. A chaise was pro vided to carry me to Castletown. I was greatly surprised at the country. All the way from Douglas to Castletown it is as pleasant and as well cultivated as most parts of England, with many gentlemen’s seats. Castletown a good deal resem bles Galway; only it is not so large. At six I preached near the Castle, I believe, to all the inhabitants of the town.

On Tuesday evening the Rector of the parish was at the preaching; a candid, sensible man. He seemed much surprised, having never dreamed before that there was such a thing as common sense among the Methodists | The society here, by patient continuance in well-doing, has quite overcome evil with good; even the beasts of the people are now tame, and open not their mouths against them. They profited much when the waves and storms went over them: May they profit as much by the calm Wed. 9.--I went through a delightful vale to Malvern-Wells, lying on the side of a high mountain, and commanding one of the finest prospects in the world; the whole vale of Evesham. Hitherto the roads were remarkably good; but they grew worse and worse till we came to Monmouth. Much disturbance was expected here; but we had none: All were deeply attentive. About six in the evening, on Thursday, 10, I preached on the bulwarks at Brecon. Friday, 11. I called upon Mr. Gwynne, just recovering from a dangerous illness. But he is not recovered from the seriousness which it occasioned. May this be a lasting blessing ! Sat. 12.-We dined at Llandeilo; after dinner we walked in Mr. Rees's park, one of the pleasantest I ever saw; it is so finely watered by the winding river, running through and round the gently rising hills. Near one side of it, on the top of a high eminence, is the old Castle; a venerable pile, at least as old as William the Conqueror, and “majestic though in ruins.” July, 1777.] JOURNAL. 105 In the evening I preached to a large congregation in the market-place at Carmarthen. I was afterwards informed, the Mayor had sent two Constables to forbid my preaching there. But if he did, their hearts failed them, for they said not one word. Sun. 13.--We had a plain, useful sermon from the Vicar, though some said, “He did not preach the Gospel.” He preached what these men have great need to hear, lest they seek death in the error of their life. In the evening I explained to a huge congregation, who it is that builds his house upon a rock. I believe many had ears to hear, even of the young and gay; to whom I made a particular application. Mon. 14.--I reached Llyngwair about noon. In the even ing Mr.

M'Bride’s “Practice of Physic.” Undoubtedly it is an ingenious book; yet it did not answer my expectation. Several things I could contradict from my own experience; e.g., he says, “All fevers are attended with thirst and vigilia.” Nay, in two violent fevers I had no thirst at all, and slept rather more than when I was in health. Tues. 19.--I went forward to Taunton, with Dr. Coke, who, being dismissed from his Curacy, has bid adieu to his honourable name, and determined to cast in his lot with Oct. 1777.] JOURNAL. 109 us. In the evening I endeavoured to guard all who love or fear God against that miserable bigotry which many of our mistaken brethren are advancing with all their might. Wed. 20.--I preached at Tiverton; Thursday, 21, at Laun ceston; Friday, 22, about ten, in Bodmin. Thence I went on to Cubert; and found that venerable old man, Mr. Hos kins, calmly waiting for his discharge from the body. Saturday, 23. At noon, I preached in Redruth; and in the evening, on the Cliff of St. Ives. In the following week I visited most of the western societies; and on Saturday, 30, had the Quarterly Meeting. I now inquired oarticularly, whether the societies were increasing or decreasing. I could not hear of a decrease in any ; but several were swiftly increasing; particularly those of St. Just, Penzance, and Helstone. Sun. 31.-I preached in the morning at St. Agnes; in the evening to the huge congregation at Gwennap; larger (it was supposed) by fifteen hundred or two thousand, than ever it had been before. Sat. SEPTEMBER 27.--Having abundance of letters from Dublin, informing me that the society there was in the utmost confusion, by reason of some of the chief members, whom the Preachers had thought it needful to exclude from the society; and finding all I could write was not sufficient to stop the grow ing evil; I saw but one way remaining, to go myself, and that as soon as possible. So the next day I took chaise with Mr. Goodwin, and made straight for Mr. Bowen's, at Llyngwair, in Pembrokeshire; hoping to borrow his sloop, and so cross over to Dublin without delay. I came to Llyngwair on Tuesday, 30.

I came to Llyngwair on Tuesday, 30. The next day, October 1, the Captain of a sloop at Fishgard, a small sea-port town, ten or twelve miles from Llyngwair, sent me word he would sail for Dublin in the evening; but he did not stir till about eight the next evening. We had a small, fair wind. From Fishgard to Dublin is about forty leagues. We had run ten or twelve, till, at about eight in the morning, Friday, 3, it fell dead calm. The swell was then such as I never felt before, except in the Bay of Biscay. Our little sloop, between twenty and thirty tons, rolled to and fro with a wonderful motion. About nine, the Captain, finding he could not get forward, would have returned, but he could make no way. About eleven I desired we might go to prayer. Quickly after the wind sprung up fair; but it increased, till, I 10 REv. J. wesley’s [Oct. 1777. about eight at night, it blew a storm, and it was pitch dark : so that, having only the Captain and a boy on board, we had much ado to work the vessel. However, about ten, though we scarce know how, we got safe into Dublin Bay. Sat. 4.--Between seven and eight I landed at Ring's End. Mr. M'Kenny met me, and carried me to his house. Our friends presently flocked from all quarters, and seemed equally surprised and pleased at seeing me. I moved no dispute, but desired a few of each side to meet me together at ten on Monday morning. In the evening, although on so short a warning, we had an exceeding large congregation; on whom (waiving all matter of contention) I strongly enforced those solemn words, “I must work the works of Him that sent me, while it is day; the night cometh, when no man can work.” Sun. 5.-I was much comforted at St. Patrick’s, where an uncommon awe seemed to rest on the whole assembly. In the evening I preached on Eph. iv. 30, &c., being the con clusion of the Epistle for the day. Nothing could be more seasonable, and I read it as a presage of good. Mon.

12.--We had a lovely congregation in the morning, to whom I closely applied St. Peter's words: “I exhort you, as strangers and pilgrims, abstain from fleshly desires which war against the soul.” To the mixed multitude in the even ing, I applied our Lord’s words: “All things are ready; come unto the marriage.” I then took a solemn and affec tionate leave of the society, and cheerfully commended them to the Great Shepherd; more in number, and, I am persuaded, more established in grace, than they had been for twenty years. Mon. 13.--In the morning we went on board; but the wind being right a-head, and blowing hard, we made but little way, till night; and the sea was so rough, that I could not sleep till midnight. Tuesday, 14. After beating up and down several hours more, the Captain thought best to run under the Carnarvonshire shore. About noon we put out to sea again, but the storm increased, and about four carried away our bowsprit, and tore one of the sails to tatters. But the damage was soon repaired; and before six, by the good providence of God, we landed at Holyhead. Wanting to be in London as soon as possible, I took chaise at seven, and hastened to Bangor Ferry. But here we were at a full stop : They could not, or would not, carry us over till one the next day; and they then gave us only two miserable horses, although I had paid beforehand (fool as I was) for four. At Conway Ferry we were stopped again: So that with all the speed we could possibly make, even with a chaise and four, we travelled eight-and-twenty miles yesterday, and seventeen to lay. Thursday, in the afternoon, we reached Chester; Friday morning, Lichfield; and on Saturday morning, London. Mon. 20.--I went on to High-Wycomb; but good Mr. James having procured a drummer to beat his drum at the 112 REv. J. Wesley’s [Nov. 1777. window of the preaching-house, I only prayed and sung by turns, from six to seven; and many of the people were much comforted. In the rest of the week I visited the societies at Oxford, Witney, Finstock, and Wallingford; and had reason to believe that many received the seed in honest and good hearts. Mon. 27.--I preached at Stony-Stratford.

Fri. 13.--I spent an hour with the children at Kingswood, many of whom are truly desirous to save their souls. Mon. 16.-I took a cheerful leave of our friends at Bristol, and set out once more for Ireland. After visiting Stroud, Gloucester, and Tewkesbury, on Wednesday, 18, I went over to Bewdley, and preached about moon at the upper end of the town, to most of the inhabitants of it. Thur. 19.--I preached to a large congregation, in the church at Bengeworth, and spent a little time very agreeably with the Rector, a pious, candid, sensible man. In the evening I preached at Pebworth church; but I seemed out of my element. A long anthem was sung ; but I suppose none beside the singers could understand one word of it. Is not that “praying in an unknown tongue?” I could no more bear it in any church of mine, than Latin prayers. April, 1778.] JOURNAL. 117 Fri. 20.--I preached at Birmingham. Saturday, 21. Call ing at Wolverhampton, I was informed that, some time since, a largc, old house was taken, three or four miles from the town, which receives all the children that come, sometimes above four hundred at once. They are taught, gratis, reading, writing, and Popery; and, when at age, bound out apprentices. In the evening I preached in the shell of the new House, at Newcastle-under-Lyne; and thence hastened forward, through Burslem, Congleton, Macclesfield, and Stockport, to Manches ter. I found it needful here also, to guard honest Englishmen against the vast terror which had spread far and wide. I had designed going from hence to Chester, in order to embark at Parkgate; but a letter from Mr. Wagner informing me that a packet was ready to sail from Liverpool, I sent my horses forward, and followed them in the morning. But before I came thither, the wind turned west: So I was content. Sun. 22.--I was much refreshed by two plain, useful ser mons, at St. Thomas’s church; as well as by the serious and decent behaviour of the whole congregation. In the evening I exhorted all of our society who had been bred up in the Church, to continue therein. Tues.

Tues. 31.--We went on board the Duke of Leinster, and fell down the river with a small side-wind : But in the morn ing, after a dead calm, a contrary wind arose, and blew exceeding hard. Wednesday, APRIL 1. The sea was rough enough. However, I went to sleep about my usual time, and in the morning found myself in Dublin Bay; and about seven we landed at the quay. I was soon informed, that one of our friends, a strong, lively, healthy man, Mr. Ham, had died the day before. From the time he was taken ill, he was a mere self-condemned sinner, deeply convinced of his unfaithfulness to God, and declaring, I give up ev'ry plea beside, Lord, I am damn'd; but thou hast died. “When my wife dies,” said he, “let her be carried to the Room. She has been an honour to her profession. But I will not; I am not worthy; I have been no credit to you.” He continued full of self-condemnation, till, after a week’s illness, his spirit returned to God. I daily conversed with many of the society, and had the satisfaction to find them both more united together, and more 118 REv. J. Wesley’s [April, 1778. alive to God, than they had been for some years. Saturday. I began meeting the classes, and was agreeably surprised. I had heard, that near a hundred persons had left the society: On strict inquiry, I found about forty were wanting; the present number being about four hundred and sixty; and therefore were more loving and unanimous than I ever knew them before. Sun. 5.-Meeting the society in the evening, I largely explained the reasons of the late separation, and strongly exhorted all our brethren not to “render railing for railing.” Tues. 7.--I set out for the country, and reached Tyrrel's Pass. It being a mild evening, I preached to a numerous congregation. The next evening it was larger still ; and the power of the Lord was present to heal. Thur. 9.--Between eight and nine I preached in the Court-House at Mullingar, to a more serious congregation than I ever saw there before. In the evening I preached in the Court-House at Longford, to a far more numerous, and equally serious, congregation. Fri. 10.--About eleven I preached at Abydarrig; and before one set out for Athlone.

Delap, John Carr, Joseph Bradford, and Jesse Bugden, with the chaise, which was stuck fast in the slough. As none of them thought of unharnessing the horses, the traces were soon broke : At length they fastened ropes to the chaise, and to the stronger horse; and the horse pulling, and the men thrusting at once, they thrust it through the slough to the firm land. In an hour or two after we all met at Ballinacurrah. • While I was walking, a poor man overtook me, who appeared to be in deep distress: He said, he owed his land lord twenty shillings rent, for which he had turned him and his family out of doors; and that he had been down with his relations to beg their help, but they would do nothing. Upon my giving him a guinea, he would needs kneel down in the 124 REv. J. Wesley’s [May, 1778. road to pray for me; and then cried out, “O, I shall have a house ! I shall have a house over my head l’” So perhaps God answered that poor man's prayer, by the sticking fast of the chaise in the slough I Tues. 19.--In the evening I preached at Sligo, in the old Court-House, an exceeding spacious building: I know not that ever I saw so large a congregation here before ; nor (considering their number) so well behaved. Will God revive his work even in this sink of wickedness, and after so many deadly stumbling-blocks 2 Upon inquiry, I found, there had been for some time a real revival of religion here. The congregations have considerably increased, and the society is nearly doubled. We had in the evening a larger congregation than before, among whom were most of the Gentry of the town: And all but one or two young gentlemen (so called) were remarkably serious and attentive. I now received an intelligible account of the famous mas sacre at Sligo. A little before the Revolution, one Mr. Morris, a Popish gentleman, invited all the chief Protestants to an entertainment; at the close of which, on a signal given, the men he had prepared fell upon them, and left not one of them alive. As soon as King William prevailed, he quitted Sligo.

5.--We went on to Coleraine. As the barracks here are empty, we hired one wing, which, by laying several rooms into one, supplied us with a spacious preaching-house; but it would not contain a third of the congregation; but standing at the door, I had them all before me in the barrack-square. Sat. 6.--I was desired to take a ride to the celebrated Giant's Causeway. It lies eleven English miles from Cole raine. When we came to the edge of the precipice, three or four poor boys were ready to hold our horses, and show us the way down. It being dead low water, we could go any where, and see every thing to the best advantage. It is doubtless the effect of subterraneous fire. This manifestly appears from many of the stones which composed the pillars that are now fallen down: These evidently bear the mark of fire, being burnt black on one or the other surface. It appears likewise from the numerous pumice-stones scattered among the pillars: Just such pillars and pumices are found in every country which is, or ever was, subject to volcanoes. In the evening I saw a pleasing sight. A few days ago a young gentlewoman, without the knowledge of her relations, entered into the society: She was informed this evening that her sister was speaking to me upon the same account. As soon as we came into the room, she ran to her sister, fell upon her neck, wept over her, and could just say, “O sister, sister!” before she sunk down upon her knees to praise God. Her sister could hardly bear it; she was in tears too, and so were all in the room. Such are the first fruits at Coleraine. May there be a suitable harvest ! Sun. 7.--I breakfasted with Mr. Boyd, the twin-soul, for humility and love, with Mr. Sh , of Staplehurst. I read June, 1778.] JOURNAL. 127 Prayers for him, and administered the sacrament to such a number of communicants as I suppose never met there before. A little before the time of preaching, the rain ceased, and we had a wonderful congregation in the barrack-yard in the even ing. Many of them were present at five in the morning, when I left them full of love and good desires.

The house is neat and handsome, but not magnificent; and is elegantly, but not splen didly, furnished. The domain is beautifully laid out in meadow ground, sprinkled with trees; on one side of which is a long hill covered with a shrubbery, cut into serpentine walks. On each side of the shrubbery is a straight walk, commanding a beautiful prospect. Since this Primate came, the town wears another face: He has repaired and beautified the cathedral, built a row of meat houses for the Choral-Vicars, erected a public Library and an Infirmary, procured the Free-School to be rebuilt of the size of a little College, and a new-built horse-barrack, together 180 REv. J. wesley’s [June, 1778. with a considerable number of convenient and handsome houses; so that Armagh is at length rising out of its ruins into a large and populous city. So much good may any man of a large fortune do, if he lays it out to the best advantage 1 Tues. 23.--I went on to Tanderagee, one of the pleasantest towns in Ireland. As it was a fair, calm evening, I had designed to preach in the avenue to the Castle; but being desired to preach in the court-yard, I took my place under a tall spreading tree, in the midst of a numerous congregation, who were still as night. There could not be devised a more pleasing scene: The clear sky, the setting sun, the surround ing woods, the plain, unaffected people, were just suitable to the subject, “My yoke is easy, and my burden is light.” Wed. 24.--For exactly two months, we have had only two days without rain. In the evening I preached in the same lovely place. I dined, supped, and lodged at Dr. Lesley's, the Rector; a well-bred, sensible, and I believe a pious man. We had family prayers before supper, which he read with admirable propriety and devotion; and I know not that I have spent a more agreeable evening since I came into the kingdom. Thur. 25.-I walked round Dr. Lesley’s domain : A plea santer spot I never saw. It lies on the top of a fruitful hill, at a small distance from the town; and commands the whole view of a lovely country, east, west, north, and south; and it is laid out with the finest taste imaginable.

And the worst is, he flatly affirms, “None can go to heaven, who believes three persons in the Godhead: ” Which is more than the most violent Arian or Socinian ever affirmed before. Add to this, that his ideas of heaven are low, grovelling, just suiting a Mahometan paradise; and his account of it has a natural tendency to sink our conceptions, both of the glory of heaven, and of the inhabitants of it; whom he describes as far inferior both in holiness and happiness to Gregory Lopez, or Monsieur De Renty. And his account of hell leaves nothing terrible in it; for, first, he quenches the unquenchable fire. 150 REv. J. wesley’s [April, 1779. He assures us there is no fire there; only he allows that the governor of it, the devil, sometimes orders the spirits that behave ill, to be “laid on a bed of hot ashes.” And, secondly, he informs you, that all the damned enjoy their favourite pleasures. He that delights in filth is to have his filth; yea, and his harlot too ! Now, how dreadful a tendency must this have in such an age and nation as this ' I wish those pious men, Mr. Clowes and Clotworthy, would calmly consider these things, before they usher into the world any more of this madman's dreams. Mon. 26.--I preached at Huddersfield, where there is a great revival of the work of God. Many have found peace with God: Sometimes sixteen, eighteen, yea, twenty in one day. So that the deadly wound they suffered, when their Predestinarian brethren left them, is now fully healed; and they are not only more lively, but more in number, than ever they were before. Tues. 27.--I saw a melancholy sight indeed! One that ten years ago was clearly perfected in love; but was worried by Mr. , day and night, threaping him down he was in a delusion, that at length it drove him stark mad. And so he continues to this day. Observe it was not Perfection drove this man mad, but the incessant teasing him with doubtful disputations. Wed. 28.-I had promised to preach at six in the morning, to the poor prisoners at Whiteley. Though the ground was covered with snow, so many people flocked together, that I was constrained to preach in the court of the prison.

Many soldiers, who were marching through the town, came in ; and the power of the Lord was present to heal. In the evening I preached in the Court-House, at Alnwick, and at might was no more tired than in the morning. Tues. 25.-We walked through the Castle. Two of the rooms are more elegant than even those at Harewood-House. But it is not a profusion of ornaments, (they are exceeding plain and simple,) it is not an abundance of gold and silver, but a je ne soai quoi, that strikes every person of taste. In the evening I preached in the Town-Hall, at Berwick. Many Officers, as well as soldiers, were there; and the whole congregation seemed much affected. Shall we see fruit at Berwick also 2 Wed. 26.--We had such a congregation at Dunbar as I have not seen there for many years. Thursday, 27. I went on to Edinburgh. I was agreeably surprised at the singing in the evening. I have not heard such female voices, so strong and clear, anywhere in England. Fri. 28.--I went to Glasgow, and preached in the House; but the next evening, by the river-side. Sunday, 30. At seven I spoke exceeding strong words, in applying the parable of the Sower. In the afternoon I went to the English chapel. But how was I surprised ! Such decency have I seldom seen even at West-Street, or the new Room in Bristol. 1. All, both men and women, were dressed plain: I did not see one high head: June, 1779.] JOURNAL. 153 2. No one took notice of any one, at coming in ; but, after a short ejaculation, sat quite still: 3. None spoke to any one during the Service, nor looked either on one side or the other: 4. All stood, every man, woman, and child, while the Psalms were sung : 5. Instead of an unmeaning voluntary, was an anthem, and one of the simplest and sweetest I ever heard: 6. The Prayers, preceding a sound, useful sermon, were seri ously and devoutly read: 7. After service, none bowed, or courtesied, or spoke, but went quietly and silently away. After church, I preached again by the river side, to a huge multitude of serious people: I believe, full as many more as we had the Sunday before, at Newcastle. Surely we shall not lose all our labour here. Mon.

* Upon the whole, I cannot but prefer Cobham gardens to those at Stow : For, 1. The river at Cobham shames all the ponds at * The following is Boscawen's translation of these verses from Horace :-- Thy lands, thy dome, thy pleasing wife, These must thou quit; 'tis nature's doom : No tree, whose culture charms thy life, Save the sad cypress, waits thy tomb. Of meat and drink, of pleasure and of play, You've had your fill : 'Tis time you steal away, Lest you be jostled off by that brisk race Whom sports become, and wanton revels grace.--EDIT, 170 REv. J. Wesley’s [Nov. 1779. Stow. 2. There is nothing at Stow comparable to the walk near the wheel which runs up the side of a steep hill, quite grotesque and wild. 3. Nothing in Stow gardens is to be compared to the large temple, the pavilion, the antique temple, the grotto, or the building at the head of the garden; nor to the neatness which runs through the whole. But there is nothing even at Cobham to be compared, 1. To the beautiful cross at the entrance of Stourhead gardens. 2. To the vast body of water. 3. The rock-work grotto. 4. The temple of the sun. 5. The hermitage. Here too every thing is nicely clean, as well as in full preservation. Add to this, that all the gardens hang on the sides of a semicircular mountain. And there is nothing either at Cobham or Stow which can balance the advantage of such a situation. On this and the two following evenings I preached at Whittlebury, Towcester, and Northampton. On Saturday I returned to London. Mon. 18.--I set out for Sussex; and after visiting the societies there, returned to London on Saturday, 23. I was in hopes, by bringing her with me, to save the life of Miss A., of Ewhurst, far gone in a consumption. But she was too far gone: So that though that journey helped her for awhile, yet she quickly relapsed, and soon after died in peace. Sun. 24.--I preached a charity sermon in Shadwell church. I spoke with all possible plainness. And surely some, out of an immense multitude, will receive the truth, and bring forth fruit with patience. Mon. 25.-I set out for Norwich. Tuesday, 26. I went on to Yarmouth; on Wednesday to Lowestoft; on Friday to Loddon.

In the morn ing, at a meeting of the Preachers, I informed Mr. M'Nab, that, as he did not agree to our fundamental rule, I could not receive him as one of our Preachers, till he was of another mind. Wed. 24.--I read the same paper to the society at Bristol, as I found the flame had spread thither also. A few at Bath separated from us on this account: But the rest were thoroughly satisfied. So on Friday, 26, I took coach again, and on Saturday reached London. In this journey Iread Dr. Warner's History of Ireland, from its first settlement to the English Conquest; and, after calm deliberation, I make no scruple to pronounce it a meresenseless romance. I do not believe one leaf of it is true, from the begin ning to the end. I totally reject the authorities on which he builds: I will not take Flagherty’s or Keating’s word for a far thing. I doubt not, Ireland was, before the Christian era, full as barbarous as Scotland or England. Indeed it appears from their own accounts, that the Irish in general were continually 172 REv. J. wesley’s [Dec. 1779. plundering and murdering each other from the earliest ages to that period: And so they were ever since, by the account of Dr. Warner himself, till they were restrained by the English. How then were they converted by St. Patrick? Cousin-german to St. George To what religion? Not to Christianity. Neither in his age, nor the following, had they the least savour of Christianity, either in their lives or their tempers. Sun. 28.--I preached a charity sermon at St. Peter’s, Cornhill. Monday, 29. I visited the societies in Kent, and returned on Saturday. Sunday, DEcEMBER 5.-In applying those words, “What could I have done for my vineyard which I have not done !” I found such an uncommon pouring out of the convincing Spirit, as we have not known for many years. In the evening the same Spirit enabled me strongly to exhort a numerous congre gation, to “come boldly to the throne of grace;” and to “make all their requests known unto God with thanksgiving.” Tues. 7.--I preached in Redriff chapel, a cold, uncomfortable place, to a handful of people, who appeared to be just as much affected as the benches they sat upon. Thur.

Sun. 4.--The service began about ten at Staveley, near Boroughbridge. Mr. Hartley, the Rector, read Prayers. But J84 REv. J. wesley’s [June, 1780. the church would scarce contain half the congregation; so that I was obliged to stand upon a tombstone, both morning and afternoon. In the evening I preached at Boroughbridge, to a numerous congregation; and all were attentive, except a few soldiers, who seemed to understand nothing of the matter. Mon. 5.--About noon I preached at Tockwith, and then went on to York. I was surprised to find a general faintness here; one proof of which was, that the morning preaching was given up. Tuesday, 6, was the Quarterly Meeting, the most numerous I ever saw. At two was the love-feast, at which several instances of the mighty power of God were repeated; by which it appears that his work is still increasing in several parts of the Circuit. An arch news-writer published a paragraph to-day, probably designed for wit, concerning the large pension which the famous Wesley received for defending the King. This so increased the congregation in the evening, that scores were obliged to go away. And God applied that word to many hearts, “I will not destroy the city for ten’s sake l’” Wed, 7.-I preached at Pocklington and Swinfleet. Thurs day, 8. I preached on the Green at Thorne, to a listening multi tude. Only two or three were much diverted at the thought of seeing the dead, small and great, standing before God Fri. 9.-About noon I preached at Crowle; and in the even ing at Epworth, on, “I will not let thee go, except thou bless me.” Saturday, 10. In the evening I preached at Owstone; and, passing the Trent early in the morning, on Sunday, 11, preached at Kirton, about eight, to a very large and very serious congre gation. Only before me stood one, something like a gentleman, with his hat on even at prayer. I could scarce help telling him a story:--In Jamaica, a Negro passing by the Governor, pulled off his hat; so did the Governor; at which one expressing his surprise, he said, “Sir, I should be ashamed if a Negro had more good manners than the Governor of Jamaica.” About two I preached at Gainsborough, and again at five, to a very numerous congregation.

Tuesday, 31. We had such a congregation at noon in Oxford as I never saw there before ; and, what I regarded more than their number, was their seriousness: Even the young gentle men behaved well; nor could I observe one smiling counte nance, although I closely applied these words, “I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ.” Sun. November 5.--I preached at the new chapel, on Luke ix. 55: “Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of;” and showed, that, supposing the Papists to be heretics, schismatics, wicked men, enemies to us, and to our Church and nation; yet we ought not to persecute, to kill, hurt, or grieve them, but barely to prevent their doing hurt. In the ensuing week I finished visiting the classes, and had 194 REv. J. Wesley’s [Dec. 1780. the satisfaction to find that the society isconsiderably increased, both in number and strength, since the Conference. Mon. 20.-I went on to Chatham, and finding the society groaning under a large debt, advised them to open a weekly sub scription. The same advice I gave to the society at Sheerness. This advice they all cheerfully followed, and with good effect. On Friday, 24, we agreed to follow the same example at London; and in one year we paid off one thousand four hundred pounds. Mon. 27.--I went to Bedford, and preached in the evening. Tuesday, 28. I preached at St. Neot's. Wednesday, 29. At ten I preached in Godmanchester; and about six in the new House at Huntingdom. I have seldom seen a new congregation behave with such seriousness. Thursday, 30. I came to Luton, and found that child of sorrow and pain, Mrs. Cole, was gone to rest. For many years she had not known an hour's ease; but she died in full, joyous peace. And how little does she regret all that is past, now the days of her mourning are ended ! Mon. DECEMBER. 4.--I visited the eastern societies in Kent, and on Friday returned to London. Sunday, 10. I began reading and explaining to the society, the large Minutes of the Conference. I desire to do all things openly and above-board. I would have all the world, and especially all of our society, see not only all the steps we take, but the reasons why wetake them. Sat.

J. Wesley’s [June, 1781. an artless, loving congregation, “If any man thirst, let him come unto me and drink.” A few miles from thence, we came to Bishop's Court, where good Bishop Wilson resided near threescore years. There is something venerable, though not magnificent, in the ancient palace; and it is undoubtedly situated in one of the pleasantest spots of the whole island. At six in the evening I preached at Balleugh ; but the preaching-house would not contain one half of the congrega tion; of which the Vicar, Mr. Gilling, with his wife, sister, and daughter, were a part. He invited me to take a breakfast with him in the morning, Tuesday, 5; which I willingly did. He read family-prayers before breakfast, in a very serious manner. After spending a little time very agreeably, I went on to Kirk-Andrews. Here also I was obliged to preach in the open air; the rain being suspended till I had done. In the afternoon we rode through a pleasant and fruitful country, to Ramsay, about as large as Peel, and more regularly built. The rain was again suspended while I preached to well nigh all the town; but I saw no inattentive hearers. Wed. 6.--We had many of them again at five, and they were all attention. This was the place where the Preachers had little hope of doing good. I trust they will be happily disappointed. This morning we rode through the most woody, and far the pleasantest, part of the island;--a range of fruitful land, lying at the foot of the mountains, from Ramsay, through Sulby, to Kirkmichael. Here we stopped to look at the plain tomb-stones of those two good men, Bishop Wilson and Bishop Hildesley; whose remains are deposited, side by side, at the east end of the church. We had scarce reached Peel before the rain increased; but here the preaching-house contained all that could come. Afterwards, Mr. Crook desired me to meet the singers. I was agreeably surprised. I have not heard better singing either at Bristol or London. Many, both men and women, have admirable voices; and they sing with good judgment. Who would have expected this in the Isle of Man? Thur. 7.--I met our little body of Preachers. They were two-and-twenty in all. I never saw in England so many stout, well-looking Preachers together.

12.--The calm continuing, I read over Mr. Pennant’s “Tour through Scotland.” How amazingly different from Dr. Johnson’s He is doubtless a man both of sense and learning. Why has he then bad English in almost every page? No man should be above writing correctly. Having several passengers on board, I offered to give them a sermon; which they willingly accepted. And all behaved 208 REv. J. W. Es LEY’s [June, 1781. with the utmost decency, while I showed, “His commandments are not grievous.” Soon after, a little breeze sprung up, which, early in the morning, brought us to Whitehaven. Thur. 14.--I had a design to preach at noon in the Town Hall at Cockermouth; but Mr. Lothian offering me his meeting-house, which was far more convenient, I willingly accepted his offer. By this means I had a much more numerous audience ; most of whom behaved well. At seven I preached at Mr. Whyte's, in Ballantyne; a little village four miles from Cockermouth. Many assembled here who had hardly seen or heard a Methodist before. I believe some of them did not hear in vain. After this, I saw Mr. Whyte no more. God soon called him into a better world. Friday, 15. In the evening I preached in the Town-Hall, at Carlisle; and on Saturday, 16, reached Newcastle. Sun. 17.--In the morning I preached at the Ballast-Hills; in the afternoon, at Gateshead ; and at five, at the Garth Heads. To-day I heard a remark at All-Saints' church, which I never read or heard before, in confirmation of that assertion of Abraham, “If they hear not Moses and the Prophets:”--“The thing has been tried. One did rise from the dead, in the sight of a multitude of people. The namesake of this Lazarus rose from the dead. The very Pharisees could not deny it. Yet who of them that believed not Moses and the Prophets was thereby persuaded to repent?” Wed. 20.-I went over to Sunderland; and preached evening and morning to a lovely congregation. Thursday, 21. I read Prayers and preached in Monkwearmouth church; and Friday, 22, returned to Newcastle. Sat. 23.--I went overto Hexham, and preached in themarket place to a numerous congregation, on, “I saw the dead, small and great, stand before God.” None were rude or uncivil in any respect; and very few were inattentive. Sunday, 24.

Yet I will not say, this is real prudence; because he may lose hereby more than he gains; as the majority, even of Britons, to this day, retain some sort of respect for the Bible. If it was worth while to mention a little thing, after things of so much greater importance, I would add, I was surprised that so sensible a writer, in enumerating so many reasons, why it is so much colder in the southern hemisphere than it is in the northern ; why it is colder, for instance, at forty degrees south, than at fifty north latitude; should forget the main, the primary reason, namely, the greater distance of the sun For is it not well known, that the sun (to speak with the vulgar) is longer on the north side the line than the south ? that he is longer in the six northern signs than the southern, so that there is a difference (says Gravesande) of nine days? Now, if the northern hemisphere be obverted to the sun longer than the southern, does not this necessarily imply that the northern hemisphere will be warmer than the southern? And is not this the primary reason of its being so? Sat. 7.-I designed to go from hence to Boston; but a message from Mr. Pugh, desiring me to preach in his church on Sunday, made me alter my design. So, procuring a guide, I set out for Rauceby. We rode through Tattershall, where there are large remains of a stately castle; and there was in the chancel of the old church, the finest painted glass (so it was e teemed) in England; but the prudent owner, considering it brought him in nothing by staying there, lately sold it for a r und sum of money. Here I met with such a ferry as I never saw before. The boat was managed by an honest countryman who knew just nothing of the matter, and a young woman equally skilful. However, though the river was fifty yards broad, we got over it in an hour and a half. We then went on through the fens 212 REv. J. Wesley’s [July, 1781. in a marvellous road, sometimes tracked, and sometimes not, till about six we came to Rauceby, and found the people gathered from all parts.

Tuesday, 21. I went on to Bristol; and after resting a day, on Thursday, 23, set out for Cornwall. Finding, after breakfast, that I was within a mile of my old friend, G. S.-, I walked over, and spent an hour with him. He is all-original still, like no man in the world, either in sentiments or any thing about him. But perhaps if I had his immense fortune, I might be as great an oddity as he. 214 REv. J. Wesley’s [Aug. 1781. About six in the evening I preached at Taunton, to a numerous congregation. I found the letters concerning Popery had much abated prejudice here. Friday, 24. I preached at Collumpton about noon, and at Exeter in the evening. Satur day, 25. I preached in the Square at Plymouth-Dock, to a quieter congregation than usual. Sunday, 26. Between one and two, I began in the new House in Plymouth. The large congregation was all attention; and there seemed reason to hope that even here we shall find some fruit of our labour. In the evening I preached again in the Square, on the story of the Pharisee and Publican, to such a congregation, for number and seriousness together, as I never saw there before. Mon. 27.--I was desired to preach at Trenuth at noon, a little way (they said) out of the road. The little way proved six or seven miles, through a road ready to break our wheels in pieces. However, I just reached St. Austle time enough to preach; and God greatly comforted the hearts of his people. Tues. 28.-Between nine and ten we had such a storm of rain, as I do not remember to have seen in Europe before. It seemed ready to beat in the windows of the chaise, and in three minutes drenched our horsemen from head to foot. We reached Truro, however, at the appointed time. I have not for many years seen a congregation so universally affected. One would have imagined, every one that was present had a desire to save his soul. In the evening I preached in the High-street at Helstone. I scarce know a town in the whole county which is so totally changed ; not a spark of that bitter enmity to the Methodists, in which the people here for many years gloried above their fellows.

Wed. 10.--I opened the new preaching-house just finished at Newport in the Isle of Wight. After preaching, I explained the nature of a Methodist society; of which few had before the least conception. Friday, 12. I came to London, and was informed that my wife died on Monday. This evening she was buried, though I was not informed of it till a day or two after. Mon. 15.--I set out for Oxfordshire, and spent five days with much satisfaction among the societies. I found no offences among them at all, but they appeared to walk in love. On Friday, 19, I returned to London. Sun. 21.--About ten at night we set out for Norwich, and came thither about noon on Monday. Finding the people loving and peaceable, I spent a day or two with much satisfaction; and on Wednesday, went on to Yarmouth. There is a prospect of good here also, the two grand hinderers having taken themselves away. At Lowestoft I found much life and much love. On Friday I preached at Loddon, and on Saturday returned to Norwich. Sun. 28.--I preached at Bear-Street to a large congregation, most of whom had never seen my face before. At half an hour after two, and at five, I preached to our usual congregation; and the next morning commended them to the grace of God. Mon. 29.--I went to Fakenham, and in the evening preached in the Room, built by Miss Franklin, now Mrs. Parker. I believe most of the town were present. Tuesday, 30. I went to Wells, a considerable sea-port, twelve miles from Fakenham, where also Miss Franklin had opened a door, by preaching abroad, though at the peril of her life. She was followed by a young woman of the town, with whom I talked Dec. 1781.] JOURNAL. 219 largely, and found her very sensible, and much devoted to God. From her I learnt that till the Methodists came, they had none but female Teachers in this country; and that there were six of these within ten or twelve miles, all of whom were members of the Church of England. I preached about ten in a small, meat preaching-house; and all but two or three were very attentive. Here are a few who appear to be in great earnest. And if so, they will surely increase.

She is in a small room by herself, and wants nothing that is proper for her. Some time since a gentleman called, who said he came two hundred miles on purpose to inquire after her. When he saw her face, he trembled exceedingly; but all he said was, “She was born in Germany, and is not now four-and-twenty years old.” 222 Rev. J. Weslev’s [March, 1782. In the evening I preached at Kingswood School, and after wards met the Bands. The colliers spoke without any reserve. I was greatly surprised: Not only the matter of what they spoke was rational and scriptural, but the language, yea, and the manner, were exactly proper. Who teacheth like Him? Mon. 18.-I left our friends at Bristol with satisfaction ; having been much refreshed among them. In the evening and the next day, I preached at Stroud; Wednesday, 20, at Gloucester, Tewkesbury, and Worcester. Fri. 22.--About two in the morning we had such a storm as I never remember. Before it began, our chamber-door clattered to and fro exceedingly: So it sounded to us; although, in fact, it did not move at all. I then distinctly heard the door open, and, having a light, rose and went to it; but it was fast shut. Meantime the window was wide open: I shut it, and went to sleep again. So deep a snow fell in the night, that we were afraid the roads would be impassable. However, we set out in the afternoon, and made shift to get to Kidderminster. We had a large congregation in the evening, though it was intensely cold; and another at seven in the morning, Saturday, 23; and all of them were deeply serious. It was with a good deal of difficulty we got to Bridgenorth, much of the road being blocked up with snow. In the afternoon we had another kind of difficulty: The roads were so rough and so deep, that we were in danger, every now and then, of leaving our wheels behind us. But, by adding two horses to my own, at length we got safe to Madeley. Both Mr. and Mrs. Fletcher complained, that, after all the pains they had taken, they could not prevail on the people to join in society, no nor even to meet in a class.

Before preaching they only ran round me and before me; but after it, a whole troop, boys and girls, closed me in, and would not be content till I shook each of them by the hand. Being then asked to visit a dying woman, I no sooner entered the room, than both she and her companions were in such an emotion as I have seldom seen. Some laughed; some cried; all were so transported, that they could hardly speak. O how much better is it to go to the poor, than to the rich; and to the house of mourning, than to the house of feasting ! About this time I had a remarkable letter. Part of it was as follows:-- “THE work of God prospers among us here: I never saw anything equal to it. The last time I was at St. Just, the Leaders gave me an account of seventy persons who had found either pardon or perfect love, within the last fortnight: And the might and morning I was there, twenty more were delivered. One-and-twenty, likewise, were then added to the society; most of whom have found peace with God. “CHRISTOPHER WATKINs.” Sat. 13.--I preached at St. Helen's, a small, but populous town, ten or twelve miles from Liverpool, in Joseph Harris's house; who is removed hither from Kingswood, to take care of the copper-works. Surely God has brought him hither for good. The people seem to be quite ripe for the Gospel. I was waked at half-past two this morning, as was Mr. Broad bent also, by a very loud noise, like a vast crack of thunder, April, 1782.] JOURN A L. 225 accompanied with aflash of bright light. It made the whole room shake, and all the tables and chairs therein jar. But (what is strange) none in the house, or in the town, heard it, beside us. Mon. 15.--I saw an uncommon sight, the preaching-house at Wigan filled, yea, crowded ! Perhaps God will cause fruit to spring up even in this desolate place. I had now leisure to transcribe a letter, wrote last May, from Amherst, in Nova-Scotia, by a young man whose father, some years since, went thither with his whole family:-- “IN the year 1779, I saw, if I would go to heaven, I must lead a new life.

coaches that had passed, some of them within an hour or two. I felt no uneasiness on the account, knowing that God would take care of us. And he did so; for, before we came to the spot, all the highwaymen were taken ; so we went on unmo lested, and early in the afternoon came safe to Bristol. Thur. 15.--I set out for the west; preached at Taunton in the evening; Friday noon, at Collumpton; and in the even ing, at Exeter. Here poor Hugh Saunderson has pitched his standard, and declared open war. Part of the society have joined him; the rest go on their way quietly, to make their calling and election sure. Sun. 18.-I was much pleased with the decent behaviour of the whole congregation at the cathedral; as also with the solemn music at the post-communion, one of the finest com positions I ever heard. The Bishop inviting me to dinner, I could not but observe, 1. The lovely situation of the palace, covered with trees, and as rural and retired as if it was quite in the country. 2. The plainness of the furniture, not costly or showy, but just fit for a Christian Bishop. 3. The dinner, sufficient, but not redundant; plain and good, but not deli cate. 4. The propriety of the company, five Clergymen and four of the Aldermen; and, 5. The genuine, unaffected courtesy of the Bishop, who, I hope, will be a blessing to his whole diocese. We set out early in the morning, Monday, 19, and in the afternoon came to Plymouth. I preached in the evening, and at five and twelve on Tuesday, purposing to preach in the Square at the Dock in the evening; but the rain pre vented. However, I did so on Wednesday evening. A little before I concluded, the Commanding Officer came into the Square with his regiment; but he immediately stopped the drums, and drew up all his men in order on the high side of the Square. They were all still as night; nor did any of them stir, till I had pronounced the blessing. Thur. 22.-I preached at St. Austle; Friday, 23, at Truro, and in the street at Helstone. Saturday, 24. I preached in Marazion, at eleven; in the evening, at Penzance. Sun. 25.--We prayed that God would “stay the bottles of heaven;” and he heard our prayer.

I had a deep, tear ing cough, and was exceeding heavy and weak. However, I made shift to preach at Weaver’s Hall, and to meet the penitents. Sunday, 16. I found myself considerably worse. However, I preached in the morning; but had such a fever in the afternoon, that I was obliged to take my bed. I now knew not what to do, having fixed the next morning for beginning my journey to Ireland, and sent notice to Stroud, Gloucester, and various other places, of the days wherein I purposed to visit them. But Mr. Collins kindly undertook to supply my place at Stroud, and the other places, as far as Worcester. Lying down in bed, I took part (being able to swallow no more) of a draught which was prepared for me. It gave me four or five and twenty stools, and a moderate vomit; after which I fell fast asleep. Monday, 17. Mr. Collins set out. About six in the morning, finding myself perfectly easy, I set out in the afternoon, and overtook him at Stroud. But it was as much as I could do; for I was in a high fever, though with out any pain. After giving a short exhortation to the society, I was very glad to lie down. My fever was exactly of the same kind with that I had in the north of Ireland. On Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, I was just the same : The whole nervous system was violently agitated. Hence arose the cramp, with little intermission, from the time I lay down in bed till morning: Also a furious, tearing cough, usually recur ring before each fit of the cramp. And yet I had no pain in my back, or head, or limbs, the cramp only excepted. But I had no strength at all, being scarce able to move, and much less to think. In this state I lay till Friday morning, when a violent fit of the cramp carried the fever quite away. Perceiv May, 1783.] JOURNAL. 245 ing this, I took chaise without delay, and reached Worcester in the afternoon. Here I overtook Mr. Collins again, who had supplied all my appointments, and with a remarkable blessing to the people. But being much exhausted, I found rest was sweet. Saturday, 22. In the morning I gave a short exhortation, and then went on to Birmingham. Sun.

It may doubtless vie in elegance, if not in costliness, with any seat in Great Britain: But the miserable master of the whole has little satisfaction therein. God hath said, “Write this man childless.” For whom then does he heap up these things? He is himself growing old:-- And must he leave this paradise ? Then leave These happy shades, and mansions fit for gods? Sun. 4.--There was an Ordination at St. Patrick’s. I admired the solemnity wherewith the Archbishop went through the Ser vice: But the vacant faces of the ordained showed how little they were affected thereby. In the evening multitudes met to renew their covenant with God. But here was no vacant face to be seen; for God was in the midst, and manifested himself to many; particularly to a daughter of good William Pennington. Mon. 5.--We prepared for going on board the packet; but as it delayed sailing, on Tuesday, 6, Iwaited on Lady Arabella Denny, at the Black Rock, four miles from Dublin. It is one of the pleasantest spots I ever saw. The garden is everything in miniature. On one side is a grove, with serpentine walks; on the other, a little meadow and a green-house, with a study (which she calls her chapel) hanging over the sea. Between these is a broad walk, leading down almost to the edge of the water; along which run two narrow walks, commanding the quay, one above the other. But it cannot be long before this excellent lady will remove to a nobler paradise.- The unusually large congregation in the evening was plenti fully watered with the dew of heaven. I found a particular concern for the children, many of whom willingly attended. Wed. 7.--The packet still delaying, I exhorted a large con gregation, in the evening, to take care how they built their house upon the sand; and then cheerfully commended them to the grace of God. Thur. 8.-We rose at one, went down to the quay at two, and about four went on board the Hillsborough packet. About five the wind turned fair, and, between five and six in the evening, brought us to Holyhead. About seven we took coach, and the next evening met our friends at Chester. Mon. 12.--About eight I preached at Preston-in-the-Hill; about twelve, in Warrington; and in the evening, at Liverpool. May, 1783.] JOURNAL.

Stately trees grow on all their banks. The whole town is encompassed with a double row of elms; so that one may walk all round it in the shade. Sat. 14.--I had much conversation with the two English Ministers, sensible, well-bred, serious men. These, as well as Mr. Loyal, were very willing I should preach in their churches; but they thought it would be best for me to preach in the Episcopal church. By our conversing freely together, many prejudices were removed, and all our hearts seemed to be united together. June, 1783.] JOURNAL. 249 In the evening we again took a walk round the town, and I observed, 1. Many of the houses are higher than most in Edinburgh. It is true they have not so many stories; but each story is far lostier. 2. The streets, the outside and inside of their houses in every part, doors, windows, well-staircases, furniture, even floors, are kept so micely clean that you cannot find a speck of dirt. 3. There is such a grandeur and elegance in the fronts of the large houses, as I never saw elsewhere; and such a profusion of marble within, particularly in their lower floors and staircases, as I wonder other nations do not imitate. 4. The women and children (which I least of all expected) were in general the most beautiful I ever saw. They were surprisingly fair, and had an inexpressible air of innocence in their countenance. 5. This was wonderfully set off by their dress, which was simplea munditiis, plain and neat in the highest degree. 6. It has lately been observed, that growing vegetables greatly resist putridity; so there is an use in their numerous rows of trees which was not thought of at first. The elms balance the canals, preventing the putrefac tion which those otherwise might produce. One little circumstance I observed, which I suppose is pecu liar to Holland: To most chamber-windows a looking-glass is placed on the outside of the sash, so as to show the whole street, with all the passengers. There is something very pleasing in these moving pictures. Are they found in no other country? Sun. 15.--The Episcopal church is not quite so large as the chapel in West-Street. It is very elegant both without and within. The Service began at half-past nine. Such a congre gation had not often been there before.

The thunder had been uncommonly dreadful; and the lightning had tore up a field near High-Wycomb, and turned the potatoes into ashes. In the evening I preached in the new preaching-house at Oxford, a lightsome, cheerful place, and well filled with rich and poor, 258 REv. J. wesley’s [July, 1783. scholars as well as townsmen. Tuesday, 15. Walking through the city, I observed it swiftly improving in everything but religion. Observing narrowly the Hall at Christ-Church, I was convinced it is both loftier and larger than that of the Stadt-House in Amsterdam. I observed also, the gardens and walks in Holland, although extremely pleasant, were not to be compared with St. John’s, or Trinity gardens; much less with the parks, Magdalen water-walks, &c., Christ-Church meadow, or the White-walk. Wed. 16.--I went on to Witney. There were uncommon thunder and lightning here last Thursday; but nothing to that which were there on Friday night. About ten the storm was just over the town; and both the bursts of thunder and lightning, or rather sheets of flame, were withoutintermission. Those that were asleep in the town were waked, and many thought the day of judgment was come. Men, women, and children, flocked out of their houses, and kneeled down together in the streets. With the flames, the grace of God came down also in a manner, never known before; and as the impression was general, so it was lasting: It did not pass away with the storm; but the spirit of seriousness, with that of grace and supplication, continued. A prayer-meeting being appointed on Saturday evening, the people flocked together; so that the preaching-house was more than filled; and many were constrained to stand without the door and windows. On Sunday morning, before the usual time of Service, the church was quite filled. Such a sight was never seen in that church before. The Rector himself was greatly moved, and delivered a pressing, close sermon, with uncommon earnestness. When I came on Wednesday, the same serious ness remained on the generality of the people. I preached in the evening at Wood-Green, whereamultitude flocked together, on the Son of man coming in his glory. The word fell heavy upon them, and many of their hearts were as melting wax. Thursday, 17. At five they were still so eager to hear, that the preaching-house would not near contain the congregation.

At a small distance runs a clear river, with a beautiful wood on its banks. Close to it is a shady walk to the right, and another on the left hand. On two sides of the house there is abundance of wood: On the other, a wide prospect over fields and meadows. About ten I preached again with much liberty of spirit, on, “Love never faileth.” About two I left this charming place, and made for Keith. But I know not how we could have got thither, had not Lady Banff sent me forward, through that miserable road, with four stout horses. I preached about seven to the poor of this world: Not a silk coat was seen among them: And to the greatest part of them at five in the morning. And I did not at all regret my labour. Sat. 8.--We reached the banks of the Spey. I suppose there are few such rivers in Europe. The rapidity of it exceeds even that of the Rhine: And it was now much swelled with melting snow. However, we made shift to get over before ten; and about twelve reached Elgin. Here I was received by a daugh ter of good Mr. Plenderleith, late of Edinburgh; with whom having spent an agreeable hour, I hastened toward Forres: But we were soon at full stop again; the river Findhorn also was so swollen, that we were afraid the ford was not passable. How ever, having a good guide, we passed it without much difficulty. I found Sir Lodowick Grant almost worn out. Never was a visit more seasonable. By free and friendly conversation his spirits were so raised, that I am in hopes it will lengthen his life. Sun. 9.--I preached to a small company at noon, on, “His commandments are not grievous.” As I was concluding, May, 1784.] JOURNAL, 275 Colonel Grant and his lady came in : For whose sake I began again, and lectured, as they call it, on the former part of the fifteenth chapter of St. Luke. We had a larger company in the afternoon, to whom I preached on “judgment to come.” And this subject seemed to affect them most. Mon. 10.-I set out for Inverness. I had sent Mr. M*Allum before, on George Whitfield's horse, to give notice of my com ing. Hereby I was obliged to take both George and Mrs.

I am as strong at eighty-one, as I was at twenty-one; but abundantly more healthy, being a stranger to the head-ache, tooth-ache, and other bodily disorders which attended me in my youth. We can only say, “The Lord reigneth !” While we live, let us live to him.- In the afternoon I went to Gainsborough, and willingly accepted the offer of Mr. Dean’s chapel. The audience was large, and seemed much affected: Possibly some good may be done even at Gainsborough Tuesday, 29. I preached in the July, 1784.j JOURNAL. 283 street at Scotter, to a large and deeply attentive congregation. It was a solemn and comfortable season. In the evening I read Prayers and preached in Owstone church; and again in the morning. Wednesday, 30. In the evening I preached at Epworth. In the residue of the week, I preached morning and evening in several of the neighbouring towns. Sun. JULY 4.--I read prayers and preached in Owstone church, so filled as probably it never was before; and believe every one, awakened or unawakened, felt that God was there. The congregation in the afternoon, at Epworth market-place, was thought to be larger than ever it was before; and great was the Holy One of Israel in the midst of them. Mon. 5.--At twelve I preached in the elegant House at Doncaster, for once pretty well filled; and spoke more strongly, indeed more roughly, than I am accustomed to do. It was sultry hot (as it has been once or twice before) while we went to Rotherham, where I preached abroad to a larger congregation, both of rich and poor, than even at Epworth; and earnestly enforced on those who are called believers, “By their fruits ye shall know them.” Tues. 6.--I joined again the select society, which was fallen in pieces; and prayed them to be wiser for the time to come. Ibreakfasted at that amiable old man’s, Mr. Sparrow; elder bro ther to his twin-soul whom I knew at Westminster. Thence I went on to Sheffield, where the society is increased to near some hundred members. How swiftly does the work of God spread among those who earn their bread by the sweat of their brow ! Wed. 7.--It was supposed there were a thousand persons present at five in the morning. A young gentlewoman was with us at breakfast, who was mourning and refused to be comforted.

I went to Sheerness; where Mr. Fox read Prayers, and I preached on those words in the Second Lesson, “If the righteous scarcely be saved, where shall the ungodly and the sinner appear?” I hardly ever spoke stronger words. May God make the appli cation / I never before found this society in such a state as they were now ; being all, in general, athirst for God, and increasing in number as well as in grace. Friday, 17. I preached at Chatham, where likewise I found only peace and love; and on Saturday, 18, cheerfully returned to London. Mon. 20.--I went to Hinxworth, where I had the satisfac tion of meeting Mr. Simeon, Fellow of King's College, in Cambridge. He has spent some time with Mr. Fletcher, at Madeley; two kindred souls; much resembling each other, both in fervour of spirit, and in the earnestness of their address. He gave me the pleasing information, that there are three parish churches in Cambridge, wherein true scriptural religion is preached; and several young gentlemen who are happy partakers of it. I preached in the evening on Gal. vi. 14. Tuesday, 21. I spent a little time with the children at Miss Harvey’s school, whom she likewise carefully instructs herself. After dinner we set out for Wrestlingworth; and having a skilful guide, who rode before the chaise, and picked out the best way, we drove four miles in only three hours. Wednesday, 22. I returned to London, and concluded my journeys for the present year. Sat. 25.-We met, as usual, in the new chapel, at four : At ten, and in the afternoon, I preached in West-Street; and afterwards spent a comfortable hour in meeting the society. Sun. 26.--I preached the condemned criminals’ sermon in Newgate. Forty-seven were under sentence of death. While they were coming in, there was something very awful in the clink of their chains. But no sound was heard, either from them or the crowded audience. after the text was named, “There is Jan. 1785.] JOUTIRNAL. 295 joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth, more than over ninety and nine just persons, that need not repentance.” The power of the Lord was eminently present, and most of the prisoners were in tears. A few days after, twenty of them died at once, five of whom died in peace.

At noon I preached in the Room at Stafford, to a deeply affected congregation. This was the more strange, because there are few towns in England less infected with religion than Stafford. In the evening I preached at Newcastle, to a very serious and much affected congregation. Wednesday, 30. We found a difficulty at Lane-End. Even at noon the House con tained not a third of the congregation. The wind was piercing cold; nevertheless, I preached abroad, and God warmed our hearts. In the evening I was greatly comforted among our brethren at Burslem, well established in grace ; and such another congregation I met with, Thursday, 31, at Congleton. Fri. APRIL 1.--I came to Macclesfield, where Mr. Simpson had given notice of my preaching in his church. Here I fully delivered my own soul; and on Saturday, 2, went on to Man chester. Sunday, 3. Our brethren flocking in from all parts, the House, large as it is, could not contain them. It was sup posed we had twelve hundred communicants. Monday, 4. I preached to our old, loving congregation at Bolton. Tuesday, 5. At noon I preached at Wingate, in the open air. The con gregation were quite ripe for all the Gospel blessings, devouring every word. In the evening I preached at Wigan. I never before saw this preaching-house full; but it was more than full to-night, and with deeply attentive hearers. Wednesday, 6. I preached at Liverpool; but I found no ship there ready to sail. So, Thursday, 7, (after preaching at Warrington in the way,) I hastened to Chester. Neither was there any ship at Parkgate ready to sail; so, Friday, 8, we took coach, and reached Holy head between four and five on Saturday in the afternoon. Between nine and ten we went on board the Clermont packet: But it was a dead calm till past ten on Sunday, 10, when the company desired me to give them a sermon. After sermon I prayed that God would give us a full and speedy passage. While I was speaking the wind sprung up; and in twelve hours brought us to Dublin Bay. Does not our Lord still hear the prayer? I found such a resting-place at our own house, as I never found in Ireland before : and two such Preachers. April, 1785.] JOURNAL.

April, 1785.] JOURNAL. 301 with two such wives, I know not where to find again. In the evening, and so every evening beside, we had Sunday evening congregations; and in the morning they were larger, by a third part, than those I had when I was here last. On Tuesday, and the three following days, I examined the society. I never found it in such a state before; many of them rejoiced in God their Saviour, and were as plain in their apparel, both men and women, as those in Bristol and London. Many, I verily believe, love God with all their hearts; and the number of these increase daily. The number of the whole society is seven hundred and forty-seven. Above three hundred of these have been added in a few months;-a new and unexpected thing ! In various places, indeed, we have frequently felt The o'erwhelming power of saving grace; which acted almost irresistibly. But such a shower of grace never continued long; and afterwards men might resist the Holy Ghost as before. When the general ferment subsides, every one that partook of it has his trial for life; and the higher the flood, the lower will be the ebb; yea, the more swiftly it rose, the more swiftly it falls: So that if we see this here, we should not be discouraged. We should only use all diligence to encourage as many as possible to press forward, in spite of all the refluent tide. Now, especially, we should warn one another not to grow weary or faint in our mind; if haply we may see such another prodigy as the late one at Paulton, near Bath, where there was a very swift work of God; and yet, a year after, out of an hundred converted, there was not one backslider' The number of children that are clearly converted to God is particularly remarkable. Thirteen or fourteen little maidens, in one class, are rejoicing in God their Saviour; and are as serious and stayed in their whole behaviour, as if they were thirty or forty years old. I have much hopes, that half of them will be steadfast in the grace of God which they now enjoy. Sun. 17.-We had such a mumber of communicants at the cathedral as was scarce ever seen there before.

I trust the seed now sown will not wither away, but grow up into everlasting life Mon. 25.--Being desired to preach at Ballinasloe, in my way to Aghrim, Istood, about eleven, in the shade of a large house, and preached to a numerous congregation of Papists and Pro testants, equally attentive, on, “The kingdom of God is at hand.” As I entered Aghrim, the Rector, who was waiting at his gate, welcomed me into the country; and desired me to use his church, both now, and whenever I pleased : I preached there at six. It was thoroughly filled with well-behaved hearers. But the society here, as well as that at Tyrrel’s Pass, is well nigh shrunk into nothing ! Such is the baleful influence of riches' The same effect we find in every place. The more men increase in goods, (very few excepted,) the more they decrease in grace. Tues. 26.-I went on to Eyre-Court. Here, also, the Minister gave me the use of his church ; but the people seemed to understand little of the matter. As I had not this privilege at Birr, I went to the Square, where the owner of a large house invited me to preach before it. The con gregation was exceeding large; but many of them wild as colts untamed. However, the far greater part of them were seriously attentive. I am in hopes the work of God will revive here also ; the rather, because he has fully restored one of the most eminent backsliders in the kingdom. When I came to Tullamore, the Minister was willing that I should preach in the church; where both the soldiers and all the Officers attended, and our Great Captain was present also. Thur. 28.--I supposed the house at Portarlington would lave more than contained the congregation; but it would scarce 304 REv. J. Wesley’s [May, 1785. contain a third part of them. So I removed to the market house, and preached on the general judgment. The word was quick and powerful, so that very few appeared to be unaffected. In the evening I preached in the church at Mount-Mellick. Perhaps such a congregation was never there before. But the greater part of them seemed to be of Gallio’s mind, to care for none of these things. Fri. 29.--I preached in our own House at Kilkenny, to just such another congregation.

29.--I preached in our own House at Kilkenny, to just such another congregation. But those that attended in the morning were of a nobler spirit, and I found uncommon liberty among them. Sat. 30.--I preached at Waterford in the Court-House, one of the largest in the kingdom. A multitude of people quickly ran together, which occasioned some tumult at first; but it was quickly over, and all were deeply attentive, Surely God will have much people in this city. Sun. MAY 1.--At eight I preached in the Court-House to a larger congregation than before. At eleven I went to the cathedral, one of the most elegant churches in Ireland. The whole Service was performed with the utmost solemnity. After Service, the senior Prebend, Dr. Fall, invited me to dinner; and desired, when I came again, I would take a bed at his house. I doubt that will never be At four I preached at the head of the Mall, to a Moorfields congregation, all quiet and attentive. Monday, 2. The con gregation at five in the morning was larger than that on Saturday evening; and all of them appeared to have (for the present, at least) a real concern for their salvation. O that it may not pass away as the morning dew I took a solemn farewell of this affectionate people, con cluding with those awful words:-- Now on the brink of death we stand ; And if I pass before, You all may safe escape to land, And hail me on the shore. Tues. 3.−We set out for Dungarvan-Ferry; but in spite of all the speed we could make, the road was so horrible, that we could not reach Youghall before six in the evening At seven, the Court-House was filled from end to end : And such was the attention of all, high and low, that I hope many of them will bring forth fruit to perfection. May, 1785.] JOURNAL. 305 Wed. 4.--At five in the morning the Court-House was thoroughly filled. So in the evening I preached in the Mall, where the congregation was much the same as the last at Waterford; only that they were in general Protestants, as are most in the town; who are also some of the most cour. teous and quiet people in the kingdom. Thur. 5.--Before I came half way to Cork, I was met by about thirty horsemen.

12.--I preached at Carlisle; and Saturday, 13, after a long day's journey, at Glasgow. After spending three days here fully employed, on Wednesday, 17, we went on to Edinburgh. Here likewise I had much and pleasant work. On Friday, 19, I went forward to Dundee; and on Saturday, 20, to Arbroath; where I spent the Lord's Day in the Lord’s work. 332 REv. J. Wesley’s [June, 1786. Mon. 22.-Having a long day's journey before us, we set out, at half-hour past three: So we came early to Aberdeen. Wednesday, 24. We had an exceeding solemn parting, as I reminded them that we could hardly expect to see each other's face any more, till we met in Abraham’s bosom. Thur. 25.--We set out early; but when we came to Bervie, the inn was full; there was no room for man or beast; so we were constrained to go a double stage, to Montrose. But the storm was so high, we could not pass for several hours. However, we reached Arbroath soon after six; and a large congregation was deeply attentive, while I applied, “To him that hath shall be given; but from him that hath not shall be taken away even what he assuredly hath.” The storm was still so high, that, unless we set out at night, we could not pass till nine in the morning. So we went on board at eleven. The wind was then so strong, that the boat could scarce keep above water. However, our great Pilot brought us safe to land between one and two in the morning. Saturday, 27. About three we came to the New Inn, and rested till between six and seven. Thence, going gently on to Kinghorn, we had a pleasant passage to Leith. After preaching, I walked to my lovely lodging at Coates, and found rest Was Sweet. Sun. 28.--I preached first at our own House, and at noon on the Castle-Hill. I never saw such a congregation there before. But the chair was placed just opposite to the sun; But I soon forgot it, while I expounded those words, “I saw the dead, small and great, stand before God.” In the evening the whole audience seemed to feel, “Without holiness no man shall see the Lord.” Tues. 30.--I had the happiness of conversing with the Earl of H and his Lady, at Dunbar.

I had appointed to preach at Swinfleet; so I went as far as Beverley this evening, and on Monday, 19, set out early; but being vehemently importuned to go round by Malton, I did so, and preached there at nine. Thence I hastened to Pocklington; and, finding the people ready, step ped out of the chaise, and preached without delay. We reached Swinfleet between six and seven, having gone, in all, seventy-six miles. A numerous congregation was assembled under the shade of tall trees. Sufficient for this day was the labour thereof: But still I was no more tired than when I rose in the morning.- Tues. 20.--I preached in Crowle at noon; and in the evening at Epworth. Wed. 21.--I preached at Scotter at nine; and at one in Brigg, in an open part of the town. All were still as night; the very boys and girls standing as quiet as their parents: Indeed, it seemed that the hearts of all were as melting wax before the Lord. In the evening, the people flocking together on every side, I was constrained to preach in the market place at Grimsby; where every one behaved well, except the Calvinist Preacher. June, 1786.] JOURNAL. 335 Thur. 22.--In the evening I preached at Louth. I never saw this people affected before. Friday, 23. At nine I preached at Tealby, where many of the people felt that God was with them in an uncommon manner. Having now given a second reading to “Fingal,” rendered into heroic verse, I was thoroughly convinced it is one of the finest Epic Poems in the English language. Many of the lines are worthy of Mr. Pope; many of the incidents are deeply pathetic; and the character of Fingal exceeds any in Homer, yea, and Virgil too. No such speech comes out of his mouth as, Sum pius AEneas, famá super asthera motus : * No such thing in his conduct as the whole affair of Dido is in the Trojan Hero. Meantime, who is Ewen Cameron ? Is it not Doctor Blair? And is not one great part of this publication to aggrandize the character of the old Highlanders, as brave, hospitable, generous men? In the evening I preached to a large congregation at Gains. borough, in Sir Nevil Hickman’s yard.

Sunday, 16. My heart was greatly enlarged in exhorting a very numerous con gregation to “worship God in spirit and in truth.” And we had such a number of communicants as we have not had before, July, 1786.] JOURNAL. 343 since the covenant-night. I suppose fifty, perhaps a hundred of them, never communicated before. In the afternoon I buried the remains of Thomas Parkinson, (who died suddenly two or three days before,) one of our first members, a man of an excel lent spirit, and unblamable conversation. Monday, 17. After preaching at West-Street, where many were impressed with a deep sense of the presence of God, I took coach for Bristol. We had a delightful journey; but having the window at my side open while I slept, I lost my voice, so that I could scarce be heard across a room. But before Wednesday morning (by applying garlic as usual) it was instantly restored. Thur. 20.--I preached at the new Room, on, “We have this treasure in earthen vessels.” And the hearts of many, who had been vexed with needless scruples, were mightily refreshed. Fri. 21.--I walked over to Kingswood School, now one of the pleasantest spots in England. I found all things just according to my desire; the Rules being well observed, and the whole behaviour of the children showing that they were now managed with the wisdom that cometh from above. Sun. 23.--I preached in the morning on those words in the Second Lesson, “Lazarus, come forth;” and I believe, many that were buried in sin heard the voice of the Son of God. In the evening I preached abroad on Matt. v. 20. In the middle of the sermon it began to rain; but not many went away. This put me in mind of that remarkable circumstance respecting the late Pope. On that solemn day when the Pope rides on horse back to St. Peter's, a violent storm scattered his whole retinue. When it abated, His Holiness was missing; but they soon found him sitting quietly in the church. Being asked how he could ride through such a storm, he very calmly replied, “I am ready to go, not only through water, but through fire also, for my Lord’s sake.” Strange, that such a man should be suffered to sit two years in the Papal chair Tues. 25.--Our Conference began: About eighty Preachers attended.

The manner was particular: No table-cloth was used, but plates, with knives and forks, and napkins, to each person, and fifteen or sixteen small ones; on which were bread, butter, cheese, slices of hung beef, cakes, pancakes, and fruit of various kinds. To these were added music upon an excellent organ, one of the sweetest tones I ever heard. Sat. 19.--We took a walk in Haerlem wood. So delightful a place I scarce ever saw before. I judged it to be about a mile broad, and two or three miles, deep. This is divided into almost innumerable walks, some broad and some narrow, but diversified in a wonderful manner, and skirted with elegant houses on both sides. In the afternoon we returned to Amsterdam. In the evening Mr. Shranten, a bookseller, (whose daughter had come with us in the boat to Amsterdam,) an Elder of the Holland's church, invited us to supper, and desired me to expound a portion of Scripture, which I did with liberty of spirit. Afterward Mr. Brackenbury repeated to them in French the substance of what I had said. Sun. 20.--I expected to have preached in the English church, as I did before ; but some of the Elders were unwilling : So I attended there as a hearer; and I heard as miserable a sermon as most I have heard in my life. It might have been preached either among Jews, Turks, or Heathens, without offending them at all. In the afternoon I expounded, to a company of serious Christians, our Lord’s account of building our house upon a rock. Jonathan Ferguson interpreted sentence by sentence; and God applied it to the hearts of the hearers. Mon. 21.-I spent an hour with great satisfaction at Mr. Noltanu's country-house. Such a couple as him and his wife, I never saw since I left London; and both their children appeared to be worthy of their parents, both as to person, understanding, and temper. Aug. 1786.] JOURNAL. 347 Tues. 22.-I spent great part of the day at Mr. Wankennel’s country-house, having agreed with him to give me a private room to write in, before and after dinner. At ten, a very sensible Clergyman came in, with whom I conversed very largely, as he talked elegant Latin, and exceeding fluently, beyond any I have lately seen on the Continent.

Creighton (whose health is a little recovered by rest, and drinking the mineral waters) read Prayers and assisted at the sacrament. I preached on, “The children are brought to the birth, and there is not strength to bring forth.” At half an hour past two we had a far larger congregation, and I think equally serious; on whom I enforced the exhortation, “Come unto me, all ye that are weary and heavy-laden.” In the evening I opened and largely applied those words in the Gospel for the day, “Verily I say unto you, Many Prophets and Kings have desired to see the things which ye see, and have not seen them; and to hear those things that ye hear, and have not heard them.” Mon. 11.--Leaving the society here well united together, I went on, and preached at Bristol in the evening; and on Tuesday, 12, retired to a friend's house, where I went on with Mr. Fletcher's Life without interruption; but on Wednesday, 13, I could not resist the desire of my friends, to preach at Temple church in the evening. I never saw it so full in an evening before, nor felt so much of the power of God there. Fri. 15.-I had much satisfaction in the evening at the chapel in Guinea-Street. It was throughly filled; and most of the people seemed much affected, while (from Heb. xii. 1) I described what I take to be the chief besetting sins of Bristol, love of money, and love of ease. Indeed God has already wrought a great deliverance for many of them; and we hope a far greater will ensue. Sun. 17.--I preached morning and evening at the Room; and in the afternoon at Kingswood, where the work of God seems to stand nearly at one stay; not sensibly increasing or decreasing. On Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, I met the classes at Bristol; and on the remaining days of the week transcribed the society, considerably increased since last year; and I hope in grace as well as in number. Sat. 23.--I read the general plan of Monsieur Gebalin's vast work, designed to consist of twelve very large quarto volumes: Oct. 1786.] JOURNAL. * 351 eight of which are published :--“The Primitive World Analyzed, and compared with the Modern.” He is a man of strong understanding, boundless imagination, and amazing industry.

Monday, 30, and the ensuing days, I visited the classes. I was careful to take an exact account of the society. I was surprised to find only a hundred and fifty-nine. I thought they had been double the number. I hope, by the assistance of God, within four months to see that none of these want either food or raiment. Fri. November 3.--Taking the advantage of a moonlight evening, I went down to the chapel at Rotherhithe. I never saw it so well filled before, nor with such serious and atten tive hearers. Is anything too hard for God? Shall this wilderness blossom and bud as the rose? Sun. 5.--I buried the remains of John Cowmeadow, another martyr to loud and long preaching. To save his life, if possi ble, when he was half dead, I took him to travel with me. But it was too late: He revived a little, but soon relapsed; and, after a few months, died in peace. He had the ornament of a meek and quiet spirit, and was of an exemplary behaviour. Tues. 7.-Ivisited the classes, and found them much increased both in grace and number. The House was, as usual, well filled in the evening, and many were refreshéd and comforted. Thur. 9.--In the evening I preached at Stratford; and under standing I had many good sort of people to deal with, I endea voured to stir them up, by strongly showing what it is to build upon a rock; after showing them the various ways whereby the generality of good men (so called) usually build upon the sand. Dec. 1786.] JOURNAL. 355 Sun. 12.--I preached, morning and afternoon, for the use of our little charity-school, where forty boys and twenty girls are trained up both for this world and the world to come. Mon. 13.--I retired, for a few days, to Highbury-Place, that I might go on in my work without interruption. I returned to town on Thursday, 16; and after preaching on 1 Tim. vi. 20, had a comfortable meeting with the Bands. Their shy mess is vanished away; and we have only one inconvenience, --we have not time to hear all those that are willing to speak. Sun. 26.-After officiating at West-Street morning and after noon, I took coach at seven in the evening. We had a clear, pleasant night, and reached Norwich about eleven on Monday, 27.

So it did all the day, as well as in the evening. The House was then crowded indeed; yet there was attention still as might. But God uttered his voice; yea, and that a mighty voice, inso much that the stout-hearted trembled ; and it seemed as if he would send none empty away; but of these, too, though many were called, I fear few were chosen. Sun. 4.--I began the service at half an hour past nine, and concluded it before one. I suppose such a number of com municants were never seen before at Plymouth-Dock; but there was no disorder or hurry at all. There was more diffi culty in the evening: The throng was so great that it was impossible for me to get through them to the pulpit; so at length they made shift to lift me over the seats. Again God spoke in his word, I believe to all that could get in; but some could not, and were constrained to go away. Mon. 5.--The House was well filled again, both above and below; and after a solemn parting, we took coach at six, leav ing such a flame behind us as was never kindled here before. God grant it may never be put out ! We reached Exeter between two and three. In the even ing I preached on, “By grace are ye saved through faith,” to as many as could possibly squeeze into the Room. It was a glorious opportunity. God uttered his voice, and that a mighty one. It seemed to break the rocks in pieces, to make the stout-hearted tremble. I know not that I ever saw such an impression made on the people of Exeter before. Wed. 7.-It rained much while we were at Plymouth, and at the Dock, and most of the way from the Dock to Exeter; but we had lovely weather to-day, and came into Bath early in the evening. So crowded a House I had not seen here for many years. I fully delivered my own soul, by strongly enforcing those awful words, “ Many are called, but few are chosen.” I believe the word sunk deep into many hearts. The 362 REV. J. WESLEY’s [March, 1787. next evening we had another large congregation equally serious. Thursday, 8. I went on to Bristol; and the same afternoon Mrs. Fletcher came thither from Madeley.

Fletcher came thither from Madeley. The congregation in the evening was exceeding large. I took knowledge what spirit they were of Indeed the work of God has much in creased in Bristol since I was here last, especially among the young men, many of whom are a pattern to all the society. Fri. 9.--I went over to Kingswood, and found the school in a better state than I expected, considering the want of a second master, which they had for some time laboured under. Sat. 10.--I had the pleasure of an hour's conversation with Mrs. Fletcher. She appears to be swiftly growing in grace, and ripening for a better world. I encouraged her to do all the good she could during her short stay in Bristol. Accordingly she met, in the following week, as many of the classes as her time and strength would permit; and her words were as fire, con veying both light and heat to the hearts of all that heard her. , Sun. 11.--We had a solemn season at the Room, both in the morning and evening; and also in the afternoon at Kings wood, where the work of God revives as well as at Bristol. I strongly warned the people of Bristol of their indolence, through which the Preacher had twelve, ten, or five hearers in a morning; and advised them to shake it off. Many of them did so; and I suppose we had three hundred on Mon day morning, one hundred and fifty on Saturday, and between two and three hundred every morning of the week besides. Monday, 12, and on the four days following, I met the society. They were considerably increased both in grace and number. In the evening we had a Sunday’s congregation, and a very uncommon pouring out of the Spirit. If this continues, the society in Bristol will soon vie with that in Dublin. On Thursday, 15, we had such another shower of grace. Many were wounded, and many healed. Yesterday that blessed saint, Sarah Bulgin, went to rest in the full triumph of faith. Sun day, 18. I preached her funeral sermon to a listening multitude, and had such a number of communicants as was never seen together at Bristol Room before. In the evening we had a love feast, at which Mrs. Fletcher simply declared her present expe rience.

Mon. 23.--Having taken leave of our affectionate friends at Athlone, I went on to Balinasloe; but here we were at a loss; the usual preaching-place would not contain half the people; and the wind was so high, and so extremely cold, that they could not stand abroad. However, we made the best shift we could with two rooms, together with the passage and staircase. I strongly explained what it is to build upon the sand ; and all that could hear seemed to receive the word gladly : Some, I hope, will bring forth fruit with patience. The church at Aghrim was so filled in the evening as it scarce ever was before. I believe God enabled me to find the way to the hearts both of Protestants and Roman Catho lics. I never saw so general an impression made on the peo ple of this town before. In the morning, Tuesday, 24, the preaching-house was well filled; and I exhorted them in St. John’s words, “Look to yourselves, that ye lose not the things which ye have gained, but that ye receive a full reward.” I did not find either so large or so serious a congregation in the church at Eyre-Court. I preached between ten and eleven to a number of unconcerned hearers, and then went on to Birr. There has been lately a great shaking among the dry bones here. The congregations are much increased, and hear with deep attention; and several members have been added to the society. I would fain have preached in the Square, as I did before; but the wind and rain did not permit; so as many as could, crowded into the preaching-house. I preached on, “I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ;” a subject which, it 370 REv. J. Wesley's [April, 1787. w seemed, suited the hearers ; many of whom are hindered chiefly by evil shame from being altogether Christians. Wed. 25.-I once more visited my old friends at Tullamore. Have all the balloons in Europe done so much good as can counterbalance the harm which one of them did here a year or two ago? It took fire in its flight, and dropped it down on one and another of the thatched houses so fast that it was not possible to quench it till most of the town was burned down.

They then sat down on the grass, being full as private as in the House; and many spoke their experience quite freely. But the rain obliged us to break off our meeting sooner than we intended. It began in the evening, before I had finished the hymn, but stopped in two or three minutes, and left us a fair and tolerably pleasant evening. Sat. 16.--I went on to Dungannon; but the town seemed to be in an uproar. One would have thought Bedlam had broke loose. The cause was this:--A cock-fight was at hand. A gentleman asked the Presbyterian Minister for the use of his meeting-house; but he gave a reason for his denial, viz., that Mr. Hall, one of the society, had said he had played at cards all 384 REv. J. Wesley’s [June, 1787. night; (which, it seems, was true;) and therefore he could not allow him to come into his meeting-house. So we removed all the benches out of our own; and it contained most of the congregation. I preached there again in the evening, and then held a love-feast; at which many were greatly comforted. Sun. 17.--We knew not what to do at Armagh; The rain would not suffer us to preach in the avenue; and our House would not contain half of the congregation, many of whom came from far. The best shift we could make was to squeeze into the House as many as possible, and keep both the windows and doors open; by which means many more could hear. In the evening the Seceders (who would think it?) freely gave me the use of their large meeting-house. It was filled from end to end: But a wise young gentleman observed, that I had quite mistook my subject; my sermon being calculated for the vulgar, not for gentlefolks. I permitted as many as our House would contain to stay at the meeting of the society; and gave them a plain account of the Methodists, both as to their rise, principles, and practice. Mon.

Several of them appeared to have sound and deep experience of the things of God, and to stand steadfast in the liberty wherewith Christ had made them free. The House was at ten full and warm enough. Mr. Horne read Prayers, and read them well. I preached on those words in the First Lesson, “How long halt ye between two opinions?” and was enabled to press the question home on 390 REv. J. W. Esley’s [Aug. 1787. the consciences of the hearers. We had five Clergymen, (although three only could officiate,) and twelve or thirteen hundred communicants; and the Master of the feast was in the midst of us, as many found to their unspeakable comfort. After preaching in the evening, I took a solemn leave of the affectionate society. Here, at least, it undeniably appears that we have not run in vain, neither laboured in vain. Mon. 6.--Having taken the whole coach for Birmingham, we set out at twelve o’clock, expecting to be there, as usual, about five in the evening; but having six persons within, and eight without, the coach could not bear the burden, but broke down before three in the morning: But having patched it together, as well as we could, we went on to Congleton, and got another. But in an hour or two this broke also; and one of the horses was so throughly tired, that he could hardly set one foot before the other. After all these hinderances, we got to Birmingham just at seven. Finding a large congregation waiting, I stepped out of the coach into the House, and began preaching without delay; and such was the goodness of God, that I found no more weariness when I had done than if I had rested all the day. Here I took a tender leave of Mrs. Heath and her lovely daughters, about to embark with Mr. Heath for America; whom I hardly expect to see any more till we meet in Abraham’s bosom. Tues. 7.--Setting out a little before five, we reached Worcester between ten and eleven: Resting till half-past twelve, and taking fresh horses at Tewkesbury, we reached Gloucester before five o’clock. About seven I preached to a numerous congregation in the new House, on, “I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ;” and strongly applied the words to those whom they concerned.

About seven I preached to a numerous congregation in the new House, on, “I am not ashamed of the Gospel of Christ;” and strongly applied the words to those whom they concerned. This night was one of the hottest I ever felt in Europe. Wed, 8.-We set out at two; and, from the time it was light, rode through one of the pleasantestcountries I ever saw. Before five we came to Rodbury-Place; but we were far too early for so genteel a family. Before we reached Malmsbury, one of my horses fell lame; so I sent my own chaise and horses directly to Bristol, and took post-chaises the rest of the day. About half-hour after four we came to Salisbury, designing to go straight forward to Southampton; but, to our great surprise, there was not a post-chaise to be hired in the town. Aug. 1787.] JOURNAL, 391 After waiting some time, we were informed that notice had been given of my preaching in the evening. I then saw the providential reason why we could not leave Sarum. The House was full enough in the evening, and great was the power of God in the midst of them. Thur. 9.--Desiring to be at Southampton as soon as pos sible, we took chaise at four in the morning, and (making but a short stay at Romsey) came thither between eight and nine. We found two sloops nearly ready to sail. The Captain of one promised to sail the next morning; so we sat down content. At seven in the evening I preached in Mr. Fay's school-room, to a small, but deeply serious, congregation, on, “It is appointed unto men once to die.” I believe some of these will not be forgetful hearers, but will bring forth fruit with patience. Fri. 10.--At six I preached to nearly the same number, on Heb. iv. 14. In the afternoon I went with a gentleman (Mr. Taylor) to hear the famous musician that plays upon the glasses. By my appearing there, (as I had foreseen,) an heap of Gentry attended in the evening; and I believe several of them, as well as Mr. T. himself, did not come in vain. Sat. 11.--We went on board the Queen, a small sloop, and sailed eight or nine leagues with a tolerable wind.

About one I preached at Oxford, to a very quiet, deeply serious congrega tion. The House at Witney would nothing near contain the people in the evening: It was well filled at five on Wednesday morning. Idearly love this people; they are so simple of heart, and so much alive to God. After dinner we returned to Oxford. Half an hour before the hour of preaching, a heavy rain began; by this means the House was filled, and not overfilled. I found great liberty of speech in enforcing the first and great command ment; and could not but hope there will be a great work of God here, notwithstanding all the wisdom of the world, Thur. 18.-We went on to High-Wycomb. The work of God is so considerably increased here, that although three 402 REv. J. WESLEY’s [Oct. 1787. galleries are added to the preaching-house, it would scarce contain the people. Even at five in the morning, Friday, 19, it was throughly filled. Never before was there so fair a prospect of doing good at this place. I dined in London.' Sun. 21.--I preached in the morning at Spitalfields, with the usual success; in the afternoon at the new chapel, on the remarkable answer of Balaam to Balak’s question. (Micah vi. 8.) How clear light had Balaam at that time ! But he Joon turned back, and “loved darkness rather than light.” Mon. 22.--I went to Canterbury, and preached in the evening on the first and great commandment; in the morning, Tuesday, 23, on the second. We then went on to Dover. In the evening I strongly applied the parable of the Sower to a crowded audience. Wednesday, 24. I spoke equally plain in the morning. About noon (after an intermission of fifteen years) I preached at Sandwich, to more than the House contained, on Luke ix. 62. God applied his word to many hearts, so that I have at length a hope for Sandwich also. In the evening I preached at Margate. The word was quick and powerful. So it was likewise, in the morning, Thursday, 25. A good work has been wrought here since I was here before. Here is now a lively, loving society, who adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour. In returning to Canterbury, I called upon Mr. Kingsford, a man of substance as well as piety.

Kingsford, a man of substance as well as piety. He informed me, “Seven years ago, I so entirely lost the use of my ankles and knees, that I could no more stand than a new-born child. Indeed, I could not lie in bed without a pillow laid between my legs, one of them being unable to bear the weight of the other. I could not move from place to place, but on two crutches. All the advice I had profited me nothing. In this state I continued above six years. Last year I went on business to London, then to Bristol and Bath. At Bath I sent for a Physician; but before he came, as I sat reading the Bible, I thought, ‘Asa sought to the Physicians, and not to God; but God can do more for me than any Physician.’ Soon after I heard a noise in the street; and, rising up, found I could stand. Being much surprised, I walked several times about the room; then I walked into the Square, and afterwards on the Bristol road: And from that time I have been perfectly well, having as full a use of all my limbs as I had seven years ago.” Nov. 1787.] JOURNAL. 403 We had a comfortable opportunity in the evening, and early in the morning; and I left Canterbury, Friday, 26, with a strong hope that the work of God will flourish here, as it has not done for many years. In the evening I preached to a lovely congregation at Chatham; and on Saturday returned to London.- Mon. 29.--I looked over all the manuscripts which I had collected for the Magazine, destroyed what I did not think worth publishing, and corrected the rest. Tuesday, 30. I went down to Miss Harvey’s, at Hinxworth, in Hertfordshire. Mr. Simeon, from Cambridge, met me there; who breathes the very spirit of Mr. Fletcher. The chapel was quite crowded in the evening. I preached on that inexhaustible text, and with much liberty of spirit, “By grace are ye saved through faith.” In the morning, Wednesday, 31, 1 preached on the Woman of Canaan; and in the afternoon went over to Mr. Hick’s, at Wrestlingworth, through such roads as no chaise could pass: So we had the pleasure of riding in a farmer's cart.

Immediately after preaching we set out. How is the face of this country changed in a few years It was, twenty years ago, dreary enough; but is now as a pleasant garden. But what is most remarkable, is the bridge which connects the two mountains, the Peas, together; one of the noblest works in Great Britain; unless you would except the bridge at Edin burgh, which lies directly across the Cowgate: So that one street (a thing not heard of before) runs under another. 420 REV. J. W. ESLEY’s [May, 1788. About noon we came to Berwick-upon-Tweed; but the town being all in a hurry, on occasion of the fair, so that I could not conveniently preach in the market-house, I was glad that Mr. Atcheson, the Presbyterian Minister, offered me the use of his chapel. It was a large commodious place. Several of his hear ers attended; to whom I spoke exceeding plain, in the evening, on 1 Cor. xii. 3; and in the morning, on Isaiah lix. 1-3. Sat. 24.--About one we reached Alnwick. I was a little sur prised at the new preaching-house, (in which I preached in the evening,) exactly resembling the meeting-house we hireat Brent ford. Had they no eyes? Or had they never seen any English House? But the scarecrow must now stand without remedy. Sun. 25.-This was the day on which all the Nonjuring con gregations in Scotland began, by common agreement, to pray in all their public worship for King George and his family. I preached at nine, at two, and at half-past five; the last time on the Gospel for the day, (the history of Dives and Lazarus,) with much enlargement of spirit. After preaching at five in the morning, on Matt. xxvi., and taking a solemn leave of the con gregation, I went on to Morpeth; but was informed the Town Hall was totally engaged; the lower part, by a company of players; the upper, by a dancing-master. However, the latter did scruple the having his right: So I preached to the largest congregation I ever saw there. And our Lord seemed to Dart into all the melting power Of love, and make the mountains flow. It was indeed a wonderful season, such as we had scarce had before since we left Bristol. In the evening I preached at Newcastle, to such a congregation as was never there before.

In the evening I preached at Newcastle, to such a congregation as was never there before. unless on a Sunday; and indeed all the congregations, morn ing and evening, were such as had not been before since the House was built. Surely this is the accepted time for Newcastle. Perhaps I may see it no more. . At noon I preached in the lower House, to a very crowded congregation; and I believe most of them felt that God was there; for it was as a season of great refreshment. So it was at the upper House in the evening. I doubt not but God will be glorified in both, provided the people in each agree to provoke one another only to love, and to good works. Sat. 31.--At five I preached in the lower House to a numerous congregation: I believe the greater part of whom June, 1788.] JOURNAL. 4.2.1 had no thought of salvation, till they heard the preaching at this place. Were it only for the sake of these, I do not regret all the trouble I have had on occasion of this building. At nine I preached in South-Shields to a large and serious congregation, ready prepared for the Gospel; in the evening at Sunderland, to an experienced people, many of whom are rooted and grounded in love. Sun. JUNE 1.--I willingly accepted of Mr. Hampson's invi tation, and preached in his church morning and afternoon. I suppose it was hardly ever so filled before. And the power of God was present to heal. It was doubted whether all could hear. In order to try, Joseph Bradford stood in the farthest corner; and he could hear every word. I preached in our chapel at six; but abundance of people could not get in. I was sorry I did not preach abroad, while so many were athirst for the word. Mon. 2.-About noon I preached at Cockermouth. I had never such a season there before : The glory of the Lord seemed to fill the House, and the people trembled before him. We had such another opportunity at Sunderland in the evening: Surely God will be glorified in this place | Tues. 3.--I returned to Newcastle, and preached in the evening on the “rest " that “remaineth for the people of God:” And a few have believed our report, and are eager to enter into it. Thur.

Many of the Durham Militia, with several of their officers, were there: And all of them seemed to receive the word, “not as the word of man; but, as it is indeed, the word of God.” Tues. 10.--We went through one of the pleasantest coun tries I ever saw, to Darlington. Before I left Newcastle, I was desired to read a strange account of a young woman, late of Darlington. But I told the person who brought it, “I can form no judgment till I talk with Margaret Barlow herself.” This morning she came to me, and again in the afternoon; and I asked her abundance of questions. I was soon convinced, that she was not only sincere, but deep in grace; and therefore incapable of deceit. I was convinced, likewise, that she had frequent intercourse with a spirit that appeared in the form of an angel. I know not how to judge of the rest. Her account was -“ For above a year, I have seen this angel, whose face is exceeding beautiful; her raiment,” so she speaks, “white as snow, and glistering like silver; her voice unspeakably soft and musical. She tells me many things before they come to pass. She foretold, I should be ill at such a time, in such a manner, and well at such an hour; and it was so exactly. She has said, such a person shall die at such a time; and he did so. Above two months ago, she told me, your brother was dead; (I did not know you had a brother;) and that he was in heaven. And some time since she told me, you will die in less than a year. But what she has most earnestly and frequently told me, is, that God will in a short time be avenged of obstinate sin ners, and will destroy them with fire from heaven.” Whether this will be so or no, I cannot tell; but when we were alone, there was a wonderful power in her words; and, as the Indian said to David Brainerd, “They did good to my heart.” It is above a year since this girl was first visited in this man 424 REv. J. WESLEY’s [June, 1788. ner, being then between fourteen and fifteen years old. But she was then quite a womanish girl, and of unblamable behaviour.

But she was then quite a womanish girl, and of unblamable behaviour. Suppose that which appeared to her was really an angel; yet from the face, the voice, and the apparel, she might easily mis take him for a female; and this mistake is of little consequence. Much good has already resulted from this odd event; and is likely to ensue; provided those who believe, and those who disbelieve, her report, have but patience with each other. We had a love-feast in the evening, at which several spoke deep experience in a plain, artless manner; and many were greatly comforted, and stirred up more intensely to hunger and thirst after righteousness. Wed. 11.--About noon I preached at Stockton; but the House would not contain the congregation; nor indeed at Yarm, in the evening. Here I heard what was quite new to me, namely, that it is now the custom, in all good company, to give obscene healths, even though Clergymen be present; one of whom, lately refusing to drink such a health, was put out of the room; and one of the forwardest, in this worthy company, was a Bishop's steward.- Thur. 12.--Between one and two we had a larger congrega tion at Potto than I ever saw there before. At Hutton-Rudby, in the evening, I spoke strongly to the backsliders; and I think not in vain. At eight I preached to a lovely congregation, at Stokesley, with much liberty of spirit; and at eleven, in Guisborough, to one far larger, and equally attentive. In the evening I preached at Whitby, in the new House, throughly filled above and below; though it contains twice as many as the old one; and although the unfinished galleries, having as yet no fronts, were frightful to look upon. It is the most curious House we have in England. You go up to it by about forty steps; and have then before you a lofty front, I judge, near fifty feet high, and fifty-four feet broad. So much gainers have we been by the loss of the former House. Beside that it stood at one end of the town, and in the very sink of it, where people of any fashion were ashamed to be seen. Sat.

Only let me find rest in a better world ! At six I preached in the church to such a congregation as I never saw here before; but I do not wonder if all the country should flock in hither, to a palace in the midst of a paradise. Fri. 4.--I set out early from Raithby, and at eight preached in Horncastle. My design was, to have preached seriously; for which purpose I chose that text, “The harvest is past, the summer is ended, and we are not saved;” but I was turned, I knew not how, quite the other way, and could preach scarce anything but consolation. I believe this was the very thing which the people wanted; although I knew it not. We reached Lincoln about twelve. A very numerous congregation of rich and poor were quickly assembled. I 430 REv. J. Wesley’s [July, 1788. preached below hill, in Mrs. Fisher's yard; a large and commodious place. From the quietness of the people one might have imagined that we were in London or Bristol. Indeed the dread of the Lord was on every side; and surely his power was present to heal. In the evening I preached in our new House at Gains borough, which was crowded sufficiently. I spoke strong words, on, “Now is the accepted time;” which seemed to sink deep into the hearts of the hearers. Saturday, 5. In the evening I preached at Owstone, to such a congregation, both for number and seriousness, as I hardly ever saw here before. Afterwards I took a view of what was lately the glory of the town, the great mansion-house built by the late Mr. Pinder's father, when I was a little child. His grandson has left it desolate and without inhabitant, has taken away all the pictures and furniture, blocked up the windows, and cut down the fine rows of trees which formed the avenue ! So fleets the comedy of life away. Sun. 6.--At eight we had such another congregation as that in the evening; to which I expounded that comfortable scripture, the former part of Rev. xiv. I came to Epworth before the church Service began; and was glad to observe the seriousness with which Mr. Gibson read Prayers, and preached a plain useful sermon; but was sorry to see scarce twenty communicants, half of whom came on my account.

Gibson read Prayers, and preached a plain useful sermon; but was sorry to see scarce twenty communicants, half of whom came on my account. I was informed likewise, that scarce fifty persons used to attend the Sunday service. What can be done to remedy this sore evil? I fain would prevent the members here from leaving the church; but I cannot do it. As Mr. G. is not a pious man, but rather an enemy to piety, who frequently preaches against the truth, and those that hold and love it, I cannot with all my influence persuade them either to hear him, or to attend the sacrament administered by him. If I cannot carry this point even while I live, who then can do it when I die? And the case of Epworth is the case of every church, where the Minister neither loves nor preaches the Gospel. The Methodists will not attend his ministrations. What then is to be done? At four I preached in the market-place, on Rom. vi. 23; and vehemently exhorted the listening multitude to choose the better part. Mon. 7.--Having taken leave of this affectionate people, * * July, 1788.] JOURNAL. 431 probably for the last time, I went over to Finningley; and preached at eleven, on that verse in the Second Lesson, Luke xix. 42. After dinner we walked over Mr. H.’s domain, the like to which I never saw in so small a compass. It con tains a rabbit-warren, deer, swans, pheasants in abundance, besides a fish-pond and an elegant garden. Variety indeed But is there no danger that such a multitude of things should divert the mind from the “one thing needful?” In the evening I preached at Doncaster. I never before saw this House so filled, much less crowded; and it was, in a manner I never knew before, filled with the presence of God, while I earnestly enforced that advice, “Acquaint now thyself with Him, and be at peace.” One fruit of this was, that the congregation at five in the morning was larger than it ever was before in the evening; and God again made bare his arm, and uttered his voice, yea, and that a mighty voice.

I never before saw this House so filled, much less crowded; and it was, in a manner I never knew before, filled with the presence of God, while I earnestly enforced that advice, “Acquaint now thyself with Him, and be at peace.” One fruit of this was, that the congregation at five in the morning was larger than it ever was before in the evening; and God again made bare his arm, and uttered his voice, yea, and that a mighty voice. Surely those who now heard will be without excuse, if they do not know the day of their visitation We were much distressed at Rotherham for want of room, the rain driving us into the House. However, we stowed in it as many as we possibly could; and God bore witness to his word. Wednesday, 9. After dining with that lovely old man, Mr. Sparrow, I went on to Sheffield. The House was much crowded, though one of the largest in England; but all could hear distinctly. In the morning, Thursday, 10, at five we had an evening congregation; and the people seemed to devour the word. Here and at Hull are the two largest morning congregations which I have seen in the kingdom. Fri. 11.--We set out early for Derby. About nine, within about a mile of the Peacock, suddenly the axletree of my chaise snapped asunder, and the carriage overturned. The horses stood still till Jenny Smith and I crept out at the fore-windows. The broken glass cut one of my gloves a little, but did us no other damage. I soon procured another chaise, and went on to Derby, where I preached in the evening; and at five in the morning on Saturday, 12; and then went on to Nottingham. Sun. 13.--I began the service at ten; but I knew not how I should get to the end, being almost exhausted when I had finished my sermon; when Mr. Dodwell came, who, though very weak through the ague, assisted me in administering the Lord's supper to a very large number of communicants. After 4.32 REv. J. WESLEY’s [Aug. 1788. preaching in the evening, I made a collection for Kingswood School. To-day I had just as much work as I could do. Mon.

Afterwards, meeting the society, I took a solemn leave of them, which I hope they will remember if they see me no more. Wed. 13.--We crossed over to Sarum, where I preached in the evening, with much enlargement of heart. Thursday, 14. Setting out about three, we came to Gloucester early in the afternoon. I spoke very plain, both in the evening and the 434 REv. J. wesley’s [Aug. 1788. morning. Friday, 15. We went on to Monmouth; but Mr. G. has done with us; so I lodged with my old friend, Mr. Johnson; and instead of that lovely young woman, S B , who is removed to Cowbridge, met with her younger sister, who more than supplies her place. She is a jewel indeed; full of faith and love, and zealous of good works. I preached both in the evening and the next morning with the demonstration of the Spirit; and all the congregation, rich and poor, appeared to be sensible of it. Saturday, 16. We had an easy journey to Brecon, where I preached in the evening. Sunday, 17. I preached in the Room at eight, on the fruit of the Spirit. In the evening I preached in the spacious Town Hall, so filled as it had never been before. I think there is a little company here that are truly alive to God. Monday, 18. I went on to Carmarthen, and preached at six, on 2 Cor. v. 19; and again at five in the morning, Tuesday, 19, when the Room was well filled. A servant of Mr. Bowen's came early in the morning to show us the way to Llyngwair : And it was well he did; for I do not know that we could otherwise have found our way thither. We met (as I expected) with a hearty welcome. At five I preached in Newport church, to a large congregation, and with agreater prospect of doing good than ever I had before. We passed an agreeable evening at Llyngwair. Wednesday, 20. I went to Tracoon, one of the most venerable seats in Great Britain. The good old house is buried in woods and mountains, having no resemblance to any place I have seen. It is just suited to the good old Admiral, with his four maiden sisters; the youngest of whom, I suppose, has lived more than seventy years.

She uttered no complaint, but was all patience and resignation, showing the dignity of a Christian, in weakness, and pain, and death. I preached on, “It is appointed unto men once to die;” and I believe all present felt the awful truth. I had intended to go on to Cowbridgethe mext day; but, being much importuned to give one day more to a dying friend, I yielded, and desired another Preacher to go and supply my place. In the evening I preached on Psalm colvi. 3, 4. The scene before us greatly confirmed the word. Friday, 29. That they might not be offended, I went to Cowbridge. In half an hour's notice, we had a large congregation in the Town-Hall, to whom I showed the nature and pleasantness of religion, from Prov. iii. 17. I returned to Fontegary, took my last leave of the dying saint, and then went on to Cardiff. In the evening U preached (probably for the last time) to a very genteel congre gation in the Town-Hall. Saturday, 30. I returned to Bristol. Sun. 31.-Mr. Collins came very opportunely, to assist me at the morning service. Otherwise, Ishould have been distressed; for such a number of communicants I never saw here before. I would fain have preached abroad; but the ground was too 436 REv. J. WESLEY’s [Sept. 1788. wet. So I preached within, on, “Ye cannot serve God and mammon.” Wed. SEPTEMBER 3.--I made a little beginning of some account of my brother's life. Perhaps I may not live to finish it. Then let it fall into some better hands ! Thur. 4.--I had the satisfaction of spending an hour with that excellent woman, Lady : Not quite so honourable, but full as much devoted to God, and as useful, as even Lady Betty Hastings. What is too hard for God? We see even this is possible with God, to raise a Lady and a saint in one person |- Fri. 5.-We had a solemn watch-night at Kingswood. The school is now in just such a state as I wish. Mr. M'Geary has three pious and able Assistants, out of those that were brought up in it; and I doubt not it will supply a sufficiency of Masters for the time to come. Sat. 6.--I walked over to Mr. Henderson’s, at Hannam, and thence to Bristol.

Henderson’s, at Hannam, and thence to Bristol. But my friends, more kind than wise, would scarce suffer it. It seemed so sad a thing to walk five or six miles ! I am ashamed, that a Methodist Preacher, in tolerable health, should make any difficulty of this. Sun. 7.-Having none to assist me, I found it hard work to read Prayers, preach, and administer the sacrament to such a number of people. The moment I had done, I hastened to Kingswood; having but just time to take a little dinner before I began preaching to a large congregation, before the preaching house. Returning to Bristol, I preached at five in Carolina Court, to an immense number of people, on Rom. viii. 33, 34. Tues. 9.--I saw the large church at Midsummer-Norton throughly filled with serious hearers. The Room at Shepton Mallet, though greatly enlarged, could in nowise contain the congregation. At five in the morning, Wednesday, 10, it was throughly filled. At Coleford, in the evening, I was obliged to preach. Thursday, 11. We had a lovely congregation at Frome, both in the evening and at five in the morning. At length this wilderness, too, as it has long appeared to be, begins to blossom and bud as the rose. About two o'clock, Friday, 12, I preached in the preaching house yard, at Trowbridge, where, notwithstanding the harvest, we had an unusually large congregation, who listened with deep attention; in the evening at Bradford, to as many as the Sept. 1788.] JOURNAL. 437 House would contain. But I did not find good Mrs. Ballard there. After long struggling with a deep nervous disorder, which for a time depressed the mind as well as the body, the cloud removed; her load fell off, and her spirit joyfully returned to God. Sat. 13.--I found the society at Bath in a more flourishing state than it had been for many years; and the congregation in the evening was unusually large, and, as usual, seriously attentive. Sun. 14.--We had twice as many communicants as I ever remember here. Just before service Mr. Shepherd came, and offered me his service. It could not have been more season able.

16.--I looked over the finest picture of atheistical religion that ever I saw, in the account that Captain Wilson gives of Thule, King of Pelew. But how utterly needless is either the knowledge [or the grace] of God, (consequently, how idle a book is the Bible,) if a man be all-accomplished, that has no more knowledge of God than a horse, and no more of his grace than a sparrow ! Tues. 20.--I retired in order to finish my year's accounts. If possible, I must be a better economist; for instead of having anything before hand, I am now considerably in debt; but this I do not like. I would fain settle even my accounts before I die. Sun. 25.--Much of the power of God was in the congrega tion, both morning and afternoon; as also on Monday evening; which gave me a good hope that God will carry on his own work. At the earnestimportunity of our friends, on Wednesday, 28, I went to open the new preaching-house at Rye. It is a noble building, much loftier than most of our Houses, and finely situated at the head of the town. It was throughly filled. Such a congregation I never saw at Rye before; and their beha viour was as remarkable as their number; which, added to the peaceable, loving spirit they are now in, gives reason to hope there will be such a work here as has not been heretofore. Feb. 1789.] JOURNAL. 445 Thur. 29.-I went over to Winchelsea; once a large, flourishing city; but ever since it was burnt by the Danes, a little, inconsiderable town, though finely situated on the top of a range of hills. The new preaching-house was well filled with decent, serious hearers, who seemed to receive the truth in the love of it. I returned to Rye in the afternoon; and in the evening preached to another large and serious congre gation. Friday, 30. We made our way through miserable roads to Sevenoaks, where the congregation, both evening and morning, was uncommonly large. So (whether I see them again or not) I cheerfully commended them to God, and the next morning returned to London. Sun. FEBRUARY 1.--We had an exceeding solemn season, both morning and evening. It seemed indeed as if the skies poured down righteousness on all that lifted up their hearts to God.

Wednesday, 25, was the day which I had ordered all our brethren in Great Britain and Ireland to observe with fasting and prayer, for the recovery of His Majesty's health : But we had the satisfaction to hear, that before we asked (unless in private) He answered; insomuch that the time intended for humiliation, turned into a time of thanksgiving; and both at five, at nine, at one, and in the evening, we were most employed in praises. Sunday, MARCH 1, was a solemn day indeed. The new chapel was sufficiently crowded both morning and afternoon; and few that expected a parting blessing, were disappointed of their hope. At seven in the evening I took the mail-coach; and having three of our brethren, we spent a comfortable night, partly in sound sleep, and partly in singing praise to God. It will now quickly be seen whether they who prophe sied some time since, that I should not outlive this month, be sent of God or not. One way or the other, it is my care to be always ready. Mon. 2.-At Bath the evening congregation was such as we used to have on Sunday evening; and I have seldom seen a larger here. In the morning, a young gentleman, who had heard me the evening before, desired to speak to me. He seemed greatly affected, and was almost persuaded to be a Christian. In the afternoon he sent his carriage, and would needs have me see his lady, though she had lain in but two or three days. Whether they turn back or no, they both seem now not far from the kingdom of God. Wed. 4.--I went on to Bristol, where we had a crowded con gregation both this evening and the next. Sunday, 8. In the evening I preached in Temple church to a large congregation. It was an acceptable time, especially to the mourners in Zion. Mr. Baddiley read Prayers for me, but could not stay to assist me at the Lord's Supper. However, my strength was as my day. Monday, 9, and the following days, I visited the classes, which do not decrease either in grace or number. Tuesday, 10. I had the pleasure of an hour's conversation with Mr.2 whom I had hardly seen for several years. On all these evenings God was eminently present in the congregation.

That three times more went to St. Patrick's (perhaps six times) in six or twelve months, than had done for ten or twenty years before. Observel This is done not to prepare for, but to prevent, a separation from the Church. On the mornings of this and the following week I ex pounded the thirteenth chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians: Such a compendium of true religion as none but the Author of it can give. The evening congregations were exceeding large, as well as deeply attentive. Friday, APRIL 3. I preached at Bethesda; and with much liberty of spirit. Saturday, 4. I preached in Gravel-Walk House, so filled as I never saw it before; and they all seemed to hear as for life. It was a comfortable night. Sun. 5.--I preached in the new Room at seven. At eleven I went to the cathedral. I desired those of our society who did not go to their parish churches, would go with me to St. Patrick's. Many of them did so. It was said, the number of communicants was about five hundred; more than went there in the whole year before the Methodists were known in Ireland. Mon. 6.--To-day, and for some days following, I was so overborne with letters, that I had hardly time to do anything but to read and answer them. Wednesday, 8. I visited and administered the sacrament to our poor widows; four-and twenty of whom are tolerably provided for in our Widows’ House. The frowardness and stubbornness of some of these 450 REv. J. WESLEY’s [April, 1789. was, for a time, a grievous trial to the rest; but this is past: They are all now of a better spirit, and adorn the doctrine of God our Saviour. Thur. 9.--In the evening I met, for the second time, the bands. I admired them much : They are more open than those either in London or Bristol; and I think here is a greater number of those that are now clearly perfected in love, than I now find even in London itself. APRIL 10.--(Being Good Friday.) I accepted of the press ing invitation of Mr. Smyth, and preached at Bethesda both morning and evening; in the morning on the New Covenant, as it is now given to the Israel of God; and in the evening on Heb. ix.

I preached about eleven at B ; and at six in the church at Aghrim. It was much fuller than when I preached here before; and many Papists were there; who, as the Minister informed me, 452 REv. J. Wesley’s [April, 1789. had attended the church ever since I was there before. Tuesday, 21. About ten I preached in Eyre-Court church, so filled as, I suppose, it never was before; and many of the hearers seemed to feel the word. Thence we went on to Birr. How is the scene changed here ! One of the dullest places in Ireland is become one of the liveliest ! But I could not preach abroad in the evening, by reason of the rain; so we made all the room we could in the Room and in the yard; and a most solemn opportunity we had. Wed. 22.--About moon I preached in the beautiful new Court-House, at Tullamore. Deep attention sat on the rich as well as the poor; as it did likewise at Coolylough in the evening. Thursday, 23, being the Thanksgiving Day for the recovery of His Majesty’s health, I preached in the Court House, at Portarlington, as soon as the Church Service ended. The congregation was exceeding well dressed, but exceeding careless and ill-behaved. At six I preached in the church at Mount-Mellick, exceedingly crowded with hearers of quite another kind: They were all attention; and in the morning filled the preaching-house. Friday, 24. The church at Mary borough was far larger, and one of the most elegant that I have seen in the kingdom. It was throughly filled in the evening, although many of the hearers looked as if they had not been in a church before. But in half an hour they were serious as death; and in the morning, Saturday, 25, the lower part of the church was well filled. Surely many will remember that day. In the evening I preached in our preaching-house at Carlow; where, that I might not overshoot the congre gation, I preached on, “So teach us to number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto wisdom.” Sun. 26.--I preached in the morning, and at five in the evening. The people were very civil, and many of them atten tive; but I think the time of Carlow is not yet come. Mon day, 27.

They had been but a while there, when they found it surrounded by many armed men; on which Mr. M'D.’s friends made their escape to a neighbouring village. Meantime they broke into his house; and, not finding him, broke into several houses. At length they came to the housewhere he was, and fired several balls through the doors and windows: Then they broke in, and made M*Donald, Gallagher, and Hipson, prisoners; and one Fulton said he had a warrant against them. They desired he would bring them before Sir Neal O'Donnel, a Magistrate, then within five miles; but, in stead of this, they were tied, and dragged to F.'s house, in Turlogh, where they continued all night. Tuesday, February 21. About six they were marched out with a large company, under pretence of carrying them before a Magistrate. Gallagher and Hipson were tied together, M'Do nald being suffered to ride, because of his wound; aruffian hold ing his bridle. When they got about half a mile from Turlogh, a shot was fired from the rear, which wounded one of the ruffians; F d contriving it so, that they might cry a rescue; on hearing of which they were ordered instantly to despatch the prisoners. Immediately severalshots were fired at the prisoners. Hipson was shot dead, and Gallagher wounded: M*Donald had both his arms broke; but his horse took fright, and broke from the ruffian: Gallagher had crept a little way, but they soon found him. Some were for despatching him instantly; but others moved to carry him to Mr. F d’s. At his house he was kept prisoner all the night. Wednesday, 22. The news coming to Castlebar, Mr. Ellison, the Magistrate, went up with a large party of the army to Tur logh. They rushed in, but, after searching all the house, could May, 1789.] JOURNAL. 457 not find F.; till two young men went into a room where was a large trunk, on touching the hasp of which, he jumped up like a harlequin, fell upon his knees, and begged they would not kill him. He was then carried out, and committed to Castlebar gaol, where he remained till the June following. He was found guilty on June 6th, and executed the 12th. After drinking a bottle of port, he went out of prison with the air of one going to a ball.

I never heard before of so cool, delibe rate, relentless a murderer And yet from the breaking of the rope at his execution, which gave him two hours of vehe ment prayer, there is room to hope he found mercy at last. In the evening we sang a hymn upon deck, which soon drew all the company about us. I then, without any delay, began preaching on, “It is appointed unto men once to die.” I believe all were a little affected for the present. We were then con strained to slacken sail, and to lie by for some hours, not having water to pass the bar: However, we landed between four and five in the morning, Tuesday, 14; and, after resting an hour, I went to Chester. I lodged at T. Briscoe's; a lovely family indeed; just such another as Miss B.'s, at Keynsham. The children, indeed, are not quite so genteel, but full as much awakened; and, I think, the most loving I ever saw. The House was throughly filled in the evening, (it being the fair-time,) as well as the following. Thursday, 16. When I took my leave of the family, they came all in tears. It is long since I saw the like. About noon I preached to a large and much-affected congre gation at Northwich. A flame is lately broke out here, such as never was seen here before. In the evening I preached at Man chester. Saturday, 18. I consulted Dr. Easton, finding my thirst and fever much increased. His medicine inmediately took place; and I was so much better in the morning, Sunday, 19, that I preached, and, with Dr. Coke's assistance, adminis tered the sacrament to eleven or twelve hundred communicants. I preached again in the evening; but it was too much for me, and brought back my fever. Monday, 20. I went on to Halifax, where, in the evening, I preached to a noble congregation; and afterwards spent near another hour in exhorting the society. 466 REv. J. WESLEY’s [Aug. 1789. Tuesday, 21. I hid myself at Otley, and prepared for the Con ference. Friday, 24. I preached to a lovely congregation, on Ephes. iv. 14. Saturday, 25. I preached in Dewsbury, in the evening, on Rev. xiv. 1-4. It rained all the time. I and several more people were wet to the skin.

Sun. 30.--Our service began at ten. The rain prevented the chapel being too much crowded. In the evening I preached at Plymouth, on the words in the First Lesson, “How long halt ye between two opinions?” It was an awful season. After wards I spent a comfortable evening with a few of our serious brethren. The jars both here and at the Dock seem now to be over, and the contending parties are willing to live in peace. Mon. 31.--We set out at three, in a lovely morning, and reached Exeter between twelve and one. Here the scene was much changed: Many of the people were scattered, and the rest faint and dead enough. The preaching-house was swiftly running to ruin, the rain running through the roof into it amain ; and five or six tenants living in the house were noisy enough, having none to control them. We called earnestly upon God to arise, and maintain his own cause: He did so in the evening congregation, (which was much larger than usual,) while I strongly enforced the parable of the Sower; and the dread of God seemed to rest on the whole congregation. Tues. SEPTEMBER 1.--We went through a delightful coun try to Tiverton. In the evening, the Independent Minister offering the use of his meeting-house, far larger than ours, I willingly accepted his offer. The congregation was far the largest I have seen in Tiverton for many years. I preached on Mark iii. 25; and it seemed all had ears to hear. Sept. 1789.] JOURNAL. 471 Wed. 2.--I preached at Halberton. I spoke here before in the open air; but the rain prevented it now. So as many as could, conveniently, got into the House. When we set out, one of my horses was quite lame; so that it was with great difficulty I could get to Taunton. In the evening, we had such a congregation, as, I suppose, was never in that House before. Surely the ancient work will some time revive, and the prayers of that blessed man, Joseph Alleine, be answered. Thur. 3.--Being obliged to take post-horses at Taunton, we went on to Castle-Carey. Here we found a little company of lively Christians. We found such another, Friday, 4, at Dit cheat; but the rain drove us into the House, where as many as could squeeze in seemed to be much affected.

The rain was heavy; yet many of the poor people made their way through it; so that the church (they said) has scarce ever been so filled before. After the Service many stayed in the church, because of the rain: So I spent some time with Oct. 1789.] JOURNAL, 473 them in singing and prayer; and our hearts were much com forted together. Thur. October 1.-I went over to Bath, and preached once more to a very large congregation, on 1 Pet. i. 14. Fri day, 2. We had a solemn watch-night at Kingswood, and most of the people stayed to the end. Sunday, 4. I pur posed preaching abroad once more in the afternoon; but just before five the rain began; so I could only enforce in the Room those solemn words, in the first Lesson for the day, “Turn ye, turn ye, from your evil ways,” &c. Mon. 5.--We set out at four, and, hiring post-horses, reached Mr. Whitchurch's, at Sarum, before dinner. In the evening the House was crowded extremely, and the voice of God was heard among them ; especially in the meeting of the society, to whom I delivered my own soul once for all. Tues day, 6. About nine I spoke full as plain at Winchester, I think, to the largest congregation I have seen there ; and it seemed the most serious; on that awful subject, Mark ix. 44. The audience at Portsmouth-Common, in the evening, were of another kind; to whom, therefore, I spake in quite another manner, from Eph. iii. 14, &c. Wednesday, 7. About one I preached to another very serious congregation in the town; whom, therefore, I exhorted to leave the first principles, and go on to perfection. Thursday,8. I set out early, and in the afternoon we were brought to London. I am now as well, by the good providence of God, as I am likely to be while I live. My sight is so decayed that I can not well read by candle-light; but I can write as well as ever: And my strength is much lessened, so that I cannot easily preach above twice a day. But, I bless God, my memory is not much decayed; and my understanding is as clear as it has been these fifty years. Sun.

He has ten children, from eighteen to a year or two old; but all under government: So that I met the very picture of my father's family. What a wretched steward was he, who influenced Lord H to put away such a tenant In the evening the House at High-Wycomb, though full, was still as night. Saturday, 31. We came safe and well to London. Sun. November 1.--Being All-Saints' Day, a day that I peculiarly love, I preached on Rev. vii. 1; and we rejoiced with solemn joy. Monday, 2. Miss H. met me at Hatfield, and took me on to Hinxworth. I never saw that preaching-house so full as it was this evening; and the people now begin not only to understand, but to relish, what they hear. Tuesday, 3. We went over to Wrestlingworth, where likewise the church was fuller than ever before. I spoke exceeding closely the next even ing at Hinxworth, which the people are now able to bear; and at Dec. 1789.] JOURNAL, 475 length that excellent woman that has so tenderly cared for them sees some fruit of her labour. Mon.9.--I returned to London; and the four following days I employed in visiting the classes. Sunday, 15. We had, as usual, a large congregation, and a solemn opportunity, at Spital fields; and another at Shoreditch church; where I preached a charity sermon, after the Prayers had been read in such a man ner as I never heard before. At five I preached at the new chapel, and met the society; but it was too much for me. Mon. 16.-After an intermission of many weeks, through the dryness of my mouth, I resolved to try if I could not preach at five in the morning; and did so with not much difficulty; and I now hope to hold on a little longer. Wednesday, 18. I found much life in the society at Brentford: So little cause have we to despair of any people, though for the present ever so dead Thursday, 19. I preached to a large congregation at Lambeth. On Friday and Saturday, I answered my letters. Sun. 22.--We had large congregations and a comfortable opportunity, both morning and evening, at West-Street chapel. Monday, 23. I set out for Northamptonshire; and in the evening preached at Whittlebury; but the House would ill contain the congregation, which were all serious as death.

But it was not large enough to contain them in the evening, to whom I explained that solemn passage in the Reve lation, “I saw the dead, small and great, stand before God.” They seemed to be all serious and attentive as long as I was speaking; but the moment Iceased, fourscore or one hundred began talking all at once. I do not remember ever to have been present at such a scene before. This must be amended; otherwise (if I should live) I will see Stourport no more. Fri. 19.--About eleven, coming to Quinton, I found a congregation waiting for me. So, that I might not disappoint them, I preached immediately, on, “We love him, because he first loved us;” and then went on to Birmingham, which I think is thrice as large as when I saw it fifty years ago. The congregation in the evening were well squeezed together, and most of them got in. The behaviour of the rich and poor is such, as does honour to their profession; so decent, so serious, so devout, from the beginning to the end It was the same the next evening. Sunday, 21. The Prayers began at the new House about half an hour after ten. It is a little larger than the new House at Brompton, and admirably well constructed. But several hundreds, I suppose, could not get in. I think all who did, found that God was there. The great House likewise in the evening was utterly insufficient to contain the congregation. But God is able to supply this want also; and his time is best. March, 1790.] JOURNAL. 483 Mon. 22.--I went on to our old friends at Wednesbury, where the work of God greatly revives. Business has exceed ingly decreased, and most of them have left the town. So much the more have the poor grown in grace, and laid up treasure in heaven. But we were at a great loss in the evening. I could not preach abroad after sunset, and the House would not near contain the people. However, as many as possibly could squeezed in ; and their labour was not in vain. Tues. 23.--About one I preached in the new House at Dudley; one of the neatest in England. It was a profitable season, where two persons, they informed me, found peace with God. We had a pleasant ride to Wolverhampton.

These have fallen deeply in love with each other, and never desire to be apart. The bird has learned the bark of the dog, so that few can distinguish them. She is inconsolable when he goes out; and, if he stays out a day or two, she will get up all the bones and scraps she can, and hoard them up for him till he comes back. Wed. 7.--About eleven I preached at Warrington. The chapel was well filled with serious hearers; but the great con gregation was at Liverpool. If those without were added to those within, I believe it would have exceeded even that at Manchester; and surely the power of God was present with them also. Thur. 8.--Such another congregation we had on Thursday, among whom were many that had never been there before. They seemed utterly amazed when I explained, “Now faith is the evidence of things unseen.” I believe many were then convinced; but, alas, how soon will that conviction die away ! Fri. 9.-We went to Wigan, for many years proverbially called, wicked Wigan: But it is not now what it was: The inhabitants in general have taken a softer mould. The House in the evening was more than filled; and all that could get in seemed to be greatly affected, while I strongly applied our Lord's words, “I will; be thou clean.” Saturday, 10. I crossed over to Northwich, and again found the wisdom of judging nothing before the time. The removal, which I used to ascribe to cap ice, I find was the effect of necessity. A wretched man, who had persuaded his father-in-law to give the staff out of his own hands, now abridges him of half his five hundred a year; and has the conscience to take fifty pounds a year out of the remainder, for the board of his son, apprenticed to him. In the evening I preached in the lovely House at Bolton, to one of the loveliest congregations in England; who, by patient continuance in well-doing, have turned scorn and hatred into general esteem and good-will. [Part of the manuscript having been lost, causes a chasm here.]- Mon. MAY 24.--We set out at four, and reached Forglen about moon. The face of the country is much changed for the better since I was here before. Agriculture increases on every side; sc do manufactories, industry, and cleanliness.

The church likewise was well filled. But in the evening we were much straitened for room; but as many as could hear, stood on the pavement without. In all England I have not seen a more affectionate people than those at Whitby. Mon. 21.--Being importuned by our friends at Malton to call there, (it being but about thirty miles out of the way,) I set out early, to prevent the heat of the day. Calling at Pickering, some of the society soon found me out, with whom I went to the preaching-house; which was full enough in a few minutes’ time. So was the House at Malton, in the evening; where I found the society more loving and united together than they had been for many years. Tues. 22.--I crossed over to Scarborough. The congrega tion in the evening was unusually small, being not yet recovered from the blessed fruits of the election. This was the hottest day we have had this year: And about one in the afternoon, the thunder, which had long lain at a distance, came near, with thick flashes of lightning, and impetuous rain: The thunder continued in one roll for an hour and a quarter. I never heard the like before, since my return from America. Thursday, 24. The Dissenting Minister offering me the use of his chapel in Bridlington, twice as large as our own, (the wind being too high for me to stand abroad,) I willingly accepted his offer. Friday, 25. About noon I preached at Beverley, to a serious, well-behaved congregation; and in the evening to one equally serious, and far more numerous, at Hull. 490 REv. J. wesley’s [July, 1790. Saturday, 26, was a day of satisfaction. I preached at seven in the morning, and at six in the evening, to as many as our House could contain ; the ground being too wet for the congre gation to stand abroad. Monday, 28. This day I enter into my eighty-eighth year. For above eighty-six years, I found none of the infirmities of old age ; my eyes did not wax dim, neither was my natural strength abated: But last August I found almost a sudden change. My eyes were so dim, that no glasses would help me. My strength likewise now quite forsook me; and probably will not return in this world.

How does this agree with Scripture? “All my delight is in the saints that are on the earth, and with them that excel in virtue!” How far was the experience of Jane Cooper, or Elizabeth Harper, preferable to that of such a solitary ! Sat. 4.--I went on to Bath, and preached in the evening to a serious, but small congregation, for want of notice. Sunday, 5. At ten we had a numerous congregation, and Sept. 1790.] JOURNAL. 493 more communicants than ever I saw here before. This day I cut off that vile custom, I know not when or how it began, of preaching three times a day by the same Preacher, to the same congregation; enough to weary out both the bodies and minds of the speaker, as well as his hearers. Surely God is returning to this society | They are now in earnest to make their calling and election sure. Mon. 6.--This evening the congregation was almost as large as it was the night before; and the power of God was mightily present: And so it was on Tuesday and Wednesday evening at Bristol. Thursday, 9. I read over the experience of Joseph Humphrys; the first Lay Preacher that assisted me in England, in the year 1738. From his own mouth I learn, that he was perfected in love, and so continued for at least a twelvemonth. Afterwards he turned Calvinist, and joined Mr. Whitefield, and published an invective against my brother and me in the newspaper. In a while he renounced Mr. Whitefield, and was ordained a Presbyterian Minister. At last he received Episcopal ordination. He then scoffed at inward religion; and when reminded of his own experience, replied, “That was one of the foolish things which I wrote in the time of my madness l’” Fri. 10.--I preached to a large congregation at Chew-Stoke, nine miles from Bristol on those words in the Second Lesson, “Come unto me, all ye that are weary and heavy laden;” and in the evening at Mrs. Griffith's house. Sun. 12.-I intended to preach abroad ; but the weather would not permit. Monday, 13, and the three following days, I met the classes of the society, which contains nine hundred and forty-four members. Still I complain of false musters.

Austle, aforesaid; Joseph Taylor, of Redruth, | in the said county of Cornwall; William Hoskins, of Go Cardiff, Glamorganshire; John Leech, of Brecon; William Saunders, of the same place; Richard Rodda, of Birming ham; John Fenwick, of Burslem, Staffordshire; Thomas Hanby, of the same place; James Rogers, of Macclesfield; Samuel Bardsley, of the same place; John Murlin, of Manchester; William Percival, of the same place; Duncan Wright, of the city of Chester; John Goodwin, of the same place; Parson Greenwood, of Liverpool; Zechariah Udall, of the same place; Thomas Vasey, of the same place; Joseph Bradford, of Leicester; Jeremiah Robert shaw, of the same place; William Myles, of Nottingham; Thomas Longley, of Derby; Thomas Taylor, of Sheffield; William Simpson, of the same place; Thomas Carlill, of Grimsby, in the county of Lincoln; Robert Scott, of the same place; Joseph Harper, of the same place; Thomas Corbit, of Gainsborough, in the county of Lincoln; James Ray, of the same place; William Thompson, of Leeds, in the county of York; Robert Roberts, of the same place; Samuel Bradburn, of the same place; John Walton, of Birstal, in the said county; John Allen, of the same place; Isaac Brown, of the same place; Thomas Hanson, of Hud dersfield, in the said county; John Shaw, of the same place; Alexander Mather, of Bradford, in the said county; Joseph Benson, of Halifax, in the said county; William Dufton, of the same place; Benjamin Rhodes, of Keighley, in the said county; John Easton, of Colne, in the county of Lancaster; Robert Costerdine, of the same place; Jasper Robinson, of the Isle of Man; George Button, of the same place; John Pawson, of the city of York; Edward Jackson, of Hull; Charles Atmore, of the said city of York; Lancelot Harrison, of Scarborough; George Shad ford, of Hull, aforesaid; Barnabas Thomas, of the same place; Thomas Briscoe, of Yarm, in the said county of York; Christopher Peacock, of the same place; William Thom, of Whitby, in the said county of York; Robert Hopkins, of the same place; John Peacock, of Barnard Castle; William Collins, of Sunderland; Thomas Dixon, of Newcastle-upon-Tyne; Christopher Hopper, of the same place; William Boothby, of the same place; William IHunter, of Berwick-upon-Tweed; Joseph Saunderson, of Dundee, Scotland; William Warrener, of the same place; Luncan M*Allum, of Aberdeen, Scotland; Thomas Rutherford, of the city of Dublin, in the kingdom of Ireland; Daniel Jackson, of the same place; Henry Moore, of the city of Cork, Ireland; Andrew Blair, of the same place; Richard Watkinson, of Limerick, Ireland; Nehemiah Price, of Athlone, Ireland; Robert Lindsay, of Sligo, Ireland; George Brown, of Clones, Ireland; Thomas Barber, of Charlemont, Ireland; Henry Foster, of Belfast, Ireland; and John Crook, of Lisburne, Ireland, Gentle men; being Preachers and Expounders of God’s Holy Word, under the care and in connexion with the said John Wesley, have been, and now are, and do, on the day of the date hereof, constitute the members of the said Con ference, according to the true intent and meaning of the said several gifts and conveyances wherein the words, Conference of the people called Methodists, are mentioned and contained; and that the said several persons before named, and their successors for ever, to be chosen as here after mentioned, are and shall for ever be construed, taken, and be, the Conference of the people called Methodists. Nevertheless, upon the terms, and subject to the regulations herein-after prescribed; that is to say, First, That the members of the said Conference, and their successors for the time being for ever, shall assemble once in every year, at London, Bristol, or Leeds, (except as after-mentioned,) for the purposes aforesaid; and the time and place of holding every subsequent Conference shall be appointed at the preceding one, save that the next Confer ence after the date hereof shall be holden at Leeds, in Yorkshire, the last Tuesday in July next.

Observe, 1. The making of the fish and fowl at first. Ge 1:20,21 God commanded them to be produced, he said, Let the waters bring forth abundantly - The fish in the waters, and the fowl out of them. This command he himself executed, God created great whales, &c. - Insects which are as various as any species of animals, and their structure as curious, were part of this day's work, some of them being allied to the fish, and others to the fowl. Notice is here taken of the various species of fish and fowl, each after their kind; and of the great numbers of both that were produced, for the waters brought forth abundantly; and in particular of great whales the largest of fishes, whose bulk and strength, are remarkable proofs of the power and greatness of the Creator. Observe, 2, The blessing of them in order to their continuance. Life is a wasting thing, its strength is not the strength of stones; therefore the wise Creator not only made the individuals, but provided for the propagating of the several species, Ge 1:22. God blessed them, saying, Be fruitful, and multiply - Fruitfullness is the effect of God's blessing, and must be ascribed to it; the multiplying of the fish and fowl from year to year, is still the fruit of this blessing here. See note at "Ge 1:20 See note at "Ge 1:20 See note at "Ge 1:20 24, 25 We have here the first part of the sixth day's work. The sea was the day before replenished with fish, and the air with fowl; and this day are made the beasts of the earth, cattle, and the creeping things that pertain to the earth. Here, as before, (1.) The Lord gave the word: he said, Let The earth bring forth - Let these creatures come into being upon the earth, and out of it, in their respective kinds. 2. He also did the work; he made them all after their kind - Not only of divers shapes, but of divers natures, manners, food, and fashions: In all which appears the manifold wisdom of the Creator. See note at "Ge 1:24 26, 27, 28

Where we have a brief rehearsal of what was before at large related concerning the creation of man. This is what we have need frequently to hear of, and carefully to acquaint ourselves with. Observe here. 1. That God created man. Man is not his own maker, therefore he must not be his own master; but the author of his being must be the director of his motions, and the center of them. 2. That there was a day in which God created man, he was not from eternity, but of yesterday; he was not the first - born, but the junior of the creation. 3. That God made him in his own likeness, righteous and holy, and therefore undoubtedly happy; man's nature resembled the divine nature more than that of any of the creatures of this lower world. 4. That God created them male and female, Ge 5:2, for their mutual comfort, as well as for the preservation and increase of their kind. Adam and Eve were both made immediately by the hand of God, both made in God's likeness; and therefore between the sexes there is not that great difference and inequality which some imagine. 5. That God blessed them. It is usual for parents to bless their children, so God the common Father blessed his; but earthly parents can only beg a blessing, it is God's prerogative to command it. It refers chiefly to the blessing of increase, not excluding other blessings. He called their name Adam - He gave this name both to the man and the woman. Being at first one by nature, and afterwards one by marriage; it was fit they should both have the same name, in token of their union. See note - part two at - "Ge 5.1" Seth was born in the 130th year of Adam's life, and probably the murder of Abel was not long before. Many other sons and daughters were born to Adam besides Cain and Abel before this; but no notice is taken of them, because an honourable mention must be made of his name only, in whose loins Christ and the church were.

But why did God take him so soon Surely because the world, which was now grown corrupt, was not worthy of him. Because his work was done, and done the sooner for his minding it so closely. He was not, for God took him - He was not any longer in this world: it was not the period of his being, but of his being here. He was not found; so the apostle explains it from the seventy; not found by his friends, who sought him, as the sons of the prophets sought Elijah, 2Kings 2:17. God took him body and soul to himself in the heavenly paradise, by the ministry of angels, as afterwards he took Elijah. He was changed, as those saints shall be that will be found alive at Christ's second coming. Methuselah signifies, He dies, there is a sending forth, viz. of the deluge, which came the very year that Methuselah died. If his name was so intended, it was a fair warning to a careless world long before the judgment came. However, this is observable, that the longest liver that ever was, carried death in his name, that he might be minded of its coming surely, tho' it came slowly. He lived nine hundred sixty and nine years, the longest we read of that ever any man lived on earth, and yet he died: the longest liver must die at last. Neither youth nor age will discharge from that war, for that is the end of all men: none can challenge life by long prescription, nor make that a plea against the arrests of death. 'Tis commonly supposed, that Methuselah died a little before the flood; the Jewish writers say, seven days before, referring to Ge 7:10, and that he was taken away from the evil to come. This same shall comfort us concerning our work and toil of our hands, because of the ground which the Lord hath cursed - Very probably there were some prophecies that went before of him, as a person that should be wonderfully serviceable to his generation. And Noah begat Shem, Ham, and Japheth - These Noah begat (the eldest of these) when he was six hundred years old.

Chapter VII We have in this chapter, God's gracious call to Noah to come into the ark, ver. 1. and to bring the creatures that were to be preserved alive, with him, ver. 2, 3. in consideration of the deluge at hand, ver. 4. Noah's obedience, ver. 5. he came with his family into the ark, ver. 6, 7. and brought the creatures with him, ver. 8, 9. An account of which is repeated, ver. 13, 14, 15, 16. to which is added God's tender care to shut him in. The coming of the threatened deluge, ver. 10. the causes of it, ver. 11, 12. the prevalency of it, ver. 17, 18, 19, 20. The dreadful desolations that were made by it, in the death of every living creature upon earth, except what were in the ark, ver. 21, 22, 23. The continuance of it in full sea, before it began to ebb, 150 days, ver. 24. Here is a gracious invitation of Noah and his family into a place of safety, now the flood of waters was coming. For thee have I seen righteous before me in this generation - Those are righteous indeed that are righteous before God; that have not only the form of godliness by which they appear righteous before men, who may easily be imposed upon; but the power of it, by which they approve themselves to God, who searcheth the heart. Here are necessary orders given concerning the brute creatures that they were to be preserved alive with Noah in the ark. He must carefully preserve every species, that no tribe, no, not the least considerable, might entirely perish out of the creation. Observe in this: God's care for man. Doth God take care for oxen 1Cor 9:9, or was it not rather for man's sake that this care was taken Even the unclean beasts were preserved alive in the ark, that were least valuable. For God's tender mercies are over all his works, and not only over those that are of most use. Yet more of the clean were preserved than of the unclean. Because the clean were most for the service of man; and therefore in favour to him, more of them were preserved and are still propagated. Thanks be to God there are not herds of lions as there are of oxen, nor flocks of tigers as there are of sheep.

This also speaks the conversion of the Gentiles, and the bringing of them into the church; and then we should read it, God shall persuade Japheth; (for so the word signifies) and being so persuaded, he shall dwell in the tents of Shem - That is, Jews and Gentiles shall be united together in the gospel - fold: after many of the Gentiles shall have been proselyted to the Jewish religion, both shall be one in Christ, Eph 2:14,15. When Japheth joins with Shem, Canaan falls before them both: when strangers become friends, enemies become servants.

The same spirit that the giants before the flood were acted by, Gen 6:4, now revived in him; so soon was that tremendous judgment, which the pride and tyranny of those mighty men brought upon the world, forgotten. Nimrod was a mighty hunter - This he began with, and for this became famous to a proverb. Some think he did good with his hunting, served his country by ridding it of wild beasts, and so insinuated himself into the affections of his neighbours, and got to be their prince. And perhaps, under pretence of hunting, he gathered men under his command, to make himself master of the country. Thus he became a mighty hunter, a violent invader of his neighbour's rights and properties. And that, before the Lord - Carrying all before him, and endeavouring to make all his own by force and violence. He thought himself a mighty prince; but before the Lord, that is, in God's account, he was but a mighty hunter. Note, Great conquerers are but great hunters. Alexander and Caesar would not make such a figure in scripture history as they do in common history. The former is represented in prophecy but as a he - goat pushing, Dan 8:5. Nimrod was a mighty hunter against the Lord, so the seventy; that is, he set up idolatry, as Jeroboam did, for the confirming of his usurped dominion; that he might set up a new government, he set up a new religion upon the ruin of the primitive constitution of both. The beginning of his kingdom was Babel - Some way or other, he got into power: and so laid the foundations of a monarchy which was afterwards a head of gold. It doth not appear that he had any right to rule by birth; but either his fitness for government recommended him, or by power and policy he gradually advanced into the throne. See the antiquity of civil government, and particularly that form of it which lodges the sovereignty in a single person. The account of the posterity of Canaan, and the land they possessed is more particular than of any other in this chapter, because these were the nations that were to be subdued before Israel, and their land was to become Immanuel's land.

when the Son of Man shall sit upon the throne of his glory, and all nations shall be gathered before him, Mt 25:31,32. Observe here, That nothing is left upon record concerning those of this line, but their names and ages; the Holy Ghost seeming to hasten thro' them to the story of Abraham. How little do we know of those that are gone before us in this world, even those that lived in the same places where we live! Or indeed of those who are our contemporaries, but in distant places. That there was an observable gradual decrease in the years of their lives. Shem reached to 600 years, which yet fell short of the age of the patriarchs before the flood; the three next came short of 500, the three next did not reach to 300, and after them we read not of any that attained to 200 but Terah; and not many ages after this, Moses reckoned 70 or 80 to be the utmost men ordinarily arrive at. When the earth began to be replenished, mens lives began to shorten so that the decrease is to be imputed to the wise disposal of providence, rather than to any decay of nature. That Eber, from whom the Hebrews were denominated, was the longest lived of any that were born after the flood; which perhaps was the reward of his strict adherence to the ways of God. Here begins the story of Abram. We have here, His country: Ur of the Chaldee's - An idolatrous country, where even the children of Eber themselves degenerated. His relations, mentioned for his sake, and because of their interest in he following story. His father was Terah, of whom it is said, Jos 24:2, that he served other gods on the other side the flood; so early did idolatry gain footing in the world.

His father was Terah, of whom it is said, Jos 24:2, that he served other gods on the other side the flood; so early did idolatry gain footing in the world. Enough it is said, Ge 11:26, that when Terah was seventy years old he begat Abram, Nabor and Haran, which seems to tell us that Abram was the eldest son of Terah, and born in the 70th year; yet by comparing Ge 11:32, which makes Terah to die in his 205th year, with Acts 7:4, where it is said that Abram removed from Haran when his father was dead, and Ge 12:4, where it is said that he was but 75 years old when he removed from Haran, it appears that he was born in the 130th year of Terah, and probably was his youngest son. We have, Some account of his brethren Nahor, out of whole family both Isaac and Jacob had their wives. Haran, the father of Lot, of whom it is here said, Ge 11:28, that he died before his father Terah. 'Tis likewise said that he died in Ur of the Chaldees, before that happy remove of the family out of that idolatrous country. His wife was Sarai, who, tho' some think was the same with Iscah the daughter of Haran. Abram himself saith, she was the daughter of his father, but not the daughter of his mother, Ge 20:12. She was ten years younger than Abram. His departure out of Ur of the Chaldees, with his father Terah, and his nephew Lot, and the rest of his family, in obedience to the call of God. This chapter leaves them in Haran or Charran, a place about the mid - way between Ur and Canaan, where they dwelt 'till Terah's head was laid; probably because the old man was unable, through the infirmities of age, to proceed in his journey.

Then Abraham fell on his face, and laughed - It was a laughter of delight, not of distrust. Now it was that Abraham rejoiced to see Christ's day, now he saw it and was glad, John 8:56, for as he saw heaven in the promise of Canaan, so he saw Christ in the promise of Isaac, and said, Shall a child be born to him that is an hundred years old - He doth not here speak of it, as at all doubtful, for we are sure he staggered not at the promise, Rom 4:20, but as wonderful, and that which could not be effected but by the almighty power of God. And Abraham said, O that Ishmael might live before thee! - This he speaks nor as desiring that Ishmael might be preferred before the son he should have by Sarah, but as dreading lest he should be forsaken of God, he puts up this petition on his behalf. The great thing we should desire of God, for our children, is, that they may live before him, that is, that they may be kept in covenant with him, and may have grace to walk before him in their uprightness. God's answer to this prayer, is an answer of peace. Abraham could not say he sought God's face in vain. As for Ishmael, I have heard thee; I have blessed him - That is, I have many blessings in store for him. His posterity shall be numerous; I will multiply him exceedingly; They shall be considerable; twelve princes shall he beget. We may charitably hope that spiritual blessings also were bestowed upon him, though the visible church was not brought out of his loins. He names that child, Isaac - Laughter, because Abraham rejoiced in spirit when this son was promised him.

Thus God swears his servants to their work, that, having sworn, they may perform it. Swearing being an ordinance, not peculiar to the church, but common to mankind, is to be performed by such signs as are the common usages of our country. God's angels are ministering spirits, sent forth, not only for the protection, but guidance of the heirs of promise, Heb 1:14. He shall send his angel before thee - And then thou shalt speed well. He made his camels kneel down - Perhaps to unload them. Send me good speed this day - We have leave to be particular in recommending our affairs to the care of Divine providence. Those that would have good speed must pray for it this day, in this affair. Thus we must, in all our ways acknowledge God. Let it come to pass - He prays God, that be would please to make his way plain and clear before him, by the concurrence of minute circumstances in his favour. It is the comfort, as well as the belief, of a good man, that God's providence extends itself to the smallest occurrences, and admirably serves its own purposes by them. And it is our wisdom, in all our affairs, to follow providence. Yea, it is very desirable, and that which we may lawfully pray for, while, in the general, we set God's will before us as our rule, that he will, by hints of providence, direct us in the way of our duty, and give us indications what his mind is. Thus he guides his people with his eye, and leads them in a plain path. And before he had done speaking, behold Rebekah came out - Who in all respects, answered the characters he wished for in the woman that was to be his master's wife, handsome and healthful, humble and industrious, courteous and obliging to a stranger. And providence so ordered it, that she did that which exactly answered his sign. She not only gave him drink, but, which was more than could have been expected, she offered her service to give his camels drink, which was the very sign he proposed.

Perhaps Jacob had other daughters, though not registered. God remembered Rachel, whom he seemed to have forgotten, and hearkened to her, whose prayers had been long denied, and then she bare a son. Rachael called her son Joseph, which, in Hebrew, is a - kin to two words of a contrary signification: Asaph, abstulit, he has taken away my reproach, as if the greatest mercy she had in this son were, that she had saved her credit: and Joseph, addidit, the Lord shall add to me another son: which may be looked upon as the language of her faith; she takes this mercy as an earnest of further mercy: hath God given me this grace I may call it Joseph, and say, he shall add more grace. Laban was willing to consent to this bargain, because he thought if those few he had that were now speckled and spotted were separated from the rest, which was to be done immediately, the body of the flock which Jacob was to tend, being of one colour, either all black or all white, would produce few or none of mixt colours, and so he should have Jacob's service for nothing, or next to nothing. According to this bargain, those few that were party - coloured were separated, and put into the hands of Laban's sons, and sent three days journey off: so great was Laban's jealouly lest any of those should mix with the rest of the flock to the advantage of Jacob. Here is Jacob's policy to make his bargain more advantageous to himself than it was likely to be: and if he had not taken some course to help himself, it would have been an ill bargain indeed; which he knew Laban would never have considered, who did not consult any one's interest but his own. Now Jacob's contrivances were, He set pilled sticks before the cattle where they were watered, that looking much at those unusual party - coloured sticks, by the power of imagination, they might bring forth young ones in like manner party - coloured. Probably this custom was commonly used by the shepherds of Canaan, who coveted to have their cattle of this motly colour.

Here are, Esau's wives, ver. 1 - 5. His remove to mount Seir, ver. 6 - 8. The names of his sons, ver. 9 - 14. The dukes which descended of his sons, ver. 15 - 19. The dukes of the Horites, ver. 20 - 30. The kings and dukes of Edom, ver. 31 - 43. Who is Edom - That name perpetuated the remembrance of the foolish bargain he made, when he sold his birth - right for that red pottage. Esau had begun to settle among his wife's relations in Seir, before Jacob came from Padan - aram, Ge 32:3. Isaac it is likely, had sent him thither, that Jacob might have the clearer way to the possession of the promised land: yet probably during the life of Isaac, Esau had still some effects remaining in Canaan; but after his death, he wholly withdrew to mount Seir, took with him what came to his share of his father's personal estate, and left Canaan to Jacob, not only because he had the promise of it, but because he saw, if they should both continue to thrive, as they had begun, there would not be room for both. Thus dwelt Esau in mount Seir - Whatever opposition may be made, God's word will take place, and even those that have opposed it will see themselves, some time or other, under a necessity of yielding to it. Esau had struggled for Canaan, but now he retires to mount Seir; for God's counsels shall certainly stand concerning the times before appointed, and the bounds of our habitation. These are the names - Observe here, That only the names of Esau's sons and grand - sons are recorded: not their history, for it is the church that Moses preserves the records of, not of those that were without. The elders only that lived by faith obtained a good report.

He bound him before their eyes, to affect them all. Their heart failed them, and they were afraid, saying one to another, What is this that God hath done to us - They knew that the Egyptians abhorred a Hebrew, Ge 43:32, and therefore, since they could not expect to receive any kindness from them, they concluded that this was done with a design to pick a quarrel with them, the rather because the man, the lord of the land, had charged them as spies. Their own conscience were awake, and their sins set in order before them, and this puts them into confusion. When the events of providence concerning us are surprising, it is good to enquire what it is that God has done and is doing with us My son shall not go down with you - He plainly intimates a distrust of them, remembering that he never saw Joseph since he had been with them; therefore Benjamin shall not go with you.

It was a good while before he came to himself. He was in such care and fear about the rest of them, that at this time it would have been joy enough to him to hear that Simeon is released, and Benjamin is come safe home; for he had been ready to despair concerning both these; but to bear that Joseph is alive, is too good news to be true; he faints, for he believes it not. When he saw the waggons his spirit revived - Now Jacob is called Israel, for he begins to recover his wonted vigour. It pleases him to think that Joseph is alive. He saith nothing of Joseph's glory, which they had told him of; it was enough to him that Joseph was alive: it pleases him to think of going to see him. Though he was old, and the journey long, yet he would go to see Joseph, because Joseph's business would not permit him to come to him. Observe, He will go see him, not I will go live with him; Jacob was old, and did not expect to live long: but I will go see him before I die, and then let me depart in peace; let my eyes be refreshed with this sight before they are closed, and then it is enough, I need no more to make me happy in this world.

See Num 26:5, &c. Issachar called his eldest son Tola, which signifies a worm, probably because when he was born he was a little weak child, not likely to live, and yet there sprang from him a very numerous off - spring, 1Ch 7:2. The whole number that went down into Egypt were sixty - six, to which add Joseph and his two sons, who were there before, and Jacob himself, the head of the family, and you have the number of seventy. 'Twas now 215 years since God had promised Abraham to make of him a great nation, Ge 12:2, and yet that branch of his seed, on which the promise was entailed, was as yet increased but to seventy, of which this particular account is kept, that the power of God in multiplying these seventy to so vast a multitude, even in Egypt, may be the more illustrious. When he pleases, A little one shall become a thousand. Now let me die - Not but that it was farther desirable to live with Joseph, and to see his honour and usefulness; but he had so much satisfaction in this first meeting, that he thought it too much to desire or expect any more in this world.

Cursed be their anger - Not their persons. We ought always in the expressions of our zeal carefully to distinguish between the sinner and the sin, so as not to love or bless the sin for the sake of the person, nor to hate or curse the person for the sake of the sin. I will divide them - The Levites were scattered throughout all the tribes, and Simeon's lot lay not together, and was so strait that many of that tribe were forced to disperse themselves in quest of settlements and subsistence. This curse was afterwards turned into a blessing to the Levites; but the Simeonites, for Zimri's sin, Num 25:6 - 14, had it bound on. Judah's name signifies praise, in allusion to which he saith, Thou art he whom thy brethren shall praise, God was praised for him, Gen 29:35, praised by him, and praised in him; and therefore his brethren shall praise him. Thy hand shall be in the neck of thine enemies - This was fulfilled in David, Psa 18:40. Thy father's children shall bow down before thee - Judah was the law - giver, Psa 60:7. That tribe led the van through the wilderness, and in the conquest of Canaan, Jud 1:2. The prerogatives of the birth - right which Reuben had forfeited, the excellency of dignity and power, were thus conferred upon Judah. Thy brethren shall bow down before thee, and yet shall praise thee, reckoning themselves happy in having so wise and bold a commander. Judah is a lion's whelp - The lion is the king of beasts, the terror of the forest when he roars; when he seizeth his prey, none can resist him; when he goes up from the prey, none dares pursue him to revenge it. By this it is foretold that the tribe of Judah should become very formidable, and should not only obtain great victories but should peaceably enjoy what was got by those victories. Judah is compared not to a lion rampant, always raging but to a lion couching, enjoying the satisfaction of his success, without creating vexation to others. The sceptre shall not depart from Judah till Shiloh come - Jacob here foretels, (1.) That the sceptre should come into the tribe of Judah, which was fulfilled in David, on whose family the crown was entailed.

The discovery God was pleased to make of his glory to Moses at the bush, ver. 1 - 5. A general declaration of God's goodwill to his people, who were beloved for the Father's sake, ver. 6. A particular notification of God's purpose concerning the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt. He assures Moses it should now be done, ver. 7 - 9. He gives him a commission to act in it as his ambassador both to Pharaoh, ver. 10, and to Israel, ver. 16. He answers the objection Moses made of his own unworthiness, ver. 11, 12. He gives him full instructions what to say, both to Pharaoh and to Israel, ver. 13 - 18. He tells him before - hand what the issue would be, ver. 14 - 22. Now Moses - The years of Moses's life are remarkably divided into three forties; the first forty he spent as a prince in Pharaoh's court, the second a shepherd in Midian, the third a king in Jeshurun. He had now finished his second forty when he received his commission to bring Israel out of Egypt. Sometimes it is long before God calls his servants out to that work which of old he designed them for. Moses was born to be Israel's deliverer, and yet not a word is said of it to him till he is eighty years of age. Even to Horeb - Horeb and Sinai were two tops of the same mountain. And the angel of the Lord appeared to him - It was an extraordinary manifestation of the divine glory; what was visible was produced by the ministry of an angel, but he heard God in it speaking to him. In a flame of fire - To shew that God was about to bring terror and destruction to his enemies, light and heat to his people, and to display his glory before all. And the bush burned, and yet was not consumed - An emblem of the church now in bondage in Egypt, burning in the brick - kilns, yet not consumed; cast down, but not destroyed. I will turn aside and see - He speaks as one inquisitive, and bold in his inquiry; whatever it was, he would if possible know the meaning of it.

And during these three days of darkness to the Egyptians, if God had so pleased, the Israelites by the light which they had, might have made their escape, and have asked Pharaoh no leave; but God would bring them out with a high hand, and not by stealth or in haste. I will see thy face no more - Namely, after this time, for this conference did not break off till <cite>Ex 11:8</cite>, when Moses went out in great anger and told Pharaoh how soon his proud stomach would come down; which was fulfilled <cite>Ex 12:31</cite>, when Pharaoh became an humble supplicant to Moses to depart. So that after this interview Moses came no more till he was sent for. Chapter XI Pharaoh had bid Moses get out of his presence, chap. x. 28. and Moses had promised this should be the last time he would trouble him, yet he refuses to say out what he had to say, before he left him. Accordingly we have in this chapter,

They marched like an army with banners, which added much to strength and honour. And the Lord went before them in a pillar - In the two first stages, it was enough that God directed Moses whither to march; he knew the country, and the road; but now they are come to the edge of the wilderness, they would have occasion for a guide, and a very good guide they had, infinitely wise, kind, and faithful, the Lord went up before them; The Shechinah or appearance of the divine Majesty, which was a precious manifestation of the eternal Word, who in the fulness of time was to be made flesh, and dwell among us. Christ was with the church in the wilderness, <cite>1Cor 10:9</cite>. What a satisfaction to Moses and the pious Israelites, to be sure that they were under a divine conduct? They need not fear missing their way who were thus led, nor being lost who were thus directed; they need not fear being benighted, who were thus illuminated, nor being robbed, who were thus protected. And they who make the glory of God their end, and the word of God their rule, the spirit of God the guide of their affections, and the providence of God the guide of their affairs, may be confident that the Lord goes before them, as truly is he went before Israel in the wilderness, though not so sensibly. They had sensible effects of God's going before them in this pillar. For, It led them the way in that vast howling wilderness, in which there was no road, no track, no way - marks through which they had no guides. When they marched, this pillar went before them, at the rate that they could follow, and appointed the place of their encampment, as infinite Wisdom saw fit; which eased them from care, and secured them from danger, both in moving, and in resting. It sheltered them from the heat by day, which at sometimes of the year was extreme: And it gave them light by night when they had occasion for it. He took not away the pillar of the cloud, - No not when they seemed to have less occasion for it: it never left them 'till it brought them to the borders of Canaan. It was a cloud which the wind could not scatter.

Let no man leave 'till morning - But let them learn to go to bed and sleep quietly, though they had not a bit of bread in their tent, nor in all their camp, trusting God with the following day to bring them their daily bread. Never was there such a market of provisions as this, where so many hundred thousand men were daily furnished without money, and without price: never was there such an open house kept as God kept in the wilderness for 40 years together, nor such free and plentiful entertainment given. And the same wisdom, power and goodness that now brought food daily out of the clouds, doth in the constant course of nature bring food yearly out of the earth, and gives us all things richly to enjoy. Here is a plain intimation of the observing a seventh day sabbath, not only before the giving of the law upon mount Sinai, but before the bringing of Israel out of Egypt and therefore from the beginning. If the sabbath had now been first instituted, how could Moses have understood what God said to him, <cite>Ex 16:4</cite>, concerning a double portion to be gathered on the sixth day, without making any express mention of the sabbath? And how could the people so readily take the hint, <cite>Ex 16:22</cite>, even to the surprize of the rulers, before Moses had declared that it was done with regard to the sabbath, if they had not had some knowledge of the sabbath before? The setting apart of one day in seven for holy work, and in order to that for holy rest, was a divine appointment ever since God created man upon the earth. An omer of this manna was laid up in a golden pot as we are told, <cite>Heb 9:4</cite>, and kept before the testimony, or the ark, when it was afterwards made, The preservation of this manna from waste and corruption, was a standing miracle; and therefore the more proper memorial of this miraculous food. The manna is called spiritual meat, <cite>1Cor 10:3</cite>, because it was typical of spiritual blessings. Christ himself is the true manna, the bread of life, of which that was a figure, <cite>John 6:49 </cite>- 51. The word of God is the manna by which our souls are nourished, <cite>Mt 4:4</cite>. The comforts of the Spirit are hidden manna, <cite>Rev 2:17</cite>.

To prove them, to try how they could like dealing with God immediately, without a mediator, and so to convince them how admirably well God had chosen for them in putting Moses into that office. Ever since Adam fled upon hearing God's voice in the garden, sinful man could not bear either to speak to God, or hear from him immediately. To keep them to their duty, and prevent their sinning against God. We must not fear with amazement; but we must always have in our minds a reverence of God's majesty, a dread of his displeasure, and an obedient regard to his sovereign authority. While the people continued to stand afar off - Afraid of God's wrath, Moses drew near unto the thick darkness; he was made to draw near, so the word is: Moses of himself durst not have ventured into the thick darkness if God had not called him, and encouraged him, and, as some of the Rabbins suppose, sent an angel to take him by the hand, and lead him up. Moses being gone into the thick darkness where God was, God there spoke in his hearing only, all that follows from hence to the end of chap. 23, which is mostly an exposition of the ten commandments; and he was to transmit it to the people. The laws in these verses relate to God's worship. Ye have seen that I have talked with you from heaven - Such was his wonderful condescension; ye shall not make gods of silver - This repetition of the second commandment comes in here, because they were more addicted to idolatry than to any other sin. An altar of earth - It is meant of occasional altars, such as they reared in the wilderness before the tabernacle was erected, and afterwards upon special emergencies, for present use. They are appointed to make these very plain, either of earth or of unhewn stones. That they might not be tempted to think of a graven image, they must not so much as hew the stones into shape, that they made their altars of, but pile them up as they were in the rough. In all places where I record my name - Or where my name is recorded, that is, where I am worshipped in sincerity, I will come unto thee, and will bless thee.

Orders given for a collection to be made among the people, ver. 1 - 9. Particular instructions, Concerning the ark of the covenant, ver. 10 - 22. The table of shew - bread, ver. 23 - 30. The golden candlestick, ver. 31 - 40. Doubtless when Moses went into the midst of the cloud, and abode there so long, he saw and heard glorious things, but they were things which were not lawful or possible to utter; and therefore, in the records he kept of the transactions there, he saith nothing to satisfy curiosity, but writes that only which he was to speak to the children of Israel. Probably there never was any house or temple built for sacred uses, before this tabernacle was erected by Moses. In this God kept his court, as Israel's king, and it was intended for a sign or token of his presence, that while they had that in the midst of them they might never again ask, Is the Lord among us or not? And because in the wilderness they dwelt in tents, even this royal palace was ordered to be a tabernacle too, that it might move with them. And these holy places made with hands were the figures of the true, <cite>Heb 9:24</cite>. The gospel - church is the true tabernacle which the Lord pitched, and not man, <cite>Heb 8:2</cite>. The body of Christ, in and by which he made atonement, was the greater and more perfect tabernacle, <cite>Heb 9:11</cite>. The Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, as in a tabernacle. Speak unto the children of Israel that they bring me an offering - This offering was to be given willingly, and with the heart. It was not prescribed to them what or how much they must give, but it was left to their generosity, that they might shew their good - will to the house of God, and the offices thereof. Blue, and purple, and scarlet - Materials of those colours. Shittim - wood - A kind of wood growing in Egypt and the deserts of Arabia, very durable and precious. A sanctuary - A place of public and solemn worship; that I may dwell among them. Not by my essence, which is everywhere; but by my grace and glorious operations.

Concerning the altar of incense, ver. 1 - 10. Concerning the ransom money, which the Israelites were to pay when they were numbered, ver. 11 - 16. Concerning the laver of brass, ver. 17 - 21. Concerning the anointing oil, ver. 22 - 33. Concerning the incense and perfume, which was to be burned on the golden altar, ver. 34 - 38. The altar of incense was to be about a yard high, and half a yard square, with horns at the corners, a golden cornish round it, with rings and staves of gold for the convenience of carrying it, <cite>Ex 30:1 </cite>- 5. It doth not appear that there was any grate to this altar for the ashes to fall into, that they might be taken away; but when they burn incense, a golden censer was brought, with coals in it, and placed upon the altar, and in that censer the incense was burnt, and with it all the coals were taken away, so that no coals or ashes fell upon the altar. The altar of incense in Ezekiel's temple is double to what it is here, <cite>Eze 41:22</cite>, and it is there called an altar of wood, and there is no mention of gold, to signify that the incense in gospel times should be spiritual, the worship plain, and the service of God enlarged. It was placed before the veil, on the outside of that partition, but before the mercy - seat, which was within the veil. For though he that ministered at that altar could not see the mercy - seat, the veil interposing, yet he must look towards it, and direct his incense that way, to teach us, that though we cannot with our bodily eyes see the throne of grace, that blessed mercy - seat, yet we must in prayer by faith set ourselves before it, direct our prayer and look up. Aaron was to burn sweet incense upon this altar every morning and every evening, which was intended not only to take away the ill smell of the flesh that was burnt daily on the brazen altar, but for the honour of God, and to shew the, acceptableness of his people's services to him.

The sin of Israel, and Aaron particularly in making the golden calf, ver. 1 - 4. and worshipping it, ver. 5, 6. The notice which God gave of this to Moses, who was now in the mount with him, ver. 7, 8. and the sentence of his wrath against them, ver. 9, 10. The intercession which Moses made for them, ver. 11, 12, 13. and the prevalency of that intercession, ver 14. His coming down from the mount, and being an eye witness of their idolatry, ver. 15 - 19. in detestation of which he broke the tables, ver. 19. and burnt the golden calf, ver. 20. The examination of Aaron about it, ver. 21 - 24. Execution done upon the ringleaders in the idolatry, ver. 25 - 29. The further intercession Moses made, to turn away the wrath of God from them, ver. 30 - 32. and a reprieve granted thereupon, reserving them for a further reckoning, ver. 33 - 35. Up, make us gods which shall go before us. They were weary of waiting for the promised land. They thought themselves detained too long at mount Sinai. They had a God that stayed with them, but they must have a God to go before them to the land flowing with milk and honey. They were weary of waiting for the return of Moses: As for this Moses, the man that brought us up out of Egypt, we know not what is become of him - Observe how slightly they speak of his person, this Moses: And how suspiciously of his delay, we know not what is become of him. And they were weary of waiting for a divine institution of religious worship among them, so they would have a worship of their own invention, probably such as they had seen among the Egyptians. They say, make us gods which shall go before us. Gods! How many would they have? Is not one sufficient? And what good would gods of their own making do them? They must have such Gods to go before them as could not go themselves farther than they were carried! And Aaron said break off the golden ear - rings - We do not find that he said one word to discountenance their proposal.

The dispensation itself was a tabernacle - dispensation, moveable and mutable, and in due time to be taken down and folded up, when the place of the tent should be enlarged, and its cords lengthened, to make room for the Gentile world. By the hand of Ithamar - Here we have a breviate of the account which by Moses's appointment the Levites took and kept of the gold, silver, and brass, that was brought in for the tabernacle's use, and how it was employed. Ithamar the son of Aaron was appointed to draw up this account. All the gold amounted to twenty nine talents, and seven hundred and thirty shekels over; Which some compute to be about one hundred and fifty thousand pounds worth of gold, according to the present value of it. The silver amounted to about thirty - four thousand pounds of our money. The raising of the gold by voluntary contribution, and of the silver by way of tribute, shews that either way may be taken for the defraying of public expences, provided that nothing be done with partiality. Chapter XXXIX This chapter gives us an account of the finishing of the work of the tabernacle.

Chapter XIV The manner of cleansing a leper, ver. 1 - 9. The sacrifices to be offered for him, ver. 10 - 32. The management of an house suspected of leprosy, ver. 33 - 53. The summary of the whole, ver. 54 - 57. He shall be brought to the priest - Not into the priest's house, but to some place without the camp or city, which the priest shall appoint. Healed by God - For God alone did heal or cleanse him really, the priest only declaratively. Two birds - The one to represent Christ as dying for his sins, the other to represent him as rising again for his purification or justification. Clean - Allowed for food and for sacrifice. Cedar - wood - A stick of cedar, to which the hyssop and one of the birds was tied by the scarlet thread. Cedar seems to be chosen, to note that the leper was now freed from that corruption which his leprosy had brought upon him, that kind of wood being in a manner incorruptible. Scarlet - A thread of wool of a scarlet colour, to represent both the leper's sinfulness, and the blood of Christ, and the happy change of the leper's colour and complexion, which before was wan and loathsome, now sprightly and beautiful. Hyssop - The fragrant smell of which, signified the cure of the leper's ill scent. Killed - By some other man. The priest did not kill it himself, because it was not properly a sacrifice, as being killed without the camp, and not in that place to which all sacrifices were confined. In an earthen - vessel - That is, over running water put in an earthen - vessel - Thus the blood of the bird and the water were mixed together, partly for the conveniency of sprinkling, and partly to signify Christ, who came by water and blood, 1John 5:6. The running water, that is, spring or river water by its liveliness and motion did fitly signify the restoring of liveliness to the leper, who was in a manner dead before. Into the open field - The place of its former abode, signifying the taking off that restraint which was laid upon the leper.

See her nakedness - In this and several of the following verses, uncovering nakedness plainly appears to mean not marriage, but fornication or adultery. They shall die childless - Either shall be speedily cut off ere they can have a child by that incestuous conjunction; if this seem a less crime than most of the former incestuous mixtures, and therefore the magistrate forbear to punish it with death; yet they shall either have no children from such an unlawful bed, or their children shall die before them. His brother's wife - Except in the case allowed by God, Deu 25:5. A man or a woman that hath a familiar spirit, shall surely be put to death - They that are in league with the devil, have in effect made a covenant with death: and so shall their doom be.

Ye shall not oppress - Neither the seller by requiring more, nor the buyer by taking the advantage from his brother's necessities to give him less than the worth of it. Years of fruits - Or, fruitful years; for there were some unfruitful years; those wherein they were not allowed to sow or reap. Years of fruits - Or, For the number of the fruits. The meaning is, he selleth not the land, but only the fruits thereof, and that for a certain time. For three years - Not compleatly, but in great part, namely, for that part of the 6th year which was between the beginning of harvest and the beginning of the 7th year, for the whole 7th year, and for that part of the 8th year which was before the harvest, which reached almost until the beginning of the ninth year. This is added to shew the equity of this command. As God would hereby try their faith and obedience, so he gave them an eminent proof of his own exact providence and tender care over them in making provisions suitable to their necessities. Old fruit - Of the sixth year principally, if not solely. For ever - So as to be for ever alienated from the family of him that sells it. Or, absolutely and properly, so as to become the property of the buyer: Or, to the extermination or utter cutting off, namely, of the seller, from all hopes and possibility of redemption. The land is mine - Procured for you by my power, given to you by my grace and bounty, and the right of propriety reserved by me. With me - That is, in my land or houses: thus he is said to sojourn with another that dwells in his house. Howsoever in your own or other mens opinions you pass for lords and proprietors, yet in truth, ye are but strangers and sojourners, not to possess the land for ever, but only for a season, and to leave it to such as I have appointed for it. A redemption - A right of redemption in the time and manner following.

Judah - This tribe was in the first post, and in their marches led the van, not only because it was the most numerous, but chiefly because Christ, the Lion of the tribe of Judah, was to descend from it: Yea, from the loins of Nahshon, who is here appointed the chief captain of it. In the midst - This is not to be understood strictly, but largely; for in their march they were divided, and part of that tribe marched next after Judah, Num 10:17, and the other part exactly in the midst of the camp. Ephraim - Who is here preferred before his brother, according to the prophecy, Gen 48:19,20. The Camp of Dan - The strongest camp next after Judah, and therefore he comes in the rear, as Judah marched in the front, that the tabernacle might be best guarded where there was most danger.

Blot them out - Or scrape them out and cast them into the bitter water. Whereby it was signified, that if she was innocent, the curses should be blotted out and come to nothing; and, if she were guilty, she should find in her the effects of this water which she drank, after the words of this curse had been scraped and put in. To drink - That is, after the jealousy - offering was offered. Conceive seed - That is, shall bring forth children, as the Jews say, in case of her innocency, she infallibly did, yea though she was barren before. Guiltless - Which he should not have been, if he had either indulged her in so great a wickedness, and not endeavoured to bring her to repentance or punishment, or cherished suspicions in his breast, and thereupon proceeded to hate her or cast her off. Whereas now, whatsoever the consequence is, the husband shall not be censured for bringing such curses upon her, or for defaming her, if she appear to be innocent. Her iniquity - That is, the punishment of her iniquity, whether she was false to her husband, or by any light carriage gave him occasion to suspect her.

I will not go - So he might sincerely say, though afterward he was overcome by the persuasions of Moses. Thou mayest be to us instead of eyes - To direct and guide us: for though the cloud determined them to a general place, yet many particulars might be unknown to Moses, wherein Hobab, having long lived in those parts, might be able to advise him, as concerning the conveniences of water for their cattle, concerning the safety or danger of the several parts, by reason of serpents or wild - beasts, or enemies, in the parts adjoining to them, that so they might guard themselves better against them. Or, this is to be understood of his directing them not so much in their way. as about great and difficult matters, wherein the counsel he had from God did not exclude the advice of men, as we see in Hobab's father Jethro, Exo 18:19 - 27. And it is probable, this was the wise son of a wise father. Three days - With continued journeys; only it seems probable, that the cloud made little pauses that they might have time for sleep and necessary refreshments. The ark went before them - Altho' in their stations it was in the middle, yet in their marches it went before them; and the cloud was constantly over the ark whether it stood or went; therefore the ark is said to go before and direct them, not as if the ark could be seen of all the camps, which being carried only upon mens shoulders was impossible; but because the cloud, which always attended upon the ark, and did, together with the ark, constitute, in a manner, one sign of God's presence, did lead and direct them. To search out - A metaphorical expression, for discovering to them; for the ark could not search, and God, who knew all places and things, needed not to search. By day - And by night too, as was expressed before. So we must learn to compare places of scripture, and to supply the defects of one out of another, as we do in all authors. Return - Or, give rest, that is, a safe and quiet place, free from enemies and dangers.

Therefore they mention them, though they were not Canaanites. In the mountains - In the mountainous country, in the south - east part of the land, so that you cannot enter there without great difficulty, both because of the noted strength and valour of those people, and because of the advantage they have from the mountains. By the sea - Not the mid - land sea, which is commonly understood by that expression, but the salt or dead sea, as appears, Because it is that sea which is next to Jordan, Because the Canaanites dwelt principally in those parts, and not near the mid - land sea. So these guard the entrance on the east - side, as the others do on the south. Caleb - Together with Joshua, as is manifest from Nu 14:6,7,30, but Caleb alone is here mentioned, possibly because he spake first and most, which he might better do, because he might be presumed to be more impartial than Joshua, who being Moses's minister might be thought to speak only what he knew his master would like. Stilled the people - Which implies either that they had began to murmur, or that by their looks and carriage, they discovered the anger which boiled in their breasts. Before Moses - Or, towards Moses, against whom they were incensed, as the man who had brought them into such sad circumstances. Let us go up and possess it - He does not say, Let us go up and conquer it. He looks on that to be as good as done already: but, Let us go up and possess it! There is nothing to be done, but to enter without delay, and take the possession which our great Lord is now ready to give us! Thus difficulties that lie in the way of salvation, vanish away before a lively faith. The men - All of them, Joshua excepted. Stronger - Both in stature of body and numbers of people. Thus they question the power, and truth, and goodness of God, of all which they had such ample testimonies.

Thus they question the power, and truth, and goodness of God, of all which they had such ample testimonies. Eateth up its inhabitants - Not so much by civil wars, for that was likely to make their conquest more easy; but rather by the unwholesomeness of the air and place, which they guessed from the many funerals, which, as some Hebrew writers, not without probability affirm, they observed in their travels through it: though that came to pass from another cause, even from the singular providence of God, which, to facilitate the Israelites conquest, cut off vast numbers of the Canaanites either by a plague, or by the hornet sent before them, as is expressed, Jos 24:12.

Ye shall know my breach of promise - That as you have first broken the covenant between you and me, by breaking the conditions of it, so I will make it void on my part, by denying you the blessings promised in that covenant. So you shall see, that the breach of promise wherewith you charged me, lies at your door, and was forced from me by your perfidiousness. By the plague - Either by the pestilence, or by some other sudden and extraordinary judgment, sent from the cloud in which God dwelt, and from whence he spake to Moses, and wherein his glory at this time appeared before all the people, Nu 14:10, who therefore were all, and these spies among the rest, before the Lord. But Joshua and Caleb lived still - Death never misses his mark, nor takes any by oversight who are designed for life, tho' in the midst of those that are to die. And the people mourned greatly - But it was now too late. There was now no place for repentance. Such mourning as this there is in hell; but the tears will not quench the flames. Gat them up - Designed or prepared themselves to go up. The Canaanites - Largely so called, but strictly the Amorites. Hormah - A place so called afterwards, Nu 21:3, from the slaughter or destruction of the lsraelites at this time.

Chapter XVI Korah, Dathan and Abiram, rise up against Moses, ver. 1 - 4. Moses reasons with them, ver. 5 - 11. Sends for Dathan and Abiram, who refuse to come, ver. 12 - 14. His proposal to Korah, ver. 15 - 19. The punishment of the rebels, ver. 20 - 35. Their censers preserved for a memorial, ver. 36 - 40. A new insurrection stopped by a plague, ver. 41 - 45. Aaron stays the plague, ver. 46 - 50. The son of Izhar - Amram's brother, Exo 6:18, therefore Moses and he were cousin germans. Moreover, Izhar was the second son of Kohath, whereas Elizaphan, whom Moses had preferred before him, and made prince or ruler of the Kohathites, Num 3:30, was the son of Uzziel, the fourth son of Kohath. This, the Jewish writers say, made him malcontent, which at last broke forth into sedition. Sons of Reuben - These are drawn into confederacy with Korah, partly because they were his next neighbours, both being encamped on the south - side, partly in hopes to recover their rights of primogeniture, in which the priesthood was comprehended, which was given away from their father. Rose up - That is, conspired together, and put their design in execution. Before Moses - Not obscurely, but openly and boldly, not fearing nor regarding the presence of Moses. They - Korah, Dathan and Abiram, and the rest, who were all together when Moses spake those words, Nu 16:5 - 7, but after that, Dathan and Abiram retired to their tents, and then Moses sent for Korah and the Levites, who had more colourable pretences to the priesthood, and treats with them apart, and speaks what is mentioned, Nu 16:8 - 11. Having dispatched them, he sends for Dathan and Abiram, Nu 16:12, that he might reason the case with them also apart. Against Aaron - To whom the priesthood was confined, and against Moses, both because this was done by his order, and because before Aaron's consecration Moses appropriated it to himself. For whatever they intended, they seem not now directly to strike at Moses for his supreme civil government, but only for his influence in the disposal of the priesthood. Ye take too much - By perpetuating the priesthood in yourselves and family, with the exclusion of all others from it.

This expression may intimate, that Korah himself was not here, but that he continued with his two hundred and fifty men before the Lord, where they were waiting for God's decision of the controversy. Nor is it probable that their chief captain would desert them, and leave them standing there without an head, especially, when Aaron his great adversary, abode there still, and did not go with Moses to Dathan. And Korah may seem to have been consumed with those two hundred and fifty. And so much is intimated, Nu 16:40, that no stranger come near to offer incense before the Lord, that he be not as Korah, and as his company, that is, destroyed, as they were, by fire from the Lord. And when the Psalmist relates this history, Psa 106:17 - 18, the earth's swallowing them up is confined to Dathan and Abiram, Psa 106:17, and for all the rest of that conspiracy it is added, Psa 106:18. And a fire was kindled in their company, the flame burnt up the wicked. Into the pit - Into the earth, which first opened itself to receive them, and then shut itself to destroy them. From the Lord - From the cloud, wherein the glory of the Lord appeared. To Eleazer - Rather than to Aaron, partly because the troublesome part of the work was more proper for him, and partly lest Aaron should be polluted by going amongst those dead carcasses; for it is probable this fire consumed them, as lightning sometimes doth, others, by taking away their lives, and leaving their bodies dead upon the place. Out of the burning - From among the dead bodies of those men who were burnt. Yonder - Far from the altar and sanctuary, into an unclean place, where the ashes were wont to be cast: by which God shews his rejection on of their services. They are hallowed - By God's appointment, because they were presented before the Lord by his express order, Nu 16:16,17. Their own souls - That is, their own lives: who were the authors of their own destruction. The altar - Of burnt - offerings, which was made of wood, but covered with brass before this time, Exo 27:1,2, to which this other covering was added for farther ornament, and security against the fire, continually burning upon it.

The altar - Of burnt - offerings, which was made of wood, but covered with brass before this time, Exo 27:1,2, to which this other covering was added for farther ornament, and security against the fire, continually burning upon it. A sign - A warning to all strangers to take heed of invading the priesthood. To him - To Eleazer. These words belong to Num 16:38, the meaning is, that Eleazer did as God bade him. On the morrow - Prodigious wickedness and madness so soon to forget such a terrible instance of Divine vengeance! The people of the Lord - So they call those wicked wretches, and rebels against God! Tho' they were but newly saved from sharing in the same punishment, and the survivors were as brands plucked out of the burning, yet they fly in the face of Moses and Aaron, to whose intercession they owe their preservation. They - Moses and Aaron, who in all their distresses made God their refuge. Moses and Aaron came - To hear what God, who now appeared, would say to them. They fell upon their faces - To beg mercy for the people; thus rendering Good for Evil. Incense - Which was a sign of intercession, and was to be accompanied with it. Go unto the congregation - He went with the incense, to stir up the people to repentance and prayer, to prevent their utter ruin. This he might do upon this extraordinary occasion, having God's command for his warrant, though ordinarily incense was to be offered only in the tabernacle. The living - Whereby it may seem that this plague, like that fire, Nu 11:1, began in the uttermost parts of the congregation, and so proceeded destroying one after another in an orderly manner, which gave Aaron occasion and direction so to place himself, as a mediator to God on their behalf.

Chapter XX This chapter begins the history of the fortieth year of the Israelites wandering in the wilderness. Little is recorded of them from the beginning of their second year till this, which brought them to the borders of Canaan. Here is, The death of Miriam, ver. 1. The fetching water out of the rock, ver. 2 - 13. The treaty with the Edomites, ver. 14 - 21. The death of Aaron and installment of Eleazar, ver. 22 - 29. Then - To wit, after many stations and long journeys here omitted, but particularly described, Num 33:1 - 49. Zin - A place near the land of Edom, distinct and distant from that Sin, Exo 16:1. The first month - Of the fortieth year, as is evident, because the next station to this was in mount Hor, where Aaron died, who died in the fifth month of the fortieth year, Num 33:38. Moses doth not give us an exact journal of all occurrences in the wilderness, but only of those which were most remarkable, and especially of those which happened in the first and second, and in the fortieth year. Miriam died - Four months before Aaron, and but a few more before Moses. No water - Which having followed them through all their former journeys, began to fail them here, because they were now come near countries, where waters might be had by ordinary means, and therefore God would not use extraordinary, lest he should seem to prostitute the honour of miracles. This story, though like that, Exo 17:1 - 7, is different from it, as appears by divers circumstances. It is a great mercy, to have plenty of water; a mercy which if we found the want of, we should own the worth of. Before the Lord - Suddenly, rather than to die such a lingering death. Their sin was much greater than that of their parents, because they should have taken warning by their miscarriages, and by the terrible effects of them, which their eyes had seen. The rod - That which was laid up before the Lord in the tabernacle; whether it was Aaron's rod, which was laid up there, Num 17:10, or Moses's rod by which he wrought so many miracles.

The rod - That which was laid up before the Lord in the tabernacle; whether it was Aaron's rod, which was laid up there, Num 17:10, or Moses's rod by which he wrought so many miracles. For it is likely, that wonder - working rod, was laid up in some part of the tabernacle, though not in or near the ark, where Aaron's blossoming rod was put. From before the Lord - Out of the tabernacle. Ye believed me not - But shewed your infidelity: which they did, either by smiting the rock, and that twice, which is emphatically noted, as if he doubted whether once smiting would have done it, whereas he was not commanded to smite so much as once, but only to speak to it: or by the doubtfulness of these words, Num 20:10. Must we fetch water out of the rock which implies a suspicion of it, whereas they should have spoken positively and confidently to the rock to give forth water. And yet they did not doubt of the power of God, but of his will, whether he would gratify these rebels with this farther miracle, after so many of the like kind. To sanctify me - To give me the glory of my power in doing this miracle, and of my truth in punctually fulfilling my promise, and of my goodness in doing it notwithstanding the peoples perverseness. In the eyes of Israel - This made their sin scandalous to the Israelites, who of themselves were too prone to infidelity; to prevent the contagion, God leaves a monument of his displeasure upon them, and inflicts a punishment as publick as their sin. Meribah - That is, strife. In them - Or, among them, the children of Israel, by the demonstration of his omnipotency, veracity, and clemency towards the Israelites, and of his impartial holiness and severity against sin even in his greatest friends and favourites. All the travel - All the wanderings and afflictions of our parents and of us their children, which doubtless have come to thine ears. An Angel - The Angel of the Covenant, who first appeared to Moses in the bush, and afterward in the cloudy pillar, who conducted Moses and the people out of Egypt, and through the wilderness.

Was the city of Sihon - This is added as a reason why Israel took possession of this land, because it was not now the land of the Moabites, but in the possession of the Amorites. The former king - The predecessor of Balak, who was the present king. See the wisdom of providence, which prepares long before, for the accomplishing God's purposes in their season! This country being designed for Israel, is before - hand put into the hand of the Amorites, who little think they have it but as trustees, till Israel comes of age. We understand not the vast reaches of providence: but known unto God are all his works! In proverbs - The poets or other ingenious persons, of the Amorites or Canaanites, who made this following song of triumph over the vanquished Moabites: which is here brought in, as a proof that this was now Sihon's land, and as an evidence of the just judgment of God in spoiling the spoilers, and subduing those who insulted over their conquered enemies. Come into Heshbon - These are the words either of Sihon speaking to his people, or of the people exhorting one another to come and possess the city which they had taken. Of Sihon - That which once was the royal city of the king of Moab, but now is the city of Sihon. A fire - The fury of war, which is fitly compared to fire. Out of Heshbon - That city which before was a refuge and defence to all the country, now is turned into a great annoyance. It hath consumed Ar - This may be understood not of the city Ar, but of the people or the country subject or belonging to that great and royal city. The lords of the high places - The princes or governors of the strong holds, which were frequently in high places, especially in that mountainous country, and which were in divers parts all along the river Arnon. So the Amorites triumphed over the vanquished Moabites. But the triumphing of the wicked is short! People of Chemosh - The worshippers of Chemosh: so the God of the Moabites was called. He, that is, their God, hath delivered up his own people to his and their enemies; nor could he secure even those that had escaped the sword, but suffered them to be carried into captivity.

He, that is, their God, hath delivered up his own people to his and their enemies; nor could he secure even those that had escaped the sword, but suffered them to be carried into captivity. The words of this and the following verse seem to be not a part of that triumphant song made, by some Amoritish poet, which seems to be concluded, Nu 21:28, but of the Israelites making their observation upon it. And here they scoff at the impotency not only of the Moabites, but of their God also, who could not save his people from the sword of Sihon and the Amorites. Though you feeble Moabites, and your God too, could not resist Sihon, we Israelites, by the help of our God, have shot, with success and victory, at them, at Sihon and his Amorites. Heshbon - The royal city of Sihon, and by him lately repaired, Is perished - Is taken away from Sihon, and so is all his country, even as far as Dibon. Jaazer - One of the cities of Moab formerly taken from them by Sihon, and now taken from him by the Israelites. Og - Who also was a king of the Amorites. And it may seem that Sihon and Og were the leaders or captains of two great colonies which came out of Canaan, and drove out the former inhabitants of these places. Bashan - A rich country, famous for its pastures and breed of cattle, and for its oaks.

Balaam said - Balaam was not much terrified with the ass's speaking, because perhaps he was accustomed to converse with evil spirits, who appeared to him and discoursed with him in the shape of such creatures. Perhaps he was so blinded by passion, that he did not consider the strangeness of the thing. On his face - In token of reverence and submission. Thy way is perverse - Springing from covetousness. I had slain thee - I had slain thee alone, and not her, therefore her turning aside and falling down was wholly for thy benefit, not for her own, and thy anger against her was unjust and unreasonable. Go with the men - I allow thee to go, upon the following terms. In the utmost coast - Not far from the camp of the Israelites, whom he desired him to curse. The princes - Whom the king had left to attend him. The high places of Baal - Consecrated to the worship of Baal, that is, of Baal Peor, who was their Baal or God. The utmost part - That is, all that people, even to the utmost and remotest of them, as appears by comparing this with, Nu 23:13. He hoped that the sight of such a numerous host ready to break in upon his country would stir up his passion.

Baal - peor - Called Baal, by the name common to many false Gods, and especially to those that represented any of the heavenly bodies, and Peor, either from the hill Peor, where he was worshipped, Num 23:28, rather from a verb signifying to open and uncover, because of the obscene posture in which the idol was set, as Priapus was: or because of the filthiness which was exercised in his worship. Take all the heads - Take, that is, apprehend, all the heads, that is, the chief, of the people, such as were chief in this transgression, and in place and power, who are singled out to this exemplary punishment for their concurrence with others in this wickedness, which was more odious and mischievous in them. Hang them up before the Lord - To the vindication of God's honour and justice. Against the sun - Publickly, as their sin was publick and scandalous, and speedily, before the sun go down. Every one his men - Those under his charge, for as these seventy were chosen to assist Moses in the government, so doubtless the care and management of the people was distributed among them by just and equal proportions. One came - This was done, when Moses had given the charge to the Judges, and, as it may seem, before the execution of it; otherwise it is probable he would not have been so foolish to have run upon certain ruin, when the examples were frequent before his eyes. To his brethren - Into the camp of the Israelites. In the sight of Moses - An argument of intolerable impudence and contempt of God and of Moses. Weeping - Bewailing the wickedness of the people, and the dreadful judgments of God, and imploring God's mercy and favour. Thrust them thro' - Phineas was himself a man in great authority, and did this after the command given by Moses to the rulers to slay these transgressors, and in the very sight, and no doubt by the consent of Moses himself, and also by the special direction of God's spirit. Twenty four thousand - St. Paul says twenty three thousand, 1Cor 10:8.

Chapter XXXII The request of Reuben and Gad for an inheritance on this side Jordan, ver. 1 - 5. Moses's misconstruction of it, ver. 6 - 15. Their explication of it, ver. 16 - 19. The grant of their petition, ver. 20 - 42. Jazer - A city and country of the Amorites; Gilead - A mountainous country, famous for pasturage Ye sit here - In ease and peace, while your brethren are engaged in a bloody war. The Kenezite - So called from Kenaz, his grand - father. All this people - Who being moved by your counsel and example, will refuse to go over Jordan. We ourselves - Either all, or as many as shall be thought necessary, leaving only so many as may be necessary to provide for the sustenance and defence of our wives and children here. Before the Lord - Before the ark, which was the token of God's presence. He alludes either to the order of the tribes in their march, whereby Reuben and Gad marched immediately before the ark, or to the manner of their passage over Jordan, wherein the ark went first into Jordan, and stood there while all the tribes marched over Jordan by and before it, and these amongst the rest, as is expressly noted in these very words, that they passed over before the Lord, Jos 4:13. Before the Lord - By his presence and gracious and powerful assistance. Your sin - The punishment of your sin. Sin will certainly find out the sinner sooner or later. It concerns us therefore to find our sins out, that we may repent of them and forsake them, lest our sins find us out, to our confusion and destruction. They shall have possession - They shall forfeit their possessions in Gilead, and be constrained to go over Jordan, and to seek possessions there among their brethren. As the Lord hath said - Either at this time by thy mouth: or formerly, where he commanded us, as well as our brethren to go into Canaan and possess it. Built - Repaired and fortified. For they neither had need nor leisure as yet to do more, the old cities not being burnt and ruined, as divers in Canaan were.

For they neither had need nor leisure as yet to do more, the old cities not being burnt and ruined, as divers in Canaan were. Their names changed - Either because conquerers of places used to do so: or because the names of other Gods (which Nebo and Baal - meon unquestionably were) were not to be mentioned, Exo 23:13. Machir - Not to Machir himself, who doubtless was long since dead, but the family or posterity of Machir. Nobah - Who, though not else where named, was doubtless an eminent person of the tribe of Manasseh. 'Tis observable, that these tribes, as they were placed before the other tribes, so they were displaced before them. They were carried captive by the king of Assyria, some years before the other tribes. Such a proportion does providence frequently observe, in balancing prosperity and adversity.

The great sea - This midland sea from the south to the north, so far as it runs parallel with mount Libanus. Hor - Not that Hor where Aaron died, which was southward, and bordering upon Edom, but another mountain, and, as it is conceived, the mountain of Libanus, which is elsewhere mentioned as the northern border of the land, and which, in regard of divers parts, or by divers people, is called by divers names, and here Hor, which signifies a mountain, by way of eminency. Eleazar - Who was to act in God's name, to cast lots, to prevent contentions, to consult with God in cases of difficulty, to transact the whole business in a solemn and religious manner. Judah - The order of the tribes is here different from that, Nu 1:7,26, and in other places, being conformed to the order of their several inheritances, which afterwards fell to them by lots. Which is an evident demonstration of the infinite wisdom of God's providence, and of his peculiar care over his people.

Chapter XXXV Forty eight cities assigned to the Levites, of which six were cities of refuge, ver. 1 - 15. In what cases it was not allowed to flee to these, ver. 16 - 21. In what cases it was allowed, ver. 22 - 24. Laws concerning them, ver. 25 - 34. For the cattle - For pasturage for their cattle: where they might not build houses, nor plant gardens, orchards or vineyards, no nor sow corn, for which they were abundantly provided out of the first - fruits. And these suburbs did not belong to the Levites in common, but were distributed to them in convenient proportions. A thousand cubits - In the next verse it is two thousand. But this verse and the next do not speak to the same thing; this speaks of the space from whence the suburbs shall be measured, the next speaks of the space unto which that measure shall be extended; and the words may very well be read thus. And the suburbs - Shall be from the wall of the city and from without it, or, from the outward parts of it, even from a thousand cubits round about. Which are mentioned not as the thing measured, but as the space from which the measuring line should begin. And then it follows, Nu 35:5. And ye shall measure from without the city, (not from the wall of the city, as said before Nu 35:4, but from without it, that is, from the said outward space of a thousand cubits without the wall of the city round about) on the east side two thousand cubits. So in truth there were three thousand cubits from the wall of the city, whereof one thousand probably were for out - houses, stalls for cattle, gardens, vineyards and olive - yards, and the other two thousand for pasture, which are therefore called the field of the suburbs, Lev 25:34, by way of distinction from the suburbs themselves, which consist of the first thousand cubits from the wall of the city.

So in truth there were three thousand cubits from the wall of the city, whereof one thousand probably were for out - houses, stalls for cattle, gardens, vineyards and olive - yards, and the other two thousand for pasture, which are therefore called the field of the suburbs, Lev 25:34, by way of distinction from the suburbs themselves, which consist of the first thousand cubits from the wall of the city. Cities for refuge - Or, of escape for manslayers: And these cities are assigned among the Levites, partly because they might be presumed to be the most proper and impartial judges between man - slayers, and wilful murderers; partly because their presence and authority would more effectually bridle the passions of the avenger of blood who might pursue him thither; and perhaps to signify, that it is only in Christ (whom the Levitical priests represented) that sinners find refuge and safety from the destroyer. Unawares - Not wilfully, designedly or maliciously, but through mistake or indiscretion. From the avenger - Heb. from the redeemer, or, from the next kinsman, to whom by the law belonged the right of redemption of the lands of; and vindication of the injury done to, the person deceased. Die not - Be not killed by the avenger meeting him in some other place. Before the congregation - Before the judges or elders who were appointed in every city for the decision of criminal causes, who were to examine, and that publickly before the people, whether the murder was wilful or casual. On this side Jordan - Because that land was as long as Canaan, though not so broad, and besides these might be convenient for many of them that lived in Canaan. If he smite him - Wittingly and wilfully, though not with premeditated malice. He shall be put to death - Yea though he were fled into the city of refuge. He shall slay him - Either by himself, as the following words shew; so it is a permission, that he may do it without offence to God or danger to himself: or by the magistrate, from whom he shall demand justice: so it is a command. Then - If the man - slayer flee to to the city of refuge.

He found him - Not by chance, but as it were looking out and seeking for him. He did indeed manifest himself to him in Egypt, but it was in the wilderness at Sinai, God found him in an eminent manner, and revealed his will to him, and entered into covenant with him, and imparted himself and his grace and blessing to him. By this word he also signifies both their lost condition in themselves, and that their recovery was not from themselves, but only from God who sought and found them out by his grace. In the waste howling wilderness - In a place destitute of all the necessaries and comforts of life, which also was a type of that desolate and comfortless condition in which all men are before the grace of God finds them out; where instead of the voices of men, is nothing heard but the howlings and yellings of ravenous birds and beasts. He led them - He conducted them frons place to place by his cloudy pillar and providence. Or, he compassed him about, by his provident care, watching over him and preserving him on every side. As the apple of his eye - As men use to keep the apple of their eye, that is, with singular care and diligence, this being as a most tender, so a most useful part. Her nest - Her young ones in the nest; which she by her cry and motion provoketh to fly. Her wings - As preparing herself to fly. On her wings - Or, as on her wings, that is, gently, and tenderly and safely too, as if she carried them not in her claws for fear of hurting them, but upon her wings. Some say, the eagle doth usually carry her young ones upon her wings. Did lead them - When they were shut up in Egypt as in their nest whence they durst not venture to fly nor stir, he taught and encouraged and enabled them to fly out from that bondage, he dealt tenderly with them, bearing with their infirmities, keeping them from all harms. With him - To assist him at that work or to deliver them. The more unworthy they in giving to idols a share in that worship which they owe to God only.

Rest - That is, a place of rest, as that word signifies. Before their brethren - In the front of all of them; which was but reasonable; because they had the advantage of their brethren, having actually received their portion, which their brethren had only in hope, because they were freed from those impediments which the rest were exposed to, their wives, and children, and estates being safely lodged; and to prevent their withdrawing themselves from the present service, which they otherwise would have had temptation to do, because of the nearness of their habitations. Armed - For by this time they were well furnished with arms, which they had either from the Egyptians, Amalekites, or Amorites, from whom they had taken them; or by purchase from those people by whose borders they passed. Men of valour - All such were obliged to go over if occasion required it, but Joshua took only some of them, because they were sufficient for his purpose, and because some were fit to be left, both to secure their own wives, children, and possessions, and to prevent their enemies on that side from giving them disturbance in their enterprise upon Canaan. And they answered - Not the two tribes and an half only, but the officers of all the people, in their name, concurring with the divine appointment, by which Joshua was set over them. Thus must we swear allegiance to our Lord Jesus, as the captain of our salvation. Unto thee - The same obedience which we owed, to Moses, we promise unto thee. With Moses - This is not a limitation of their obedience, as if they would not obey him any longer than he was prosperous, but an additional prayer for him. As we have hereby promised thee our obedience, so our prayer shall be, that God would bless and prosper thee, as he did Moses.

Town - wall - Which gave her the opportunity of dismissing them when the gates were shut. Upon the wall - Her particular dwelling was there: which may possibly be added, because the other part of her house was reserved for the entertainment of strangers. The mountain - That is, to some of the mountains wherewith Jericho was encompassed, in which also there were many caves where they might lurk. Three days - Not three whole days, but one whole day, and part of two days. Said - Or, had said; namely, before she let them down; it being very improbable, either that she would dismiss them before the condition was agreed on; or that she would discourse with them, or they with her, about such secret and weighty things after they were let down, when others might overhear them. Blameless - That is, free from guilt or reproach if it be violated, namely, if the following condition be not observed. Into the land - That is, over Jordan, and near the city. This line of scarlet - Probably the same with which she was about to let them down. Window - That it may be easily discerned by our soldiers. Upon his head - The blame of his death shall rest wholly upon himself, as being occasioned by his own neglect of the means of safety. Our head - We are willing to bear the sin, and shame, and punishment of it. Be upon him - So as to kill him. In the window - Forthwith, partly that the spies might see it hung out before their departure, and so the better know it at some distance; partly lest some accident might occasion a neglect about it. Three days - Supporting themselves there with the provisions, which Rahab had furnished them with. The ways - That is, in the road to Jordan, and the places near it, but not in the mountains. Passed over - Jordan unto Joshua.

Chapter III The people decamp from Shittim, and are directed to follow the ark, and sanctify themselves, ver. 1 - 5. The priests are ordered to go first, ver. 6. Joshua being encouraged and directed as God, tells the people what God is about to do, ver. 7 - 13. Jordan is divided, and Israel marches through, ver. 14 - 17 In the morning - Not after the return of the spies, but after the three days, Jos 1:11, as it follows, ver. 3:2. Lodge there - That night, that they might go over in the day time, that the miracle might be more evident and unquestionable, and strike the greater terror into their enemies. After three days - Either at the end of them, or upon the last of them. Through the host - The second time to give them more particular directions, as they had given them a general notice, Jos 1:10,11. Commanded the people - In Joshua's name, and by his authority. Priests and Levites - Who were not only Levites, but priests also. For altho' the Levites were to carry the ark, Numb 4:1 - 15, yet the priests might perform that office, and did so upon some solemn occasions. Go after it - Towards Jordan, to go over it in such a manner as I am about to describe. 'Till this time the ark went in the middle of the cloudy pillar, now it goes in the front. Probably the pillar of fire and cloud was still hovering over the ark. Two thousand cubits - A thousand yards, at which distance from it the Israelites seem to have been encamped in the wilderness. And because they generally went from their tents to the ark to worship God, especially on the sabbath - days; hence it hath been conceived, that a sabbath - day's journey reached only to two thousand cubits. But that may be doubted; for those who encamped nearest the ark, were at that distance from it, and came so far; but the rest were farther from it, and their sabbath - day's journey was considerably longer. Near unto it - Partly from the respect they should bear to the ark; but chiefly, that the ark marching so far before you into the river, and standing still there 'till you pass over, may give you the greater assurance of your safe passage.

Commanded Joshua - Not particularly, but in general; because he commanded Joshua to observe and do all that God had commanded him by Moses, and all that he should command him any other way. Hasted - That is, passed over with haste, an argument of their fear, or weakness of their faith; as on the contrary, the priests are commended that they stood firm, and settled in their minds, as well as in the posture of their bodies. Before the Lord - Either, before the ark, or, in the presence of God who observed whether they would keep their covenant made with their brethren, or not. Out of Jordan - For being now in the middle, and deepest place of the river, they are most properly said to go up to the land. The priests - Who stayed contentedly in the river, 'till God by Joshua called them out. Their place - Returned into their proper channel, according to their natural and usual course. The first month - Namely, of Nisan, which wanted but five days of forty years from the time of their coming out of Egypt, which was on the fifteenth day of this month. So punctual is God in the performing of his word, whether promised or threatened. And this day was very seasonable for the taking up of the lambs which were to he used four days after, according to the law, Exod 12:3,6. Gilgal - A place afterwards so called, Jos 5:9. In Gilgal - Probably in order, like so many little pillars, to keep up the remembrance of this miraculous benefit. Before us - That is, myself and Caleb, and all of us here present; for this benefit, though done to their fathers, is justly said to be done to themselves, because they were then in their parent's loins. It greatly magnifies later mercies, to compare them with former mercies; for hereby it appears, that God is the same yesterday, today and forever.

As it was not necessary for those who had such knives already to make others for that use; so it is not probable that such were commanded to do so, but only to make them sharp and fit for that work. The second time - He calleth this a second circumcision, not as if these same persons had been circumcised before, but with respect to the body of the people, where of one part had been circumcised before, and the other at this time, which is called a second time, in relation to some former time wherein they were circumcised, either, in Egypt, when many of the people, who possibly for fear or favour of the Egyptians, had neglected this duty, were by the command of Moses circumcised. Or at Sinai, when they received the passover, Numb 9:5, which no uncircumcised person might do. And circumcised - That is, he caused this to be done; and, because it was to be done speedily, the passover approaching, it was necessary to use many hands in it. Children of Israel - That is, such of them as were uncircumcised. And, though it be not mentioned, it is more than probable, that the Israelites beyond Jordan were circumcised at the same time. Out of Egypt - This is to be restrained to such as were then above twenty years old, and such as were guilty of that rebellion, Numb 14:1 - 25, as it is expressed below, Jos 5:6. Them - Either their parents, or the rulers of Israel, by Divine permission and indulgence; because they were now on a journey, in which case the passover also might be neglected, Numb 9:10,13. Rather, it was a continued token of God's displeasure against them, for their unbelief and murmuring: a token that they should never have the benefit of that promise, whereof circumcision was the seal. The people - The Hebrew word commonly signifies the Gentiles; so he calls them, to note that they were unworthy the name of Israelites. Shew them - That is, not give them so much as a sight of it, which he granted to Moses, much less the possession. Circumcised - Which God would have done, As a testimony of God's reconciliation to the people, and that he would not farther impute their parents rebellion to them.

God of Israel - The true God, who hath chosen me and all Israel to be the people of his peculiar love and care. When I saw - He accurately describes the progress of his sin, which began at his eye, which he permitted to gaze upon them, which inflamed his desire, and made him covet them; and that desire made him take them; and having taken, resolve to keep them; and to that end hide them in his tent. Babylonish garment - Which were composed with great art with divers colours, and of great price, as appears both from scripture, and Heathen authors. Two hundred shekels - To wit, in weight, not in coin; for as yet they received and payed money by weight. The silver under it - That is, under the Babylonish garment; covered with it, or wrapt up in it. Sent messengers - That the truth of his confession might be unquestionable, which some, peradventure might think was forced from him. And they ran - Partly longing to free themselves and all the people from the curse under which they lay; and partly that none of Achan's relations might get thither before them, and take away the things. It was hid - That is, the parcel of things mentioned, ver.21 and 24. Before the Lord - Where Joshua and the elders continued yet in their assembly waiting for the issue. His sons, and his daughters - Their death was a debt they owed to their own sins, which debt God may require when he pleaseth; and he could not take it in more honourable circumstances than these, that the death of a very few in the beginning of a new empire, and of their settlement in the land, might be useful to prevent the deaths of many thousands who took warning by this dreadful example, whom, if the fear of God did not, yet the love of their own, and of their dear children's lives would restrain from such pernicious practices. And it is very probable they were conscious of the fact, as the Jewish doctors affirm. If it be pretended that some of them were infants; the text doth not say so, but only calls them sons and daughters.

Let it not go down lower, and by degrees, out of the sight of Gibeon. It may seem, that the sun, was declining, and Joshua perceiving that his work was great and long, and his time but short, begs of God the lengthening out of the day, and that the sun and moon might stop their course, He mentions two places, Gibeon and Ajalon, not as if the sun stood over the one and the moon over the other, which is absurd especially these places being so near the one to the other; but partly to vary the phrase, as is common in poetical passages; partly because he was in his march in the pursuit of his enemies, to pass from Gibeon to Ajalon; and he begs that he may have the help of longer light to pursue them, and to that end that the sun might stand still, and the moon also; not that he needed the moon's light, but because it was fit, either that both sun and moon should go, or that both should stand still to prevent disorder in the heavenly bodies. The prayer is thus exprest with authority, because it was not an ordinary prayer, but the prayer of a prophet, divinely inspired at this very time for this purpose. And yet it intimates to us the prevalency of prayer in general, and may mind us of that honour put upon prayer, concerning the work of my hands command you me. Avenged them on their enemies - That is, till they bad utterly destroyed them. Book of Jasher - This book was written and published before Joshua wrote his, and so is fitly alluded here. But this, as well as some other historical books, is lost, not being a canonical book, and therefore not preserved by the Jews with the same care as they were. The sun stood - Here is no mention of the moon, because the sun's standing was the only thing which Joshua desired and needed; and the moon's standing he desired only by accident to prevent irregularity in the motions of those celestial lights.

Chapter XII The conquests of Israel, under Moses, ver. 1 - 6. Under Joshua, ver. 7 - 24. Plain on the east - On the east of Jordan, called the plain, Deut 1:1. Middle of the river - It is not unusual even among us, for a river to be divided between two lords, and for their territories or jurisdictions to meet in the middle of the river: and besides, here is a very particular reason for this expression, because the city Ar, which was no part of Sihon's dominions, but belonged to the Moabites, Deut 2:9,18, was in the middle of the river Arnon, Deut 2:36 3:16, and therefore the middle of the river is properly here mentioned, as the bound of Sihon's dominion on that side. Half Gilead - Heb. and the half Gilead, that is, half of the country of Gilead; this doth not denote the bound from which his dominion began, but the country, over which his dominion was, which began at Arnon, and took in half Gilead, and ended at Jabbok, beyond which was the other half of Gilead which belonged to Og. On the east - Which words describe the situation not of the sea of Cinneroth, which was part of the western border of Sihon's dominion, but of the plain, which is here said to lie eastward from the sea of Cinneroth, and also eastward from the salt sea. And this was indeed the situation of the plains of Moab, which are here spoken of; they lay between the two seas, that of Cinneroth and the salt sea, and eastward to them both. Sea of the plain - The salt sea was a famous plain, pleasant and fruitful, before it was turned into a sea. Ashtaroth and Edrei - Sometimes at the one, sometimes at the other city; both being his royal mansions. But Israel made one grave serve him, who could not be contented with one palace. Smile - Fresh mercies must not drown the remembrance of former mercies: nor must the glory of the present instruments of good to the church, diminish the just honour of those that went before them. Joshua's services were confessedly great. But let not those under Moses be forgotten. Both together proclaim God to be the Alpha and Omega of his peoples salvation.

Of Jair - Who, though of the tribe of Judah, by the father, 1Chron 2:21,22, yet is called the son of Manasseh, Numb 32:41, because he married a daughter of Manasseh, and wholly associated himself with those valiant Manassites; and with their help took sixty cities or great towns, Deut 3:4,14, which thence were called the towns of Jair. Children of Machir - Whom before he called the children of Manasseh, he now calls the children of Machir, because Machir was the most eminent, and as it may seem, the only surviving son of Manasseh, Numb 26:29 1Chron 7:14 - 16.

Upper and nether springs - Or two fields, one above and the other below that south and dry ground which she complained of, that by this means it might be watered on both sides. Twenty nine - Here are thirty seven or thirty eight cities named before; how then are they only reckoned twenty nine There were only twenty nine of them, which either, properly belonged to Judah; the rest fell to Simeon's lot; or Were cities properly so called, that is, walled cities, or such as had villages under them, as it here follows; the rest being great, but unwalled towns, or such as had no villages under them. The mountains - That is, in the higher grounds called mountains or hills, in comparison of the sea - coast. Ziph - Which gave its name to the neighbouring mountains, 1Sam 26:1. City of salt - So called either from the salt sea, which was near it; or from the salt which was made in, or about it. Inhabitants of Jerusalem - For though Jerusalem was in part taken by Joshua before this; yet the upper and stronger part of it, called Zion, was still kept by the Jebusites, even until David's time; and it seems from thence they descended to the lower town called Jerusalem, and took it so that the Israelites were forced to win it a second time; yea, and a third time also: for afterwards it was possessed by the Jebusites, Judg 19:11 2Sam 5:6,7. Could not drive them out - Namely, because of their unbelief, as Christ could do no mighty work, because of the peoples unbelief, Mark 6:5,6 Matt 13:58, and because of their sloth, and cowardice, and wickedness, whereby they forfeited God's help. The children of Judah - The same things which are here said of the children of Judah, are said of the Benjamites, Judg 1:21. Hence ariseth a question, To which of the tribes Jerusalem belonged It seems probable, that part of it, and indeed the greatest part, stood in the tribe of Benjamin; and hence this is mentioned in the list of their cities, and not in Judah's list; and part of it stood in Judah's share, even mount Moriah, on which the temple was built; and mount Sion, when it was taken from the Jebusites.

Hence ariseth a question, To which of the tribes Jerusalem belonged It seems probable, that part of it, and indeed the greatest part, stood in the tribe of Benjamin; and hence this is mentioned in the list of their cities, and not in Judah's list; and part of it stood in Judah's share, even mount Moriah, on which the temple was built; and mount Sion, when it was taken from the Jebusites. To this day - When this book was written, whether in Joshua's life, which continued many years after the taking of Jerusalem; or after his death, when this clause was added by some other man of God. But this must be done before David's time, when the Jebusites were quite expelled, and their fort taken.

Chapter XVI The lot of Ephraim and Manasseh, ver. 1 - 4. Of Ephraim in particular, ver. 5 - 10. Children of Joseph - That is, of Ephraim, and the half tribe of Manasseh, which are here put together in one; because in these first verses he speaks of them in common; and then of their several portions. Manasseh - That is, half Manasseh. Their inheritance - Their several portions which here follow. It is said, they took their inheritance, which also Judah had done before them, because the tribes of Judah and Joseph did take their inheritances before the rest; and it was fit they should do so, for the security of the main camp, and the body of the people which were at Gilgal, chap.18:5. East - side - That is, the north - east side. It is no wonder, if some of these descriptions are dark to us at this distance of time; there having been so many alterations made in places, and so many circumstances, being now altogether undiscoverable. But this is certain, that all the descriptions here mentioned, were then evident to the Israelites, because these were the foundations of all the possessions which then they took, and peaceably possessed in succeeding ages. Toward the sun - The midland sea, towards the west. To Jericho - Not to the city of Jericho, which belonged to Benjamin's lot, chap.18:21, but to its territory. The separate cities - That is, besides those cities which were within Ephraim's bounds, he had some other cities, to which all of all their territories were annexed out Manasseh's portion, because his tribe was all here, and was larger than Manasseh's.

Seven parts - Which were of equal extent or worth: for no tribe was so great, but one of these parts in its full extent would abundantly suffice them; and there was no reason why the portions should be greater or less according as the tribes at present were more or fewer in number, because of the various changes which happened therein successively; it being usual for one tribe to be more numerous than another in one age, which was fewer in the next. And if the several tribes had increased more, and not diminished their numbers by their sins, they might have sent forth colonies, and taken any part of the land, even as far as Euphrates, all which the Lord of the whole earth had given them a right to, which when they pleased they might take possession of. Judah shall abide on the south - They shall not be disturbed in their possession, but shall keep it, except some part of it shall be adjudged to another tribe. Joseph on the north - In respect of Judah, not of the whole land; for divers other tribes were more northern than they. Before the Lord - That is, before the ark or tabernacle, that God may be witness and judge, and author of the division, that each may be contented with his lot, and that your several possessions may be secured to you as things sacred. By cities - Or, according to the cities, to which the several parties or territories belonged. And the children of Joseph - Wherein we see the wisdom of Divine Providence, this being the only place in which that prophecy, Deut 33:12, could have been accomplished. Providence cast Benjamin next to Joseph on the one hand, because Benjamin was own and only brother to Joseph, and next to Judah on the other hand, that this tribe might hereafter unite with Judah, in an adherence to the throne of David, and the temple at Jerusalem. Kirjath - jearim - The Israelites changed the name, to blot out the remembrance of Baal. The end of the mountain - The place where the mountain ends, and the valley begins. Before the valley - That is, in the prospect of that valley. In the valley on the north - Which extends unto this other valley on the north - side of it.

Chapter XIX The lot of Simeon, ver. 1 - 9. Of Zebulon, ver. 10 - 16. Of Issachar, vet 17 - 23. Of Asher, ver. 24 - 31. Of Naphtali, ver. 32 - 39. Of Dan, ver. 40 - 48. The inheritance assigned to Joshua and his family, ver. 49 - 51. Within the inheritance of Judah - This was so ordered by God's providence, partly to fulfil that threatning that he would divide and scatter this tribe in Israel, Gen 49:7, which was hereby done in part, because they had no distinct lot, but were as inmates to Judah; partly, because now upon the more exact survey of the land, it appeared, that the part given to Judah did far exceed the proportion which they needed, or which the other tribes could expect. And this was the least of the tribes, Numb 26:14, and therefore fittest to be put within another tribe. Toward the sea - The lot of this tribe was washed by the midland sea on the west, and by the sea of Tiberias on the east, answering Jacob's prophecy, Zebulun shall be an haven of ships; trading ships on the great sea, and fishing ships on the sea of Galilee. Before Jokneam - Supposed to be Kishon. Beth - lehem - Not that where Christ was born, which was in Judah, but another. Twelve cities - There are more numbered here, but the rest either were not cities properly so called, or were not within this tribe, but only bordering upon it, and belonging to other tribes. Jezreel - The royal city, 1Kings 21:1. This tribe, because it lay between Benjamin on the south, and Zebulun on the north, is not here described by its borders, which were the same with theirs; but by some of its cities. Carmel west - ward - Or, Carmel by the sea, to distinguish it from Carmel in the tribe of Judah. This was a place of eminent fruitfulness, agreeable to the prophecy concerning Asher, Gen 49:20. Cubal - A city so called. Left hand - That is, on the north, which, when men look towards the east, as is usual, is on their left hand. Kenah - Namely, Kenah the greater, in the upper Galilee; not Kenah the less, which was in the lower Galilee. Zidon - Called great for its antiquity, and riches, and glory.

Before God - As in God's presence, to hear what Joshua was to speak to them in God's name, and to receive God's commands from his mouth. He had taken a solemn farewell before: but as God renewed his strength, he desired to improve it for their good. We must never think our work for God done, 'till our life is done. The people - To the elders, by whom it was to be imparted to all the rest, and to as many of the people as came thither. He spake to them in God's name, and as from him, in the language of a prophet, Thus saith the Lord. Jehovah, the great God, and the God of Israel, whom you are peculiarly engaged to hear. The flood - Or, the river, namely, Euphrates, so called by way of eminency. They served - That is, Both Abraham and Nahor were no less idolaters than the rest of mankind. This is said to prevent their vain boasting in their worthy ancestors, and to assure them that whatsoever good was in, or had been done by their progenitors, was wholly from God's free grace, and not for their own merit or righteousness. I took - I snatched him out of that idolatrous place, and took him into acquaintance and covenant with myself, which was the highest honour and happiness he was capable of. And led - That is I brought him after his father's death into Canaan, Gen 12:1, and I conducted and preserved him in all his travels through the several parts of Canaan. And multiplied - That is, gave him a numerous posterity, not only by Hagar and Keturah, but even by Sarah and by Isaac. Gave Isaac - By my special power and grace to be heir of my covenant, and all my promises, and the seed in or by which all the nations were to be blessed. Mount Seir - That he might leave Canaan entire to his brother Jacob and his posterity, Gen 36:7,8. Into Egypt - Where they long lived in grievous bondage; which God having delivered us from, I shall now pass it over.

Threescore and ten - Which is not strange in those times and places. For it is well known, that anciently each ruler of a city, or great town, was called a king, and had kingly power in that place; and many such kings we meet with in Canaan: and it is probable, that some years before, kings were more numerous there, 'till the greater devoured many of the less. Under my table - An act of barbarous inhumanity thus to insult over the miserable, joined with abominable luxury. And took - Yet some of the inhabitants retired into the castle, and held out there 'till David's time. Judah went - Under the conduct of Caleb, as is recorded, Josh 15:14, &c., for that relation, and this, are doubtless one and the same expedition, and it is mentioned there by anticipation. Moses's father - in - law - That is, of Jethro, so called from the people whom he descended, Numb 24:21,22. And, whatsoever he did, it is evident, that his posterity came into Canaan with the Israelites, and were there seated with them, see chap. 4:11,17 5:24 1Sam 15:6 1Chron 2:1 - 54,55. City of palm - trees - That is, from Jericho, so called, Deut 34:3, not the city which was destroyed, but the territory belonging to it, where it seems they were seated, in a most pleasant, and fruitful, and safe place, according to the promise made by Moses to their father, Numb 10:29 - 32, and whence they might remove, either to avoid the neighboring Canaanites; or out of love to the children of Judah. South of Arad - In the southern part of the land of Canaan, where Arad was, Numb 21:1. They went - That is some of them, for others of them dwelt in a contrary quarter, in the most northern part of the land. Among the people - Heb. that people, namely, those children of Judah that lived there. Judah went with Simeon - According to his promise, ver.3, and the laws of justice and gratitude. Hormah - Either, The same place so called, Numb 21:3, and so what was there vowed, is here executed: or, Some other place called by the same name upon the like occasion, which was frequent among the Hebrews. This seems more probable.

The gates - That is, in their walled cities, which have gates and bars; gates are often put for cities; then their strong holds fell into the hands of their enemies. Was there a shield - There was not, the meaning is not, that all the Israelites had no arms, but, either they had but few arms among them, being many thousands of them disarmed by the Canaanites and Philistines, or that they generally neglected the use of arms, as being without all hope of recovering their liberty. My heart is toward - I honour and love those, who being the chief of the people in wealth and dignity, did not withdraw themselves from the work, as such usually do; but exposed themselves to the same hazards, and joined with their brethren in this noble but dangerous attempt. The Lord - Who inclined their hearts to this undertaking, and gave them success in it. As she gives instruments their due, so she is careful the sovereign cause lose not his glory. Speak - Celebrate the praise of our mighty God. That ride on white asses - That is, magistrates and nobles, who used to do so, chap.10:4 12:14. That walk - That is, you that can safely travel in those high ways, which before you durst neither ride nor walk in: so great and mean persons are jointly excited to praise God. From the noise - From the triumphant noise and shout of archers, rejoicing when they meet with their prey. Of drawing water - At those pits or springs of water, which were precious in those hot countries, to which the people's necessities forced them to resort, and nigh unto which the archers usually lurked, that they may shoot at them, and kill and spoil them. There - When they come to those places with freedom and safety, which before they could not, they shall with thankfulness rehearse this righteous and gracious work of God, in rescuing his people. Of the villages - Whom she mentions, because as their danger was greater, ver.7, so was their deliverance.

Increase thine army - I desire not to surprise thee at any disadvantage; strengthen thyself as much as thou canst, and come out into the open field, that thou and I may decide it by our arms. And stood - To put his army in order, and to conduct them against Abimelech, whom he supposed to be at a great distance. To Zebul - Who concealed the anger which he had conceived, ver.30, and pretended compliance with him in this expedition, that he might draw him forth into the field where Abimelech might have the opportunity of fighting with him, and overthrowing him. The shadow - For in the morning, as this was, and in the evening, the shadows are longest, and move quickest. Where is now, &c. - Now shew thyself a man, and fight valiantly for thyself and people. He fled - Being surprised by the unexpected coming of Abimelech, and probably not fully prepared for the encounter. Dwelt at Arumah - He did not prosecute his victory, but retreated to Arumah, to see whether the Shechemites would not of themselves return to his government, or else, that being hereby grown secure, he might have the greater advantage against them. Thrust out - It seems the same night. Probably the multitude, which is generally light and unstable, were now enraged against Gaal, suspecting him of cowardice or ill - conduct. Zebul's interest was not so considerable with them, that he could prevail with them either to kill Gaal and his brethren, or to yield themselves to Abimelech; and therefore he still complies with the people, and waits for a fairer opportunity. Went out - to their usual employments about their land. Three companies - Whereof he kept one with himself, ver.44, and put the rest under other commanders. Entering of the gate - To prevent their retreat into the city, and give the other two companies opportunity to cut them off. With salt - In token of his desire of their utter and irrecoverable destruction. The tower - A strong place belonging to the city of Shechem, made for its defence without the city. Berith - Or, Baal - berith, ver.4.

The case of Jair and Samson seem to be much alike. For as it is said of Samson, that he judged Israel in the days of the tyranny of the Philistines, twenty years, Judg 15:20, by which it is evident, that his judicature, and their dominion, were contemporary; the like is to be conceived of Jair, that he began to judge Israel, and endeavoured to reform religion, and purge out all abuses; but being unable to effect this through the backwardness of the, people, God would not enable him to deliver the people, but gave them up to this sad oppression; so that Jair could only determine differences amongst the Israelites, but could not deliver them from their enemies. And served also - Because not contented to add idols to thee, we have preferred them before thee. The Lord said - Either by some prophet whom he raised and sent for this purpose: or by the high - priest, who was consulted in the case. From the Amorites - Both Sihon and Og, and their people, and other kings of the Amorites within Jordan. Of Ammon - Who were confederate with the Moabites, Judg 3:13,14. The Zidonians - We do not read of any oppression of Israel, particularly, by the Zidonians. But many things were done, which are not recorded. The Maonites - Either first, those who lived in, or near the wilderness of Maon, in the south of Judah, 1Sam 23:25 25:2, whether Edomites or others. Or, secondly, the Mehunims, a people living near the Arabians, of whom, 2Chron 26:7. For in the Hebrew, the letters of both names are the same, only the one is the singular, the other the plural number. No more - Except you repent in another manner than you yet have done; which when they performed, God suspended the execution of this threatning. Chosen - You have not been forced to worship those gods by your oppressors; but you have freely chosen them before me. Do thou unto us - Do not give us up into the hands of these cruel men, but do thou chastise us with thine own hand as much as thou pleasest; if we be not more faithful and constant to thee, than we have hitherto been.

Expel me - And deprive me of all share in my father's goods, which, though a bastard, was due to me. This expulsion of him was the act of his brethren; but he here ascribes it to the elders of Gilead; either because some of them were among these elders, as is very probable from the dignity of this family; or because this act, though desired by his brethren, was executed by the decree of the elders, to whom the determination of all controversies about inheritance belonged; and therefore it was their faults they did not protect him from the injuries of his brethren. Therefore - Being sensible that we have done thee injury, we come now to make thee full reparation. If, &c. - If you recall me from this place where I am now settled, to the place whence I was expelled. Shall I, &c. - Will you really make good this promise Jephthah was so solicitous in this case, either from his zeal for the public good, which required that he should be so; or from the law of self - preservation, that he might secure himself from his brethren; whose ill - will he had experienced, and whose injuries he could not prevent, if, after he had served their ends, he had been reduced to his private capacity. The Lord be witness - The Lord be an hearer: so the Hebrew word is. Whatever we speak it concerns us to remember, that God is an hearer! All his words - Or, all his matters, the whole business. Before the Lord - That is, before the public congregation, wherewith God was usually, and then especially present. Messengers - That is, ambassadors, to prevent blood - shed, that so the Israelites might be acquitted before God and men, from all the sad consequences of this war; herein he shewed great prudence, and no less piety. What hast thou, &c. - What reasonable cause hast thou for this invasion In my land - He speaks this in the name of all the people. My land - That is, this land of Gilead, which was mine, but unjustly taken from me, by Sihon and Og, the kings of the Ammonites; and the injury perpetuated by Israel's detaining it from me. This land, before the conquests of Sihon and Og, belonged partly to the Ammonites, and partly to the Moabites.

He urges prescription, which is by all men reckoned a just title, and it is fit it should be so for the good of the world, because otherwise the door would be opened both to kings, and to private persons, for infinite contentions and confusions. I have not - I have done thee no wrong. Be judge - Let him determine this controversy by the success of this day and war. Spirit came - Indued him with a more than ordinary courage and resolution. Manasseh - That is, Bashan, which the half tribe of Manasseh beyond Jordan inhabited. Mizpeh of Gilead - So called to distinguish it from other cities of the same name, having gathered what forces he suddenly could, he came hither to the borders of the Ammonites. Minnith - A place not far from Rabbah, the chief city of the Ammonites. Subdued before Israel - It does not appear, that he offered to take possession of the country. Tho' the attempt of others to wrong us, will justify us in the defence of our own right, yet it will not authorize us to do them wrong. His daughter - In concert with other virgins, as the manner was. Trouble me - Before this, I was troubled by my brethren; and since, by the Ammonites; and now most of all, tho' but occasionally, by thee. Opened my mouth - That is, I have vowed. Cannot go back - That is, not retract my vow; I am indispensably obliged to perform it. Do to me - Do not for my sake make thyself a transgressor; I freely give my consent to thy vow. Mountains - Which she chose as a solitary place, and therefore fittest for lamentation. Bewail - That I shall die childless, which was esteemed both a curse and a disgrace for the Israelites, because such were excluded from that great privilege of increasing the holy seed, and contributing to the birth of the Messiah. Did with her - Jephthah's daughter was not sacrificed, but only devoted to perpetual virginity.

Nor would, &c. - This expression seems to have some emphasis in it, to enhance God's mercy to them, as being afforded them in a time of such grievous calamity; and in a time when the word of the lord was precious; and there was no open vision. Blessed him - That is, endowed him with all those graces and gifts of mind and body which were necessary for the work he was designed for. To move - That is, to stir him up to heroical designs; to shew forth its power in the frame of his mind, and in the strength of his body, discovered to his neighbours in extraordinary actions; to encline his heart to great attempts for the help and deliverance of God's people, to give some essays of it to his brethren, and to seek all opportunities for it. Of Dan - A place so called, either from the expedition of the Danites, Judg 18:11,12, which though placed after this history, was done before it: or from some other camp which the Danites had formed there, to give some check to the incursions of the Philistines.

Chapter XIV Samson's marriage with a Philistine, and killing a lion, ver. 1 - 7. He finds honey in the carcase, ver. 8, 9. His riddle, ver. 10 - 14. Unriddled by means of his wife, ver. 15 - 18. He kills thirty Philistines, and leaves her, ver. 19, 20. Went - After he was come to mature age. Timnath - A place not far from the sea. To wife - Herein he is an example to all children, conformable to the fifth commandment. Children ought not to marry, nor to move toward it without the advice and consent of their parents. They that do, as Bishop Hall speaks, unchild themselves. Parents have a property in their children, as parts of themselves. In marriage this property is transferred. It is therefore not only unkind and ungrateful, but palpably unjust, to alienate this property, without their concurrence. Who so thus robbeth his father or mother, stealing himself from them who is nearer and dearer to them than their goods, and yet saith, It is no transgression, the same is the companion of a destroyer, Pro 28:24. Philistines - With whom the Israelites were forbidden to marry. For although the Philistines were not Canaanites in their original, yet they were so in their concurrence with them in wickedness, and therefore were liable to the same judgments with them. Get her - This action of Samson's, though against common rules, seems to be warranted, by the direction of God, (mentioned in the following words) which was known to Samson, but not to his parents. Pleaseth me - Not so much for her beauty, as for the design mentioned in the next verse. Father and mother - Who accompanied him, either because they were now acquainted with his design; or, to order the circumstances of that action which they saw he was set upon. Came mightily - Increased his courage and bodily strength. A kid - As soon and as safely. Told not, &c. - Lest by their means it should be publickly known; for he wisely considered, that it was not yet a fit time to awaken the jealousies and fears of the Philistines concerning him, as this would have done. After a time - Heb.

After a time - Heb. after days; that is, either after some days: or, rather, after a year, as that word often signifies; when the flesh of the lion, (which by its strong smell is offensive to bees) was wholly consumed, and nothing was left but the bones. Bees - Settling themselves there, as they have sometimes done in a man's skull, or in a sepulchre. Came to, &c. - From whom he had turned aside for a season, ver.8. Saw him - Or, observed him, his stature, and strength, and countenance, and carriage, which were extraordinary. Brought - Partly in compliance with the custom of having bride - men; though they were not so numerous; but principally by way of caution, and as a guard put upon him under a pretence of respect and affection. Seven days - For so long marriage - feasts lasted. Sheets - Fine linen - clothes, which were used for many purposes in those parts. Changes - Suits of apparel. Seventh day - They had doubtless spoken to her before this time, but with some remissness, supposing that they should find it out; but now their time being nigh slipped, they put her under a necessity of searching it out. To take that we have - That is, to strip us of our garments. The seven days - That is, on the residue of the seven days; namely, after the third day. If ye had not &c. - If you had not employed my wife to find it out, as men plough up the ground with an heifer, thereby discovering its hidden parts; he calls her heifer, because she was joined with him in the same yoke. The spirit came - Though he had constant strength and courage; yet that was exceedingly increased upon special occasions, by the extraordinary influences of God's spirit. To Ashkelon - Either to the territory; or to the city itself, where he had both strength and courage enough to attempt what follows; and upon the doing hereof they were doubtless struck with such terror, that every one sought only to preserve himself, and none durst pursue him. His anger was kindled - For the treachery of his wife and companions. He went - Without his wife.

Stood - That is ministered as high - priest. The Lord said - When they sought God after the due order, and truly humbled themselves for their sins, he gives them a satisfactory answer. Liers in wait - Though they were assured of the success, by a particular promise, yet they do not neglect the use of means; as well knowing that the certainty of God's promises doth not excuse, but rather require man's diligent use of all fit means for the accomplishment of them. The children of Israel - That is, a considerable part of them, who were ordered to give the first onset, and then to counterfeit flight, to draw the Benjamites forth from their strong - hold. See ver.32. Chosen men - Selected out of the main body, which was at Baal - tamar; and these were to march directly to Gibeah on the one side, whilst the liers in wait stormed it on the other side, and whilst the great body of the army laboured to intercept the Benjamites, who having pursued the Israelites that pretended to flee, now endeavoured to retreat to Gibeah. Drew along - Or, extended themselves; whereas before they lay close and contracted into a narrow compass, now they spread themselves, and marched in rank and file as armies do. There fell - Namely, in the field, of battle. Gleaned - That is, a metaphor from those who gather grapes or corn so clearly and fully, that they leave no relicks for those who come after them. Twenty and five thousand - Besides the odd hundred expressed ver.35, but here only the great number is mentioned, the less being omitted, as inconsiderable. Here are also a thousand more omitted, because he speaks only of them who fell in that third day of battle. Turned again - Having destroyed those that came to Gibeah, and into the field, now they follow them home to their several habitations. Men - Comprehensively taken, so as to include women and children. If this seem harsh and bloody, either it may be ascribed to military fury; or perhaps it may be partly justified, from that command of God in a parallel case, Deut 13:15, and from that solemn oath by which they had devoted to death all that came not up to Mizpeh, chap.21:5, which none of the Benjamites did.

An allusion either to hens, which protect and cherish their young ones under their wings; or to the wings of the Cherubim, between which God dwelt. Tho' I be not - I humbly implore the continuance of thy good opinion of me, though I do not deserve it, being a person more mean, necessitous, and, obscure, a stranger, and one born of heathen parents, and not of the holy and honourable people of Israel, as they are. She sat - Not with or among them, but at some little distance from them, as one inferior to them. It is no disparagement to the finest hand, to be reached forth to the needy. An Ephah - About a bushel. Reserved - At dinner, after she had eaten and was sufficed, or satisfied. Where hast thou gleaned to - day - It is a good question to ask ourselves in the evening, "Where have I gleaned to - day" What improvements have I made in grace or knowledge What have I learned or done, which will turn to account To the dead - That is, which he formerly shewed to those who are now dead, my husband and his sons whilst they were living, and now continues to us. Harvest - Both barley - harvest, and wheat - harvest. She tells what kindness Boaz had shewed her; but not, how he had commended her. Humility teaches not only not to praise ourselves, but not to be forward in repeating the praise which others have given us. Other field - Whereby thou wilt both expose thyself to many inconveniences, which thou mayst expect from strangers; and incur his displeasure, as if thou didst despise his kindness.

Chapter III The directions Naomi gives to Ruth, ver. 1 - 5. Her punctual observance of them, ver. 6, 7. The honourable treatment which Boaz gave her, ver. 8 - 15. Her return to Naomi, ver. 16 - 18. Rest - A life of rest, and comfort, and safety, under the care of a good husband. Threshing - floor - Which was in a place covered at the top, but open elsewhere, whither Ruth might easily come. And this work of winnowing corn was usually ended with a feast. Raiment - Thy best raiment. Known - In so familiar a way, as thou mayest do hereafter. Uncover his feet - Remove the clothes that were upon his feet; thereby to awaken him. Will tell thee - What course thou shalt take to obtain that marriage which belongs unto thee. At midnight - He did not discover her sooner. Spread thy Skirt - That is, take me to be thy wife, and perform the duty of an husband to me. Shewed kindness - Both to thy deceased husband, the continuance of whose name and memory thou seekest; and to thy mother - in - law, whose commands thou hast punctually obeyed. Followedst not - To seek thy marriage here, or in thy own country, as thou wouldst have done if thou hadst not preferred obedience to God's command, before pleasing thyself. Perform, &c. - Take thee to wife, to raise up seed to his brother. Bishop Hall sums up the matter thus. "Boaz, instead of touching her as a wanton, blesseth her as a father, encourages her as a friend, promises her as a kinsman, rewards her as a patron, and sends her away laden with hopes and gifts, no less chast, but more happy than she came. O admirable temperance, worthy the progenitor of him, in whose lips and heart there was no guile!" Let it not, &c. - He takes care to preserve not only his conscience towards God, but his reputation, and hers also, among men. Veil - Or, the apron. Who art thou - This is not a question of doubting, but of wonder, as if she had said, Art thou in very deed my daughter I can hardly believe it. How camest thou hither in this manner, and thus early

Kick ye - Using them irreverently, and profanely; both by abusing them to your own luxury, and by causing the people to abhor them. He chargeth Eli with his sons faults. Honourest thy sons - Permitting them to dishonour and injure me, by taking my part to themselves; chusing rather to offend me by thy connivance at their sin, than to displease them by severe rebukes, and just punishments. Fat - To pamper yourselves. This you did not out of necessity, but out of mere luxury. Chiefest - Not contented with those parts which I had allotted you, you invaded those choice parts which I reserved for myself. I said - Where, or when did God say this To Eli himself, or to his father, when the priesthood was translated from Eleazar's to Ithamar's family. Walk - That is, minister unto me as high - priest. Walking is often put for discharging ones office; before me; may signify that he was the high - priest, whose sole prerogative it was to minister before God, or before the ark, in the most holy place. For ever - As long as the Mosaical law and worship lasts. Far from me - To fulfil my promise, which I hereby retract. Arm - That is, I will take away thy strength, or all that in which thou placest thy confidence, either, the ark, which is called God's strength, Psal 78:61, and was Eli's strength, who therefore was not able to bear the very tidings of the loss of it. Or, his priestly dignity or employment, whence he had all his honour and substance. Or rather, his children, to whom the words following here, and in the succeeding verses, seem to confine it. Father's house - That is, thy children's children, and all thy family which was in great measure accomplished, 1Sam 22:16, &c.

Build, &c - That is, give him a numerous posterity, and confirm that sure covenant of an everlasting priesthood made to Phinehas, of Eleazar's line, Numb 25:13, and interrupted for a little while by Eli, of the line of Ithamar, unto him and his children for ever. Anointed - Before Jesus Christ, who is the main scope and design, not only of the New, but of the Old Testament, which in all its types and ceremonies represented him; and particularly, the high - priest was an eminent type of Christ, and represented his person, and acted in his name and stead, and did mediately, what John Baptist did immediately, go before the face of the Lord Christ; and when Christ came, that office and officer was to cease. The high - priest is seldom or never said to walk or minister before the kings of Israel or Judah, but constantly before the Lord, and consequently, before Christ, who, as he was God blessed for ever, Rom 9:5, was present with, and the builder and governor of the ancient church of Israel, and therefore the high - priest is most properly said to walk before him. Chapter III

God's first manifestation of himself to Samuel, ver. 1 - 10. God's message to Eli, ver. 11 - 14. His faithful delivery of that message, and Eli's submission to God, ver. 15 - 18. The establishment of Samuel to be a prophet, ver. 19 - 21 Before Eli - That is, under his inspection and direction. Word - The word of prophecy, or the revelation of God's will to and by the prophets. Precious - Rare or scarce, such things being most precious in mens' esteem, whereas common things are generally despised. Open vision - God did not impart his Mind by way of vision or revelation openly, or to any public person, to whom others might resort for satisfaction, though he might privately reveal himself to some pious persons for their particular direction. This is premised, as a reason why Samuel understood not, when God called him once or twice. His place - In the court of the tabernacle. Went out - Before the lights of the golden candlestick were put out in the morning. Did not know - He was not acquainted with God in that extraordinary or prophetical way. And this ignorance of Samuel's served God's design, that his simplicity might give Eli the better assurance of the truth of God's call, and message to Samuel. Came and stood - Before, he spake to him at a distance, even from the holy oracle between the cherubim: but now, to prevent all farther mistake, the voice came near to him, as if the person speaking had been standing near him. In that day - In that time which I have appointed for this work, which was about twenty or thirty years after this threatning. So long space of repentance God allows to this wicked generation. When I begin, &c. - Tho' this vengeance shall be delayed for a season, to manifest my patience, and incite them to repentance; yet when once I begin to inflict, I shall not desist 'till I have made a full end. Restrained them not - He contented himself with a cold reproof, and did not punish, and effectually restrain them. They who can, and do not restrain others from sin, make themselves partakers of the guilt. Those in authority will have a great deal to answer for, if the sword they bear be not a terror to evil - doers.

The Philistines carry the ark into the temple of Dagon, ver. 1, 2. Dagon is overthrown, ver. 3 - 5. The men of Ashdod and Gath plagued, ver. 6 - 9. The Philistines determine to send it back, ver. 10 - 12. By Dagon - By way of reproach, as a spoil and trophy set there to the honour of Dagon, to whom doubtless they ascribed this victory. They - The priests of Dagon. Set him - Supposing his fall was casual. Cut off - The head is the seat of wisdom; the hands the instruments of action: both are cut off to shew that he had neither wisdom nor strength to defend himself or his worshippers. Thus the priests by concealing Dagon's shame before, make it more evident and infamous. The stump - Heb. only dagon, that is, that part of it from which it was called Dagon, namely the fishy part, for Dag in Hebrew signifies a fish. It - Upon the threshold; there the trunk abode in the place where it fell, but the head and hands were slung to distant places. This day - When this history was written, which if written by Samuel towards the end of his life, was a sufficient ground for this expression. Emerods - The piles. To Gath - Supposing that this plague was confined to Ashdod for some particular reasons, or that it came upon them by chance, or for putting it into Dagon's temple, which they resolved they would not do. Hidden parts - In the inwards of their hinder parts: which is the worst kind of emerods, as all physicians acknowledge, both because its pains are far more sharp than the other; and because the malady is more out of the reach of remedies. The city - In every city, where the ark of God came. Chapter VI

- He puts them upon chusing their king by lot, that all might know God had chosen Saul (for the disposal of the lot is of the Lord) and to prevent all dispute and exception. Benjamin - Which tribe was now preferred before Judah, because the kingdom was freely promised by God to Judah, and was to be given to him in love; but now the kingdom was in a manner forced from God, and given them in anger and therefore conferred upon an obscure tribe. Enquired - Either by Urim or Thummim, which was the usual way of enquiry. Or, by Samuel, who by his prayer procured an answer. Stuff - Among the carriages or baggage of the people there assembled. This he probably did, from a sense of his own unworthiness. None like him - As to the height of his bodily stature, which was in itself, commendable in a king, and some kind of indication of great endowments of mind. God save the king - Heb. let the king live; that is, long and prosperously. Hereby they accept him for their king, and promise subjection to him. None will be losers in the end by their humility and modesty. Honour, like the shadows, follows them that flee from it, but flees from them that pursue it. Manner of the kingdom - The laws and rules by which the kingly government was to be managed; agreeable to those mentioned Deut 17:16, &c. Before the Lord - Before the ark, where it was kept safe from depravation. Went home - Not being actually inaugurated into his kingdom, he thought fit to retire to his former habitation, and to live privately 'till he had an occasion to shew himself in a more illustrious manner. Then went - To give him safe and honourable conduct to his house, though not to abide with him there, which did not suit his present circumstance. No presents - As subjects in those times used to do to their kings. This was an evidence both of his humility, and the mercifulness of his disposition. So Christ held his peace, in the day of his patience. But there is a day of recompense coming. Chapter XI

Samuel clears himself from all imputation of abusing the power which he now resigns to Saul, ver. 1 - 5. He reminds them of the great things God had done, ver. 6 - 13. He sets before them the blessing and the curse, ver. 14, 15. He calls upon God for thunder, ver. 16 - 19. He encourages and exhorts them, ver. 20 - 25. Said - While they were assembled together in Gilgal. And this is another instance of Samuel's great wisdom and integrity. He would not reprove the people for their sin, in desiring a king, whilst Saul was unsettled in his kingdom; lest through their accustomed levity, they should as hastily cast off their king, as they had passionately desired him, and therefore he chuseth this season for it; because Saul's kingdom was now confirmed by an eminent victory; and because the people rejoiced greatly, applauded themselves for their desires of a king; and interpreted the success which God had given them, as a divine approbation of those desires. Samuel therefore thinks fit to temper their joys, and to excite them to that repentance which he saw wanting in them, and which he knew to be necessary, to prevent the curse of God upon their new king, and the whole kingdom. Walketh - Ruleth over you. To him I have fully resigned my power, and own myself one of his subjects. Old - And therefore unable to bear the burden of government. My sons - Or, among you, in the same states private persons, as you are; if they have injured any of you, the law is now open against them; any of you may accuse them, your king can punish them, I do not intercede for them. Walked before you - That is, been your guide and governor; partly, as a prophet; and partly, as a judge. Behold - I here present myself before the Lord, and before your king, ready to give an account of all my administrations.

Behold - I here present myself before the Lord, and before your king, ready to give an account of all my administrations. And this protestation Samuel makes of his integrity, not out of ostentation; but for his own just vindication, that the people might not hereafter for the defence of their own irregularities, reproach his government, and that being publickly acquitted from all faults in his government, he might more freely reprove the sins of the people, and, particularly, that sin of theirs in desiring a king, when they had so little reason for it. Righteous acts - Heb. the righteousnesses; that is, mercies or benefits the chief subject of the following discourse; some of their calamities being but briefly named, and that for the illustration of God's mercy in their deliverances. This place - In this land: in which Moses and Aaron are said to settle them; because they brought them into, and seated them in part of it, that without Jordan; because they were, under God, the principal authors of their entering into the land of Canaan; inasmuch as they brought them out of Egypt, conducted them through the wilderness; and thereby their prayers to God, and counsel to them, preserved them from ruin, and gave command from God for the distribution of the land among them, and encouraged them to enter into it. And lastly, Moses substituted Joshua in his stead, and commanded him to seat them there, which he did. Forgat - That is, they revolted from him, and carried themselves, as if they had wholly forgotten his innumerable favours. This he saith to answer an objection, that the reason why they desired a king, was, because in the time of the judges they were at great uncertainties, and often exercised with sharp afflictions: to which he answereth by concession that they were so; but adds, by way of retortion, that they themselves were the cause of it, by their forgetting God: so that it was not the fault of that kind of government, but their transgressing the rules of it. Fought - With success, and subdued them.

Samuel is appointed to anoint one of the sons of Jesse king, ver. 1 - 5. The elder sons are passed by, and David anointed, ver. 6 - 13. Saul growing melancholy is eased by David's music, ver. 14 - 23. Mourn - And pray for his restitution, which the following words imply he did. Oil - Which was used in the inauguration of kings. But here it is used in the designation of a king; for David was not actually made king by it, but still remained a subject. And the reason of this anticipation was the comfort of Samuel, and other good men, against their fears in case of Saul's death, and the assurance of David's title, which otherwise would have been doubtful. I have provided - This phrase is very emphatical, and implies the difference between this and the former king. Saul was a king of the people's providing, he was the product of their sinful desires: but this is a king of my own providing, to fulfil all my will, and to serve my glory. Trembled - Because it was strange and unexpected to them, this being but an obscure town, and remote from Samuel, and therefore they justly thought there was some extraordinary reason for it. Peaceable - The Hebrew phrase, comest thou in peace, is as much as to say (in our phrase) is all well He sanctified - It seems evident that there was something peculiar in Jesse's invitation. For first, both he and his sons were invited, whereas the others were only invited for their own persons. Secondly, the different phrase here used, that he sanctified these, when he only bade the other sanctify themselves; argues a singular care of Samuel in their sanctification. Which makes it probable, that the rest were only to join with them in the act of sacrificing; but these, and only these, were invited to feast upon the remainders of the sacrifices. Before him - That is, in this place where God is now present. For it is observable, that not only the sacrifice is said to be offered, but even the feast upon the remainders of it is said, to be eaten before the Lord, Deut 12:7, that is, before or near his altar, where God was present in a special manner.

And it seems to have been the custom of those times, (as it is yet in the eastern countries) when they made their appearance before princes, or great persons, to bring a present. Stood before him - That is, waited upon him. And he loved him greatly - So there was something good in Saul still: he had not lost all, tho' he had lost the kingdom. Armour - bearer - He had that place conferred upon him, though we do not read that he ever exercised it; for it seems he was gone back to his father upon some occasion not related; and had abode with him some considerable time before the war described, chap.17:1 - 53, happened. Departed - Namely, for a season. And the reason of this success, may be, partly natural, and partly, supernatural, respecting David; whom God designed by this means to bring into favour with the king, and so to smooth the way for his advancement. Chapter XVII

Saul is pacified by Jonathan, ver. 1 - 7. Attempts again to kill David, ver. 8 - 10. Is deceived by Michal, who sends David away, ver. 11 - 17. David flies to Ramah, and Saul prophesies, ver. 18 - 24. Spake good - Which he could not do without hazard to himself. Herein therefore he performed the duty of a true friend, and of a valiant man. As the Lord, &c. - And without all doubt, he intended what he said, feeling a real change in himself for the present. "God," says Mr. Henry, "inclined the heart of Saul to hearken to the voice of Jonathan." And David, &c. - So David continues his good service, tho' it was ill requited. They who are ill paid for doing good, yet must not be weary of well doing, remembering how bountiful a benefactor God is, even to the evil and unthankful. The evil spirit - David's successes against the Philistines revived his envy, and the devil watched the opportunity, as he had done before. Goats hair - Or, put great goats hair upon his bolster; upon the head and face of the image, which lay upon his bolster, that it might have some kind of resemblance of David's head and hair, at least in a sick man's bed, where there useth to be but a glimmering light. Covered it - Upon pretence of his being sick, and needing some such covering. To Samuel - Both for comfort and direction in his distress; and for safety, supposing that Saul would be ashamed to execute his bloody designs in the presence of so venerable a person as Samuel. Over them - To instruct and direct them in those holy exercises. For though they prophesied by Divine inspiration, yet they were both to prepare themselves for it before hand, and to make good improvement of it afterwards, in both which they needed Samuel's counsel and assistance. And whereas some might falsely pretend to those raptures; or the devil might transform himself into an angel of light, Samuel's presence and judgment was necessary to prevent and to detect such impostures. Besides, Samuel would by his present conjunction with them in those holy exercises, encourage them, and stir up others to the coveting of those gifts, and to the performance of such religious duties.

Besides, Samuel would by his present conjunction with them in those holy exercises, encourage them, and stir up others to the coveting of those gifts, and to the performance of such religious duties. Prophesied - Being inspired by God as Balaam was; that being wrapt up into such an extasy, their minds might be wholly taken off from their design of seizing David. The spirit - It came upon him in the way; whereas it came not upon his messengers 'till they came to the place. Hereby God would convince Saul of the vanity of his designs against David, and that in them he fought against God himself. Lay down - Heb. fell, down upon the earth; for his mind being in an extasy, he had not the use of his senses. God so ordering it, that David might have an opportunity to escape. Naked - That is, stript of his upper garments, as the word naked is often used; and it is here repeated to signify how long he lay in that posture. Day and night - So God kept him as it were in chains, 'till David was got out of his reach. Is Saul - The same proverb which was used before, is here revived, as an evidence of God's wonderful care over David; he made Saul in some sort a prophet, that he mightst make David a king. Chapter XX

A covenant - The covenant which before was personal, he now extends to the whole house of David, expecting a reciprocal enlargement of it on David's side, which doubtless he obtained. Enemies - If either I or any of my house shall break this covenant, and shall prove enemies to David or to his house, let the Lord, the witness of this covenant, severely punish the violators of it. Swear again - Heb. and Jonathan added or proceeded to make David swear; that is, having himself sworn to David or adjured David, in the foregoing verse, he here requires David's oath to him, by way of restipulation or confirmation. Loved him - Because he had a true friendship for David, he desired that the covenant might be inviolably observed through all their generations. Was in hand - When this same business which now they were treating about, was in agitation formerly; namely, to discover Saul's mind and purpose towards him, chap.19:2,3. Ezel - By that stone which directs travellers in the way; namely, in some cave, or convenient place, which was near it. I will send - I will send him out before I shoot, to find out, and take up the arrows which I shall shoot. And I shall shoot them either short of him, or beyond him, as I shall see occasion. Between - As a witness and a judge between us and our families for ever, if on either side this league of friendship be violated. Hid himself - Namely, at the time appointed: for it seems probable, that he went first to Bethlehem, and thence returned to the field, when the occasion required. Arose - He rose from his seat where he was sat next the king, and stood at Abner's coming, to do honour to him, who was his father's cousin, and the general of the army. Something - Some accident which has rendered him unclean, and so unfit to partake of this feast, which consisted in part of the remainders of the peace - offerings, according to the law, Levit 7:20. Unfit also to come into any company, much more, into the king's company, lest he should pollute them also. Son of Jesse - So he calls him in scorn, to note the meanness of his original; and as not deigning to call him by his proper name.

Other cattle - Before those that belonged to Ziklag. David's spoil - The soldiers, who lately were so incensed against David, that they spake of stoning him: now upon this success magnify him, and triumphantly celebrate his praise; and say concerning this spoil, David purchased it by his valour and conduct, and he may dispose of it as he pleaseth. Saluted them - He spoke kindly to them, and did not blame them because they went no further with them. My brethren - He useth his authority to over - rule them; but manageth it with all sweetness, tho' they were such wicked and unreasonable men, calling them brethren; not only as of the same nation and religion with him, but as his fellow - soldiers. What God hath freely imparted to us, we should not unkindly and injuriously withhold from our brethren. Part alike - A prudent and equitable constitution, and therefore practiced by the Romans, as Polybius and others note. The reason of it is manifest; because they were exposed to hazards, as well as their brethren: and were a reserve to whom they might retreat in case of a defeat; and they were now in actual service, and in the station in which their general had placed them. Elders of Judah - Partly in gratitude for their former favours to him: and partly, in policy, to engage their affections to him. Chapter XXXI

Chapter III David's success and sons, ver. 1 - 5. Abner's quarrel with Isbosheth, ver. 6 - 11. His treaty with David, ver. 12 - 16. He undertakes to bring Israel over to David, ver. 17 - 21. Joab murders Abner, ver. 22 - 27. David's concern and mourning over him, ver. 28 - 39. Long war - For five years longer: for it is probable, Isbosheth was made king presently upon Saul's death; and the other tribes did not submit to David before seven years were expired. Geshur - A part of Syria, northward from the land of Israel. Her he married, as it may seem, in policy, that he might have a powerful friend and ally to assist him against Ishbosheth's party in the north, whilst himself opposed him in the southern parts. But he paid dear for making piety give place to policy, as the history of Absolom sheweth. Eglah - This is added, either because she was of obscure parentage, and was known by no other title but her relation to David: or, because this was his first and most proper wife, best known by her other name of Michal, who, though she had no child by David after she scoffed at him for dancing before the ark, chap.6:23, yet might have one before that time. And she might be named the last, because she was given away from David, and married to another man. Six sons in seven years. Some have had as numerous an offspring, and with much more honour and comfort, by one wife. And we know not that any of the six were famous: but three were very infamous. Strong - He used all his endeavours to support Saul's house: which is mentioned, to shew the reason of his deep resentment of the following aspersion. Messengers - Who in his name might treat with David concerning his reconciliation with him. Thus God over - rules the passions of wicked men, to accomplish his own wise and holy purposes. And who then dare contend with that God who makes even his enemies to do his work, and destroy themselves Whose, &c. - To whom doth this whole land belong, but to thee Is it not thine by Divine right Ishbosheth - Whose consent was necessary, both to take her away from her present husband, and to persuade her to return to David.

Chapter XV Absalom steals the hearts of the people, ver. 1 - 6. He conspires against David, ver. 7 - 12. David flies from Jerusalem, ver. 13 - 18. He confers with Ittai, and passes over Kidron, ver. 19 - 23. Sends back Zadok with the ark, ver. 24 - 29. His prayer on this occasion, ver. 30, 31. He concerts with Hushai, ver. 32 - 37. Prepared - As being the king's eldest son, now Amnon was dead; for Chileab, who was his eldest brother, 2Sam 3:3, was either dead, or incapable of the government. And this course he knew would draw the eyes of the people to him, and make them conclude that David intended him for his successor. Early - Thereby making a shew of solicitude for the good of the public, and of every private person. Called him - Preventing him with the offers of his assistance. And as if he were ready to make particular enquiry into the state of his cause. See - Upon some very slight hearing of their cause, he approved it, that he might oblige all. No man - None such as will do thee justice. The other sons and relations of the king, and the rest of the judges and rulers under him and them, are wholly corrupted; or, at least not careful and diligent as they should be: and my father being grown in years, is negligent of publick affairs. It is the way of turbulent, aspiring men, to reproach the government they are under. Even David himself, the best of kings, could not escape the worst of censures. After forty years - From the change of the government, into a monarchy, which was about ten years before David began to reign. So this fell out about the thirtieth year of his reign. Hebron - This place he chose as being an eminent city, and next to Jerusalem, the chief of the tribe of Judah, and the place where his father began his kingdom, which he took for a good omen. And where it is probable he had secured many friends. It was also at a convenient distance from Jerusalem.

Clothes - His linen cloathes. This and the former were signs, that he was a true and obstinate mourner, and evidences of the falsehood of Ziba's relation concerning him, chap.16:3. Jerusalem - Probably he had continued near Jerusalem, because he could not go to meet him, as others did. Deceived me - By carrying away the ass which I bid him saddle for me. Angel - To distinguish between true reports and calumnies; See note on "2Sa 14:20". Before - Before thy tribunal: we were all at thy mercy: not my estate only but my life also was in thy power, if thou hadst dealt with rigour, and as earthly kings use to do with their predecessor's and enemies children. To cry - For the vindication of mine honour, and the restitution of my estate. Divide - The land shall be divided between thee and him, as it was by my first order, chap.9:10, he and his sons managing it, and supporting themselves out of it, as they did before, and giving the rest of the profits thereof to thee. I am, &c. - My senses are grown dull, and incapable of relishing the pleasures of a court. I am past taking pleasures in delicious tastes, or sweet musick, and other such delights. I am through age both useless and burdensome to others, and therefore most improper for a court life. That I may die in mine own city - That my bones may with little ado, be carried to the place of their rest. The grave is ready for me: let me go and get ready for it, go and die in my nest. Half - Whereas the men of Judah came entirely and unanimously to the king, the Israelites of the other tribe came in but slowly, and by halves, as being no less guilty of the rebellion, than the tribe of Judah; but not encouraged to come in by such a gracious message as they were. And this is here mentioned as the occasion both of the contention here following, and of the sedition, chap.20:1 - 22. All - Such as were present. Stolen - That is, conveyed thee over Jordan hastily, not expecting our concurrence. David's men - All thy officers, guards, and soldiers.

Went forth - To meet and salute Amasa, who was coming towards him to do him honour. It fell - Things having (it is likely) been so contrived by Joab, that upon the least motion of his body, his sword should drop out, and he might take it up without raising Amasa's suspicion. Beard - As the manner of ancient times was, when they saluted one another. The sword - Which falling out, as it seemed, casually, he supposed that Joab intended only to put it into its scabbard, and therefore took no care to defend himself against the stroke. So Joab - Who now boldly resumed his former place, and marched in the head of the army. It is not strange, that Amasa's soldiers did not fight to revenge his death; partly, because not many of them were yet come up, as the following verses shew; and partly, because Joab's interest and authority with the military - men was very great; especially, with David's guards, who were here present, and who had no kindness for Amasa, as having been the general of the rebellious army; and, as they might think, not fit to be put into a place of so great trust. One - Left there on purpose to deliver the following message. Favoureth Joab - He that would have Joab to be general, rather than such a perfidious rebel as Amasa. For David - He that wisheth David good success against Sheba, and against all rebels. Stood still - Wondering at the spectacle, and enquiring into the author and occasion of it. Removed - Perceiving, that it both incensed them against Joab and hindered the king's service. Cast a cloth upon him - But the covering of blood with a cloth cannot stop its cry to God for vengeance. He - Sheba, who marched from tribe to tribe to stir them up to sedition. Abel - Unto Abel - beth - maachah, as this place is called here in the Hebrew text, ver.15, to distinguish it from other Abels; and to signify, that this was that Abel which was in the northern border of Canaan towards that part of Syria called Maachah, 2Sam 10:8.

Chapter XXI A famine, caused by Saul's killing the Gibeonites, ver. 1 - 3. Seven of his family put to death, ver. 4 - 9. Care taken of their dead bodies, and of the bones of Saul, ver. 10 - 14. Battles with the Philistines, ver. 15 - 22. Then - The things related here and chap.24:1 - 25, are by the best interpreters conceived to have been done long before Absalom's rebellion. And this opinion is not without sufficient grounds: first, this particle, then, is here explained, in the days, that is, during the reign of David: which general words seem to be added as an intimation that these things were not done after the next foregoing passages, for then the sacred writer would rather have added, after these things, as it is in many other places. Secondly, here are divers passages which it seems improbable to ascribe to the last years of David's reign: such as first, that Saul's sin against the Gibeonites should so long remain unpunished. And indeed that this was done, and Saul's seven sons hanged by David's order before that time, seems to be intimated by that passage, 2Sam 16:8, where he is charged with the blood of the house of Saul: for which there was not the least colour 'till this time. Secondly, that David should not remove the bones of Saul and Jonathan to their proper place, 'till that time. Thirdly, that the Philistines should wage war with David again and again, ver.15, &c. so long after he had fully subdued them, chap.8:1, and that David in his old age should attempt to fight with a Philistine giant, or that his people should suffer him to do so. Fourthly, that David should then have so vehement a desire to number his people, chap.24:1, which being an act of youthful vanity, seems not at all to agree with his old age, nor with that state of deep humiliation in which he then was. And the reason why these matters are put here out of their proper order, is plainly this, because David's sin being once related, it was very convenient that David's punishments should immediately succeed: this being very frequent in scripture - story, to put those things together which belong to one matter, though they happened at several times.

After this - After the battle last mentioned. Born to the giant in Gath - These giants were probably the remains of the sons of Anak, who, tho' long feared, fell at last. Chapter XXII This chapter is inserted among the Psalms, No. 18, with some little variation. It is here as it was composed for his own closet; there, as it was delivered to the chief musician for public service. The inspired writer having largely related David's deliverances in this and the foregoing book, thought fit to record this sacred poem, as a memorial of all that had been before related.

Chapter VII Solomon builds several other houses, ver. 1 - 12. He furnishes the temple with two pillars, ver. 13 - 22. With a molten sea, ver. 23 - 26. With ten bases and ten lavers of brass, ver. 27 - 39. With all other utensils, and the things David had dedicated, ver. 40 - 51. House - The royal palace for himself, and for his successors. Thirteen years - Almost double the time to that in which the temple was built; because neither were the materials so far provided and prepared for this, as they were for the temple: nor did either he or his people use the same diligence in this, as in the other work; to which they were quickened by God's express command. Of the forest of Lebanon - An house so called, because it was built in the forest of Lebanon, for a summer - seat, whither Solomon, having so many chariots and horses, might at any time retire with ease. The length - Of the principal mansion; to which doubtless other buildings were adjoining. Pillars - Upon which the house was built, and between which there were four stately walks. Beams - Which were laid for the floor of the second story. Fifteen - So in this second story were only three rows of pillars, which was sufficient for the ornament of the second and for the support of the third story. Against light - One directly opposite to the other, as is usual in well - contrived buildings. In ranks - One exactly under another. Windows - He speaks, of smaller windows or lights, which were over the several doors. A porch - Supported by divers pillars, for the more magnificent entrance into the house; upon which also it is thought there were other rooms built, as in the house. The porch - Now mentioned which is said to be before them; before the pillars on which the house of Lebanon stood. Pillars - Or, and pillars; That is, fewer and lesser pillars for the support of the lesser porch. Beam - Which was laid upon these pillars, as the others were ver.2. A porch - Another porch or distinct room without the house. The other - The whole floor; or, from floor to floor, from the lower floor on the ground, to the upper floor which covered it.

The priests - For although the Levites might do this, Numb 4:15, yet the priests did it at this time, for the greater honour of the solemnity; and because the Levites might not enter into the holy - place, much less into the holy of holies, where it was to be placed, into which the priests themselves might not have entered, if the high - priest alone could have done it. The tabernacle - That made by Moses, which doubtless before this time had been translated from Gibeon to Zion, and now together with other things, was put into the treasuries of the Lord's house, to prevent all superstitious use of it, and to oblige the people to come up to Jerusalem, as the only place where God would now be worshipped. Sacrificing - When the ark was seated in its place: for although they might in the way offer some sacrifices, as David did; yet that was not a proper season to offer so many sacrifices as could not be numbered. This is more particularly related below, ver.62,63,64, which is here signified by way of anticipation. Cherubim - Of Solomon's new made cherubim, not of the Mosaic cherubim, which were far less, and unmovably fixed to the ark, Exod 37:7,8, and therefore together with the ark, were put under the wings of these cherubim. Drew out - Not wholly, which was expressly forbidden, Exod 25:15, Numb 4:6, but in part. Seen out - In the most holy place, which is oft called by way of eminency, the holy place, and the Hebrew words rendered before the oracle, may be as well rendered, within the oracle. And these staves were left in this posture, that the high - priest might hereby be certainly guided to that very place where he, was one day in a year to sprinkle blood, and to offer incense before the ark, which otherwise he might mistake in that dark place, where the ark was wholly covered with the wings of the great cherubim, which stood between him and the ark when he entered in. Nothing - Strictly and properly: but in a more large sense, the pot of manna, and Aaron's rod were also in it, Heb 9:4, that is, by it, in the most holy place, before the ark of the testimony, where God commanded Moses to put them.

- With much more reason may we say this of Christ's servants: Blessed are they that dwell in thy house: they will be always praising thee. Six hundred, &c. - Which amounts to about three millions of our money. And this gold did not come from Ophir in India, or Tharshish; but from Arabia and Ethiopia, which then were replenished with gold, though exhausted by the insatiable avarice of succeeding Ages. Merchant - men - Heb. of the searchers; either merchants, who use to search out commodities: or, the gatherers of the king's revenues, who used to search narrowly into all wares, that the king might not be defrauded of his rights. Spice - merchants - Or rather, of the merchants in general, as the word is often used. So this and the former particular contain both the branches of the king's revenue, what he had from the land, and what he had from the merchants and traders. Kings - Of those parts of Arabia which were next to Canaan, which were either conquered by David, or submitted to pay tribute to Solomon. But we must not think all these to be kings of large dominions; many of them were only governors of cities, and the territories belonging to them, such as were formerly in Canaan, and were anciently called kings. The country - Or, of the land; the land of Arabia: whereof some parts were so far conquered, that he had governors of his own over them, who were each of them to take care of the king's revenue in his jurisdiction; and part only so far, that they still had kings of their own, but such as were tributaries to him. Targets - For pomp and magnificence, and to be carried before him, by his guard, when he went abroad. The Roman magistrates had rods and axes carried before them, in token of their power to correct the bad: but Solomon shields and targets, to shew he took more pleasure in his power to defend and protect the good. Shields - Smaller than targets. Round - Made like the half of a circle. Nothing - Comparatively. Such hyperbolical expressions are frequent both in scripture and other authors.

There he abode to defend his own kingdoms, and durst not return to oppose Asa, lest the Syrian king should make a second invasion. So Asa met with success in this ungodly course as good men sometimes meet with disappointment in a good cause and course. So there is no judging of causes by events. None, &c. - All sorts of persons were obliged to come, except those who were disabled by age, or infirmity, or absence, or by the public service of the king and kingdom in other places. Built - Repaired and strengthened them, for they were built before. Nevertheless - Notwithstanding the great things which he had done, and the glory and prosperity which he enjoyed, he felt the effects of human infirmity, and of his own sins. Two years - Not compleat, as appears from ver.28,33. In his sin - In the worship of the calves which his father had made. Even, &c. - It was threatened, chap.14:15, that Israel should be as a reed shaken in the water. And so they were, when, during the single reign of Asa, their government was in seven or eight different hands. Jeroboam was upon the throne at the beginning of his reign, and Ahab at the end of it: between whom were Nadab, Baashah, Elah, Zimri, Tibni, and Omri, undermining and destroying one another. This they got by deserting the house both of God and of David. Any - Any of the males of that family. According, &c. - So God overruled Baasha's ambition and cruelty, to fulfil his own prediction. Because - So that same wicked policy which he used to establish the kingdom in his family, proved his and their ruin: which is very frequently the event of ungodly counsels.

Chapter XVIII Elijah sends notice to Ahab of his coming, ver. 1 - 16. His interview with Ahab, ver. 17 - 19. His interview with all Israel upon mount Carmel, ver. 21 - 39. He slays the prophets of Baal, ver. 40. Obtains rain, and runs before Ahab to Jezreel, ver. 41 - 46. The third year - Either, From the time when he went to hide himself by the brook Cherith; six months before which time the famine might begin. And so this being towards the end of the third year, it makes up these three years and six months, James 5:17. Or, From the time of his going to Sarepta, which probably was a year after the famine begun; So this might be in the middle of the third year, which also makes up the three years and six months.

The hand, &c. - God gave him more than natural strength, whereby he was enabled to outrun Ahab's chariot, for so many miles together. He girded, &c. - That his garments, which were long, might not hinder him. Ran before Ahab - To shew how ready he was to honour and serve the king, that by this humble and self - denying carriage, it might appear, what he had done was not from envy or passion, but only from a just zeal for God's glory: that by his presence with the king and his courtiers, he might animate and oblige them to proceed in the reformation of religion: and, to demonstrate, that he was neither ashamed of, nor afraid for what he had done, but durst venture himself in the midst of his enemies.

Case the criminal in steel, and it is all one: he that made him, can make his sword approach him. And that which to us seems altogether casual, comes by the determinate counsel of God. Died - Finding too late the truth of Micaiah's words; and Zedekiah's horns of iron, pushing not the Syrians, but himself, into destruction. Ivory house - Not that it was made of solid ivory, but because the other materials were covered, or inlaid with ivory. Of Ahab - Who reigned twenty two years; therefore he reigned about eighteen years with Ahab. High places - He took them away, but not fully; or not in the beginning of of his reign. Made peace - With Ahab first, and then with his son. This is noted as a blemish in his government, 2Chron 19:2, and proved of most mischievous consequence to his posterity. A deputy - Sent, and set over them by the kings of Judah, from the time of David, until the days of Jehoram, 2Chron 21:8. Would not - He did join with Ahaziah before this time, and before the ships were broken: for the breaking of the ships mentioned here, is noted to be the effect of his sin, in joining with Ahaziah, 2Chron 20:37. And Jehoshaphat being warned and chastised by God for this sin, would not be persuaded to repeat it. Ahaziah, &c. - Ahaziah was made king by his father, and reigned in conjunction with him a year or two before Ahab's death, and as long after it; even as Jehoram the son of Jehoshaphat was made king by his father in his life - time, which possibly was done in compliance with Ahab's desire upon marriage of his daughter to Jehoshaphat's son; and it may be Ahab, to induce him to do so, give him an example of it, and made his son his partner in the kingdom. In the way - Which seems added, to shew, how little the example of parents, or ancestors, is to be valued where it is opposed to the will and word of God. His father, &c. - Most unhappy parents, that thus help to damn their own children's souls!

Chapter III The character of Jehoram, ver. 1 - 3. He and his allies invade Moab, ver. 4 - 8. Their distress and relief, ver. 9 - 20. Their success, ver. 21 - 25. The king of Moab sacrifices his son, and they retire, ver. 26, 27. The sins - The worship of the calves: which all the kings of Israel kept up as a wall of partition between their subjects and those of Judah. So that altho' he had a little religion, yet he had not enough to over - rule this policy. A sheep - master - A man of great wealth (which in those times and places consisted much in cattle) which enabled and emboldened him to rebel against his sovereign. He said - He joins with him in this war; because the war was just in itself, and convenient for Jehoshaphat, both in the general, that revolters should be chastised: lest the examples should pass into his dominions, and the Edomites be encouraged to revolt from him, as they did from his son; and in particular, that the Moabites should be humbled, who had invaded his land before this time, 2Chron 20:1, and might do so again if they were not brought low; for which a fair opportunity now offered. King of Edom - That is, the vice - roy under Jehosaphat, 1Kings 22:47, here called king: because that word is sometimes used for any prince or chief ruler. Seven days - Because they made a great army, which could move but slowly; and they fetched a greater compass than was usual, for some advantage which they expected by it. No water - A frequent want in those parts; and now, it seems, increased by the extraordinary heat and dryness of the season. Is there not, &c. - This he should have asked before, when they first undertook the expedition, as he did in a like case, 1Kings 22:5, and for that neglect he now suffers; but better late than never: his affliction brings him to the remembrance of his former sin, and present duty. Poured water - Who was his servant; this being one office of a servant: and this office was the more necessary among the Israelites, because of the frequent washings which their law required. Probably it was by a special direction from God, that Elisha followed them, unasked, unobserved.

Chapter XVIII Hezekiah reforms his kingdom, ver. 1 - 6. Prospers in all his undertakings, even at the time the ten tribes are led captive, ver. 7 - 12. Yet is invaded, and his country put under contribution by Sennacherib, ver. 13 - 16. Jerusalem is besieged, ver. 17. The virulent speech of Rabshakeh, ver. 18 - 25. He incites the people to revolt, ver. 26 - 37. To reign - It is not certain that Ahaz lived only thirty six years, for those sixteen years which he reigned, may be computed, not from the first beginning of his reign, when he reigned with his father; which was at the twentieth year of his age, but from the beginning of his reigning alone. Serpent - The most of them, or such as the people most frequented: for all were not taken away, chap.23:13,14, tho' his own father had set them up. We must never dishonour God, in honour to our earthly parents. Brazen serpent - Which had been hitherto kept as a memorial of God's mercy; but being now commonly abused to superstition, was destroyed. To it - Not doubtless as to a god, but only as to an instrument of God's mercy, by and through which, their adoration was directed to God, and given to that only for God's sake. Nehushtan - He said, this serpent, howsoever formerly honoured, and used by God as a sign of his grace, yet now it is nothing but a piece of brass which can do you neither good nor hurt. Trusted - Without calling in foreign succours to establish or help him; which his father Ahaz did; and before him Asa. Before him - Of the kings of Judah only; for David and Solomon were kings of all Israel. The like is said of Josiah, chap.23:25. Each of them, excelled the other in several respects. Hezekiah in this, that he fell upon this work in the beginning of his reign, which Josiah did not, and with no less resolution, undertaking to do that which none of his predecessors durst do, even to remove the high places, wherein Josiah did only follow his example. Rebelled - He shook off that yoke of subjection, to which his father had wickedly submitted, and reassumed that full and independent sovereignty which God had settled in the house of David.

I said - Upon the conditions in sundry places expressed, which they broke, and therefore God justly made them to know his breach of promise. The king, &c. - The king of Babylon, who having formerly rebelled against the Assyrian had now conquered him; as appears by the course of the sacred, and the concurrence of the prophane history; and therefore is here and elsewhere called the Assyrian, and the king of Assyria, because now he was the head of that empire. Euphrates - Against Carchemish by Euphrates, as it is expressed, 2Chron 35:20, which the Assyrian had taken from Pharaoh's confederates, who therefore sends forces against the Assyrian, that he might both help them, and secure himself. Josiah went - Either to defend his own country from Pharaoh's incursions; or to assist the king of Babylon, with whom he seems to have been in league. Slew - Gave him his death wound there; though he died not 'till he came to Jerusalem. Seen him - When he fought with him, or in the first onset. It does not appear, that Josiah had any clear call to engage in this war; possibly he received his death wound, as a punishment of his rashness. Dead - Mortally wounded. Jehoahaz - Who was younger than Jehoiakim, yet preferred by the people before the elder brother; either because Jehoiakim refused the kingdom for fear of Pharaoh, whom he knew he should hereby provoke. Or because Jehoahaz was the more stout and warlike prince; whence he is called a lion, Ezek 19:3. His fathers - His grand - parents, Manasseh, and Amon. He restored that idolatry which his father had destroyed. Jerusalem saw not a good day, after Josiah was laid in his grave; but one trouble came after another, 'till within two and twenty years it was destroyed. In bands - Either, because he presumed to take the kingdom without his consent: or because he renewed the war against Pharaoh. Jehoiakim - The giving of names was accounted an act of dominion; which therefore parents did to their children, and conquerors to their vassals or tributaries.

as they gather from hence that the same Zerubbabel is called the son of Pedaiah, ver.19, and the son (that is, the grandson) of Salathiel, Matt 1:12. Their sister - Sister to the two last named sons of Zerubbabel, namely, by both parents; and therefore named before the other five, ver.20, who were her brethren by the father, but not by the mother. Shechaniah - All these both parents and their sons blended together, are mentioned as the sons of Hananiah, and branches of the royal stock. Six - Including the father. But the Hebrew word, Shisha, which is rendered six, may be the proper name of one of the sons of Shemaiah.

Chapter V The genealogies of Reuben, ver. 1 - 10. Of Gad, ver. 11 - 17. Joined together they conquer the Hagarites, ver. 18 - 22. Of the half tribe of Manasseh, ver. 23, 24. They are led captive by the king of Assyria, ver. 26, 26. Sons of Israel - This is added emphatically, because they were treated as if they had been the immediate sons of Jacob. Not reckoned - This is the second reason, which sheweth both why Reuben's genealogy was not first mentioned; and if another tribe was to be ranked before it, why that was Judah, and not Joseph, because the order of their genealogy was not to be ruled by the birthright, but by an higher privilege, which was given to Judah. Judah - Not the person, but the tribe of Judah. Prevailed - Excelled the other tribes, especially in the following privilege. Euphrates - From Jordan and the wilderness beyond it unto Euphrates. Or, of the wilderness, which lies towards or reacheth to the river Euphrates, namely, the great wilderness of Kedemoth, Deut 2:26, which was extended far and wide towards Euphrates: for that was the eastern border of Reuben's possession, and not Euphrates, to which their habitation never reached. Multiplied - Which forced them to enlarge their habitation as far as they could towards Euphrates. They made war - Thus God did for his people, as he promised them. He cast out the enemy from before them by little and little, and gave them their land as they had occasion for it. These - These seven last named. Helped - By God, ver.22, who gave them extraordinary courage and success. Was of God - Undertaken in his fear, and carried on in a dependence on him. Then we may expect to prosper in any enterprize, and then only, when we take God along with us.

Chapter VII The prosperity of Issachar, ver. 1 - 5. Of Benjamin, ver. 6 - 12. Of Naphtali, ver. 13. Of Manasseh, ver. 14 - 19. Of Ephraim, ver. 20 - 29. Of Asher, ver. 30 - 40. Three - They were ten, Gen 46:25, and five of them are named, chap.1Ch 8:1, but here only three are mentioned, either because these were most eminent; or because the other families are now extinct. Heads - Each of them head of that family to which he belonged. For it may seem by comparing this with chap.8:3, &c. that these were not the immediate sons of Belah, but his Grand - children descended each from a several father. She - His wife; his concubine is here opposed to her. Second - Of the second son or grandson of Machir; for so Zelophehad was. Had daughters - Only daughters, and no sons. These - Ashriel and Zelophehad, named ver.14,15, the relative being here referred to the remoter antecedent; as is frequent in the Hebrew. His - Gilead's sister. Mahalah - Understand, and Shemida, out of the next verse. Slew - This history is not recorded else where in scripture, but it is in the ancient Hebrew writers. The Philistines (one of whose cities Gath was) and the Egyptians were next neighbours; and in those ancient times it was usual for such to make inroads one into another's country, and to carry thence what prey they could take. And as the Philistines had probably made such inroads formerly into Egypt, and particularly into the land of Goshen, which was the utmost part of Egypt bordering upon the Philistines land; so the Israelites might requite them in the like kind: and particularly the children of Ephraim, to their own loss. And this seems to have happened a little before the Egyptian persecution, and before the reign of that new king mentioned Exod 1:8. And this clause, that were born in that land, may be added emphatically, as the motive which made them more resolute in their fight with the Ephraimites, because they fought in, and for their own land, wherein all their wealth and concerns lay. Bare a son - Thus the breach was in some measure repaired, by the addition of another son in his old age.

Chapter XXI David causes Joab to number the people, ver. 1 - 6. He repents, ver. 7, 8. God gives him his choice of three judgments, and he chuses the pestilence, ver. 9 - 13. The havock made thereby: Jerusalem spared, ver. 14, 15. David's prayer, ver. 16, 17. His sacrifice and staying of the plague, ver. 18 - 30. Satan stood - Before the Lord and his tribunal to accuse David and Israel, and to beg God's permission to tempt David. Standing is the accusers posture before men's tribunals; and consequently the holy scripture (which useth to speak of the things of God, after the manner of men, to bring them down to our capacities) elsewhere represent Satan in this posture. Why, &c. - Or, why should this be a cause of trespass, or an occasion of punishment to Israel God commonly punishes the people for the sins of their rulers, because they are for the most part guilty of their sins in one kind or other; or at least God takes this occasion to punish people for all their sins. Counted not - Partly for the following reason; and principally by God's gracious providence to Levi, because they were devoted to his service; and to Benjamin, because they were the least of all the tribes, having been almost extinct, Judg 21:6, and because God foresaw that they would be faithful to the house of David in the division of the tribes, and therefore he would not have them diminished. And Joab also presumed to leave these two tribes unnumbered, because he had specious pretences for it; for Levi, because they were no warriors, and the king's command reached only of those that drew sword. And for Benjamin, because they, being so small a tribe, and bordering upon Jerusalem, might easily be numbered afterward. Displeased - Because this was done without any colour of necessity, and out of mere curiosity, and ostentation. There fell, &c. - He was proud of the number of his people, but God took a course to make them fewer. Justly is that we are proud of so, taken from us, or embittered to us. Sackcloth - In mourning garments, humbling themselves before God for their sins, and deprecating his wrath against the people. Set up an altar, &c. - The commanding of David to build an altar, was a blessed token of reconciliation.

Chapter XXIX David exhorts them to contribute toward building and furnishing the temple, ver. 1 - 5. They do contribute accordingly, ver. 6 - 9. He offers up solemn prayers, praises and sacrifices to God, ver. 10 - 21. Solomon is enthroned, ver. 22 - 25. David finishes his course, ver. 26 - 30. My might - Work for God must be done with all our might, or we shall bring nothing to pass in it. Of Ophir - The best and purest gold. The walls - The walls of the temple with God, and of the rooms adjoining to it, with silver beaten out into plates. To consecrate - To offer an offering, as I have done. Heb. To fill his hand unto the Lord. They that engage themselves in the service of God, will have their hands full: there is work enough for the whole man in that service. Rejoiced - Because this was both an effect of God's grace in them, an eminent token of God's favour to them, and a pledge that this long - desired work, would receive a certain and speedy accomplishment. Great joy - To see the work, which his heart was so much set upon, likely to go on. It is a great reviving to good men when they are leaving the world, to see those they leave behind zealous for the work of God. Blessed, &c. - David was now full of days, and near his end, and it well becomes the aged children of God, to have their hearts much enlarged in praise and thanksgiving. The nearer we come to the land of everlasting praise, the more we should speak the language, and do the work of that world. To offer - That thou shouldest give us both riches to make such an offering, and a willing heart to offer them, both which are the gifts and the fruits of thy good grace and mercy to us. Of thine - We return only what we have received, and therefore only pay a debt to thee. The more we do for God, the more we are indebted to him; for the honour of being employed in his service, and for grace enabling us in any measure to serve him.

The more we do for God, the more we are indebted to him; for the honour of being employed in his service, and for grace enabling us in any measure to serve him. Strangers - For the land which we possess is thine, not ours; we are not the proprietors but only thy tenants: and as our fathers once were mere strangers in it, even before men, so we at this day are no better before thee, having no absolute right in it, but only to travel through it, and sojourn in it for the short time that we live in the world. None abiding - We only give thee what we must shortly leave, and what we cannot keep to ourselves: and therefore it is a great favour that thou wilt accept such offerings. David's days had as much of substance in them as most men: for he was upon the whole a good man, an useful man, and now an old man. And yet he puts himself in the front of those who must acknowledge, that their days on the earth are as a shadow: which speaks of our life as a vain life, a dark life, a transient life, and a life that will have its period, either in perfect light or perfect darkness. All thine own - In like manner we ought to acknowledge God in all spiritual things: referring every good thought, good desire, and good work to his grace. Of Abraham, &c. - A God in covenant with them, and with us for their sakes. Keep forever - Since it is from thy grace that thy people have such willing minds, continue that grace to them, that they may persist in the same generous disposition towards thee and thy worship. Prepare - Or, rather, confirm, thou who hast begun a good work, confirm and carry it on by thy grace. Worshipped - The Lord with religious, and the king with civil worship. The second time - The first time, was when he was made king during Adonijah's conspiracy. And Zadok - It must be remembered that the high - priest had his viceregent who might officiate in his stead.

This book begins with the reign of Solomon, continues the history of the kings of Judah to the captivity, and concludes with the fall of that illustrious monarchy and the destruction of the temple. That monarchy, as it was prior in time, so it was in dignity to the four which Nebuchadnezzar dreamed of. The Babylonian began in Nebuchadnezzar himself, and lasted about seventy years: the Persian monarchy, in several families, about an hundred and thirty: the Grecian, in its several branches, about three hundred: and three hundred more went far with the Roman. Whereas the monarchy of Judah continued considerable in a lineal descent, between four and five hundred years. We had the story of the house of David before intermixt with that of the kings of Israel: but here we have its entire, much is repeated here which we had before: yet many passages are enlarged on, and divers added which we had not before, especially relating to religion: the reign of Solomon we have, chap. 1 - 9. That of Rehoboam, chap. 10 - 12. The short reign of Ahijah, chap. 13. The long rein of Asa, chap. 14 - 16. The reign of Jehoshaphat, chap. 17 - 20. Of Jehoram and Ahaziah, chap. 21, 22. Of Joash and Amaziah, chap. 23 - 25. Of Uzziah, chap. 26. Of Jotham, chap. 27. Of Ahaz, chap. 28. Of Hezekiah, chap. 29 - 32. Of Manasseh and Amon, chap. 33. Of Josiah, chap. 34, 35. Of his sons, chap. 36.

Chapter I Solomon's sacrifices, ver. 1 - 6. His prayer and God's answer, ver. 7 - 12. The strength, wealth, and trade of Israel, ver. 13 - 17. Spake - Concerning his intention of going to Gibeon, and that they should attend him thither. The ark - He separated the ark from the tabernacle, and brought it to Jerusalem, where he intended to build a more noble and lasting habitation for it. Sought - Sought the Lord and his favour by hearty prayers and sacrifices in the place which God had appointed. To reign, &c. - Give me the spirit of my father David, that Israel may not suffer by the change. The eminency of those that went before us, and the obligation that lies upon us, to keep and carry on the good work they were engaged in, should quicken our prayers for wisdom and grace, that we may do the work of God in our day, as faithful as they did in theirs. Neither &c. - Those that make this world their end, come short of the other, and frequently of this too. But those who make the other world their end, shall not only obtain that, but shalt have as much as is convenient of this world in their way.

Chapter XX The land being invaded, Jehoshaphat and all the people seek God by fasting and prayer, ver. 1 - 13. They thankfully receive the promise of victory given by a prophet, ver. 14 - 19. Their enemies are overthrown, ver. 20 - 25. Their thanksgiving, ver. 25 - 30. The conclusion of his reign, ver. 31 - 37. The sea - The dead sea, beyond which mount Seir lay. Syria - Largely so called, and so it includes the Moabites and Ammonites. And it may be thus expressed, to intimate that they came by the instigation of the Syrians, to revenge themselves of Jehoshaphat for joining with Ahab against them. The house - Largely so called, in the court of the people, upon that brazen scaffold which Solomon had erected. New court - Before the priests court: which is called the new court, because it had lately been renewed when the altar was renewed. Abraham - To whom thou hast engaged thyself by covenant to be his friend, and the friend of his seed for ever. The sword - Or rather, the sword of judgement or of vengeance, that is, war, whereby thou punisheth thy people for their sins. Wilt thou not judge - Wilt thou not give sentence against them, and execute it upon them The justice of God is the refuge of those that are wronged. No might - Though he had great armies, yet he seems to have been surprized by these men, before his forces were in readiness to oppose them. Little ones - Whom they used to present before the Lord in times of great distress, to stir up themselves to more fervent prayers, their eyes being upon their harmless and tender children, and to move God to compassion, because God hath declared, that he will be prevailed with, by such methods as these. But God's - God will fight for you, and he alone will do the work, you need not strike a stroke. Go down - From Jerusalem, where he and his army now were; which stood upon high ground. Stood up - By Jehoshaphat's appointment. On high - With heart and voice lifted up: whereby they shewed their full assurance of the victory. Believe - God's promise delivered to us by this prophet, and consequently all other predictions of the prophet.

He thrust himself into the temple of God, whether the priests only had admission: and for that was thrust out of the very courts of the temple, into which the meanest of, his subjects might enter. He invaded the dignity of the priesthood, to which he had no right, and is for that deprived of the royal dignity, to which he had an undoubted right. Chapter XXVII Jotham reigns well and prospers, ver. 1 - 6. The conclusion of his reign, ver. 7 - 9. He did - He did according to all that his father Uzziah did; except in his miscarriages. We must not imitate those we have the greatest esteem for, any farther than we do well; but their failings must be warnings to us, to walk more circumspectly. Built - Repaired it: for it was built before, chap.11:5.

God left him - To himself, and suffered Satan to try him; that he might know he had infirmities and sins as well as virtues. O what need have great men, and good men, and useful men, to study their own follies and infirmities, and to beg earnestly of God, that he would hide pride from them! Did him honour - It is a debt we owe to those who have been eminently useful, to do them honour at their death, when they are out of the reach of flattery, and we have seen the end of their conversation. Chapter XXXIII The wicked reign of Manasseh, ver. 1 - 10. His captivity, prayer, and reformation, ver. 11 - 17. The conclusion of his reign, ver. 18 - 20. The wicked reign and death of Amon, ver. 21 - 25. To Babylon - The king of Babylon is here called the king of Assyria, because he had added Assyria to his empire, who having been informed by his ambassadors of the great riches which were in Hezekiah's treasures at Jerusalem, and being assured of Manasseh's degeneracy from the piety of his father, and from that God whose power alone made Hezekiah formidable, he thought this a fit season to invade Manasseh's kingdom. The Jews say, in the twenty second year of his reign. Besought - It becomes sinners to humble themselves before that God, whom they have offended. It becomes sufferers to humble themselves before him that corrects them, and to accept of the punishment of their iniquity. Still - Manasseh could not carry the reformation so far as he had carried the corruption. It is an easy thing to debauch men's manners; but not so easy to reform them again. Of Israel - Of Judah, often called Israel, he speaks not of the book of Kings, for these things are not mentioned there, but of their publick records, whence the most important things were taken by the prophets, and put into those canonical books. Hosai - A writer so called.

Interpreted - It was written in the Chaldee or Syrian language, and in the Syrian character: for sometimes the Chaldee or Syrian words are written in the Hebrew character. Asnapper - Either Esarhaddon, or some other person of eminency, who was captain of this colony, and conducted them hither. The river - Euphrates. Time - The date of the epistle was particularly expressed therein, but here it was sufficient to note it in general. Be it known, &c. - This is a mere fiction, which being confidently affirmed, they thought would easily find belief with a king whose heart and ears they possessed by their hired counsellors. To cease. &c. - As they abused the king by their misinformations, in the obtaining of this order, so they abused him in the execution of it; for the order was only to prevent the walling of the city. But having power in their hands, they, on this pretence, stopt the building of the temple. See what need we have to pray, not only for kings, but for all in authority under them: because the quietness of our lives depends much on the integrity and wisdom of inferior magistrates as well as the supreme. Darius - Darius the son of Hystaspes, successor of Cambyses.

In bondage - For we are not quite delivered, being even here in subjection to our former lords. A wall - The favour of the kings of Persia whose edicts were their security against all those enemies wherewith they were encompassed: and the gracious providence of God, which had planted them in their own land, and watched over them from time to time. It is unclean - This land is as corrupt as any of the rest of the heathen nations. Strong - Although you may fancy making leagues and marriages with them, as the only way to establish you, yet I assure you, it will weaken and ruin you, and the contrary course will make you strong. We are - We are here in thy presence, and so are all our sins; we are arraigning ourselves before thy tribunal, acknowledging thee to be just, if thou destroy us. Before thee - In judgment, as that word is often used, we must needs fall and perish at thy presence.

Chapter II Artaxerxes sends Nehemiah to Jerusalem, with a commission to build the wall, ver. 1 - 8. He comes thither, to the grief of his enemies, ver. 9 - 11. He secretly views the ruins of it, ver. 12 - 16. He informs the rulers of his commission, ver. 17, 18. Answers them that derided him, ver. 19, 20. Nisan - Four months after he had heard those sad tidings. The reason of this long delay might be either that his turn of attending upon the king did not come 'till that time: or that 'till then he wanted a fit opportunity to move it to him. Sad - His fasting joined with inward grief had made a sensible change in his countenance. Afraid - It was an unusual and ungrateful thing to come into the king of Persia's presence with any token of sorrow. And he feared a disappointment, because his request was great and invidious, and odious to most of the Persian courtiers. Why should, &c. - All the grievances of the church, but especially its desolations, ought to be matter of grief to all good people, to all that have a concern for God's honour, and are of a public spirit. Let, &c. - My sadness comes not from any disaffection to the king, for whom my hearty prayers are that he may live for ever; but from another cause. Sepulchres - Which by all nations are esteemed sacred and inviolable. He saith not a word of the temple as he spake before a Heathen king who cared for none of these things. I prayed - To direct my thoughts and words, and to incline the king's heart to grant my request. The queen - Which is here noted, as an unusual thing; for commonly the kings of Persia dined alone, and perhaps because the queen expressed some kindness to him, and promoted his request. How long - This question shewed the king's affection to him, and that he was not willing to want his attendance longer than was necessary. A time - He built the walls in fifty two days, chap.6:15, and probably not long after returned to the king, by whom he was sent a second time with a more ample commission. King's forest - Of the forest of Lebanon, famous for choice trees.

Fortified - It is not said, they repaired, but they fortified it, either because this part of the wall was less demolished than the other, and therefore they needed not to repair it, but only to make it stronger: or, to note their extraordinary care and diligence, that they would not only repair it, but make it stronger than ever. Half part - As Rome was anciently divided into several quarters or regions, so was Jerusalem; and especially into two parts, whereof one was in the tribe of Benjamin, and nearest the temple, the other in the tribe of Judah, these accordingly had two several rulers, this man and the other, ver.12, but both under the chief governor of the city. His daughters - Who were either heiresses or rich widows, and caused part to be done at their charges. Beth - haccerem - A town or territory, the government whereof was divided between two persons. Made - By Hezekiah, 2Kings 20:20. Whereby it is distinguished from that pool which was natural. Mighty - Or, of the valiant: which possibly was formerly appointed for the receipt of those chief captains that should attend upon the king in their courses. Earnestly - Did his work with eminent diligence and fervency: which is here noted to his commendation. And it is probable, this good man's zeal provoked many, to take the more pains, and make the more haste. The door - Therefore the door was not in the middle of the house, as now they commonly are, but at one end of it. Tekoites - The same spoken of before, who having dispatched their first share sooner than their brethren, freely offered to supply the defects of others, who, as it seems, neglected that part of the work which had been committed to them. And this their double diligence is noted both for the greater shame of their nobles, who would not do any part of it, and for their own honour, who were so far from being corrupted by that bad example, that they were quickened to greater zeal and industry in this pious work. The sixth son of Zalaph - It seems, his five elder brethren, laid not their hands to the work. But in doing that which is good, we need not stay to see our betters go before us.

Chapter V Esther finding favour with the king, invites him and Haman to a banquet, ver. 1 - 5. She invites them to a second, ver. 6 - 8. Haman makes a gallows for Mordecai, ver. 9 - 14. Held out - In testimony that he pardoned her presumption, and was ready to grant her petition. Touched - In token of her thankful acceptance of the king's favour, and of her reverence and submission. It shall be given - God in his providence often prevents the fears and outdoes the hopes of his servants. To the half of the kingdom - A proverbial expression: that is, nothing in reason shall be denied. Haman - Whom she invited, that by shewing such respect to the king's great favourite, she might insinuate herself the more into the king's affection; and, that if she saw fit, she might then present her request to the king. Of wine - So called, because it consisted not of meats, which probably the king had plentifully eaten before, but of fruits and wines; which banquets were very frequent among the Persians. Tomorrow - I will acquaint thee with my humble request. She did not present her petition at this time, but delayed it 'till the next meeting; either because she was a little daunted with the king's presence, or, because she would farther engage the king's affection to her, and would also intimate to him that her petition was of a more than ordinary nature: but principally by direction of Divine providence, which took away her courage of utterance for this time, that she might have a better opportunity for it the next time, by that great accident which happened before it. Nor moved - To shew how little he feared him, and that he had a firm confidence in his God, that he would deliver him and his people in this great exigency. Refrained - From taking present vengeance upon Mordecai, which he might easily have effected, either by his own, or any of his servants hands, without any fear of inconveniency to himself. But herein God's wise and powerful providence appeared, in disposing Haman's heart, contrary to his own inclination, and making him, as it were, to put fetters upon his own hands. Am I - Thus he makes that matter of glorying which was the occasion of his utter ruin.

It is likely, Job was of the posterity of Nahor, Abraham's brother, whose first - born was Uz, and in whose family religion was kept up, as appears Gen 31:53, where God is called not only the God of Abraham, but the God of Nahor. He lived before sacrifices were confined to one altar, before the general apostacy of the nations, and while God was known by the name of God Almighty, more than by the name of Jehovah: for he is called Shaddai, the Almighty, above thirty times in this book. And that he lived before (probably very little before) the deliverance of the children of Israel out of Egypt, we may gather from hence, that there is no allusion at all to that grand event throughout the whole book. In this noble poem we have, A monument of primitive theology; A specimen of Gentile piety: for Job was not of the promised seed, no Israelite, no proselyte: An exposition of the book of providence, and a clear solution of man difficult passages therein: A great example of patience and close adherence to God in the deepest calamities: and An illustrious type of Christ, emptied and humbled, in order to his greater glory. In this book we have, an account of Job's sufferings, chap. 1, 2, Not without a mixture of human frailty, chap. 3. A dispute between him and his three friends, chap. 4 - 31. The interposal of Elihu, and of God himself, chap. 32 - 41. The end of all in Job's prosperity, chap. 42.

Chapter III We have here Job cursing his birth day, and complaining that he was born, ver. 1 - 10. Complaining that he did not die as soon as he was born, ver. 11 - 19. Complaining that his life was continued, now he was in misery, ver. 20 - 26. His day - His birth - day, in vain do some endeavour to excuse this and the following speeches of Job, who afterwards is reproved by God, and severely accuseth himself for them, chap.38:2 40:4 13:3,6. And yet he does not proceed so far as to curse God, but makes the devil a liar: but although he does not break forth into direct reproaches of God, yet he makes indirect reflections upon his providence. His curse was sinful, both because it was vain, being applied to a thing, which was not capable of blessing and cursing, and because it cast a blame upon God for bringing that day, and for giving him life on that day. Let the day - Let the remembrance of that day be utterly lost. Darkness - I wish the sun had never risen upon that day, or, which is all one, that it had never been; and whensoever that day returns, I wish it may be black, and gloomy, and uncomfortable. Regard - From heaven, by causing the light of the sun which is in heaven to shine upon it. Death - A black and dark shadow like that of the place of the dead, which is a land of darkness. Slain - Take away its beauty and glory. Terrify - That is, men in it. Let it be always observed as a frightful and dismal day. Darkness - Constant and extraordinary darkness, without the least glimmering of light from the moon or stars. Be joined - Reckoned as one, or a part of one of them. The day - Their birth - day: when their afflictions move them to curse their own birth - day, let them remember mine also, and bestow some curses upon it. Mourning - Who are full of sorrow, and always ready to pour out their cries, and tears, and complaints.

Mourning - Who are full of sorrow, and always ready to pour out their cries, and tears, and complaints. The stars - Let the stars, which are the glory and beauty of the night, be covered with thick darkness, and that both in the evening twilight, when the stars begin to shine; and also in the farther progress of the night, even 'till the morning dawns. Look - Let its darkness be aggravated with the disappointment of its expectations of light. He ascribes sense or reasoning to the night, by a poetical fiction, usual in all writers. Dawning - Heb. the eye - lids of the day, the morning - star which ushers in the day, and the beginning, and progress of the morning light, let this whole natural day, consisting of night and day, be blotted out of the catalogue of days. It - The night or the day: to which those things are ascribed which were done by others in them, as is frequent in poetical writings. Womb - That it might never have brought me forth. Nor hid - Because it did not keep me from entering into this miserable life, and seeing, or experiencing, these bitter sorrows. The knees - Why did the midwife or nurse receive and lay me upon her knees, and not suffer me to fall upon the bare ground, 'till death had taken me out of this miserable world, into which their cruel kindness hath betrayed me Why did the breasts prevent me from perishing through hunger, or supply me that should have what to suck Thus Job unthankfully despises these wonderful mercies of God towards poor helpless infants. Kings - I had then been as happy as the proudest monarchs, who after all their great achievements and enjoyments, go down into their graves. Built - Who to shew their wealth and power, or to leave behind them a glorious name, rebuilt ruined cities, or built new cities and palaces, in places where before there was mere solitude and wasteness. Hidden - Undiscerned and unregarded. Born before the due time. Been - In the land of the living. There - In the grave. The wicked - The great oppressors and troublers of the world cease from their vexations, rapins and murders. Weary - Those who were here molested and tired out with their tyrannies, now quietly sleep with them.

Another example of God's great and wonderful works. He gives this instance to comfort and encourage Job to seek to God, because he can raise him out of his greatest depths. The wise - Men wise to do evil, and wise in the opinion of the world, he not only deceives in their hopes and counsels, but turns them against themselves. Froward - Or, wrestlers: such as wind and turn every way, as wrestlers do, and will leave no means untried to accomplish their counsels. Is carried - Is tumbled down and broken, and that by their own precipitation. Meet - In plain things they run into gross mistakes, and chuse those courses which are worst for themselves. Darkness often notes misery, but here ignorance or error. Grope - Like blind men to find their way, not knowing what to do. Mouth - Which was ready to swallow them up. So - So he obtains what he hoped for from God, to whom he committed his cause. Iniquity - Wicked men. Stoppeth - They are silenced and confounded, finding that not only the poor are got out of their snares, but the oppressors themselves are ensnared in them. Behold - Eliphaz concludes his discourse, with giving Job a comfortable hope, if he humbled himself before God. Happy - Heb. Blessednesses (various and great happiness) belong to that man whom God rebukes. The reason is plain, because afflictions are pledges of God's love, which no man can buy too dear; and are necessary to purge out sin, and thereby to prevent infinite and eternal miseries. Without respect to this, the proposition could not be true. And therefore it plainly shews, that good men in those ancient times, had the belief, and hope of everlasting blessedness. Despise not - Do not abhor it as a thing pernicious, refuse it as a thing useless, or slight it as an unnecessary thing. But more is designed than is exprest. Reverence the chastening of the Lord: have an humble, aweful regard to his correcting hand, and study to answer the design of it. The Almighty - Who is able to support and comfort thee in thy troubles, and deliver thee out of them: and also to add more calamities to them, if thou art obstinate and incorrigible. For he, &c. - God's usual method is, first to humble, and then to exalt.

Chapter XVIII Bildad sharply reproves Job, as proud and impatient, ver. 1 - 4. And enlarges on the misery of the wicked, ver. 5 - 12. Ye - Thou, O Job; of whom he speaks here, as also ver.3, in the plural number, as was a common idiotism of the Eastern language, to speak thus of one person, especially where he was one of eminency. Mark - Consider the matter better. Beasts - Ignorant, and stupid men, chap.17:4,10. He - Job. Thou art thy own tormentor. Forsaken - Shall God give over the government of the earth for thy sake, to prevent thy complaints and clamours Shall the counsels of God, which are more immoveable than rocks, and the whole course of his providence be altered to comply with thy humours Steps - His strong steps, by a vulgar Hebraism: his attempts and actions; such of them as seem to be contrived with greatest strength of understanding, and carried on with greatest resolution. Straitened - Shall be hindered and entangled. He shall be cast into difficulties and perplexities, so that he shall not be able to proceed, and to accomplish his enterprizes. Feet - By his own designs and actions. First - born - A terrible kind of death. The first - born was the chief of his brethren, and therefore this title is given to things eminent in their kind. Confidence - All the matter of his confidence, his riches, and children. Terrors - To death, which even Aristotle called, The most terrible of all terribles. And this it will do, either because it will expose him to his enemies, who will kill him; or because the sense of his disappointments, and losses, and dangers, will break his heart. It - Destruction, expressed ver.12, shall fix its abode with him. Because - Because it is none of his own, being got from others by deceit or violence. Brimstone - It shall be utterly destroyed, as it were, by fire and brimstone. He seems to allude both to the destruction of Sodom, which happened not long before these times, and to the judgment which befel Job, chap.1:16. Darkness - From a prosperous life to disgrace and misery, and to the grave, the land of darkness. Astonied - At the day of his destruction. They shall be amazed at the suddenness, and dreadfulness of it.

They shall be amazed at the suddenness, and dreadfulness of it. Before - Before the persons last mentioned. Those who lived in the time and place where this judgment was inflicted. The place - The condition.

That - This admonition I give you, that you may know it in time, and prevent it. A judgment - God sees and observes, and will judge all your words and actions.

And - The pomp of his death shall be suitable to the glory of his life. Brought - With pomp and state, as the word signifies. Grave - Heb. to the graves; to an honourable and eminent grave: the plural number being used emphatically to denote eminency. He shall not die a violent but a natural death. Valley - Of the grave, which is low and deep like a valley. Sweet - He shall sweetly rest in his grave. Draw - Heb. he shall draw every man after him, into the grave, all that live after him, whether good or bad, shall follow him to the grave, shall die as he did. So he fares no worse herein than all mankind. He is figuratively said to draw them, because they come after him, as if they were drawn by his example. How - Why then do you seek to comfort me with vain hopes of recovering my prosperity, seeing your grounds are false, and experience shews, that good men are often in great tribulation, while the vilest of men prosper.

Chapter XXIII Here seems to be a struggle throughout this chapter between nature and grace, Job complains of his condition, yet with an assurance of God's clemency, ver. 1 - 7. He cannot understand God's dealings, nor hope for relief, yet holds fast his integrity, ver. 8 - 14. He is in deep trouble, ver. 15 - 17 To - day - Even at this time, notwithstanding all your pretended consolations. Stroke - The hand or stroke of God upon me. Groaning - Doth exceed my complaints. O - I desire nothing more than his acquaintance and presence; but alas, he hides his face from me. Seat - To his throne or judgment - seat to plead my cause before him. Know - If he should discover to me any secret sins, for which he contendeth with me, I would humble myself before him, and accept of the punishment of mine iniquity. No - He would not use his power against me, but for me; by enabling me to plead my cause, and giving sentence according to that clemency, which he uses towards his children. There - At that throne of grace, where God lays aside his majesty, and judges according to his wonted clemency. Dispute - Humbly propounding the grounds of their confidence. So - Upon such a fair and equal hearing. Delivered - From the damnatory sentence of God. This and some such expressions of Job cannot be excused from irreverence towards God, for which God afterwards reproves him, and Job abhorreth himself. Is not - As a judge to hear and determine my causes, otherwise he knew God was essentially present in all places. Gold - Which comes out of the furnace pure from all dross. Steps - The steps or paths which God hath appointed men to walk in. Performeth - Those calamities which he hath allotted to me. And - There are many such examples of God's proceeding with men. Soft - He hath bruised, and broken, or melted it, so that I have no spirit in me. Because - God did not cut me off by death. Before - These miseries came upon me. Covered - By hiding me in the grave.

Therefore - If thou canst say any thing for thyself, I am ready to hear thy defence. Let - I am content that any wise man should judge of my words, and let such consider what I say. End - Throughly and exactly, 'till the cause be brought to an issue. Wicked men - On their behalf; he hath put arguments into their mouths against God and his providence. Addeth - He sinned before, by impatience under his afflictions, now he is grown obstinate, and instead of humbling himself for his sins, justifies himself, and accuses the blessed God. Clapped - Insulting and triumphing. Against God - In effect, though not directly.

Chapter XXXVII Elihu observes the hand of God, in thunder and lighting, ver. 1 - 5. In frost and snow, rain and wind, ver. 6 - 13. Challenges Job to account for these, ver. 14 - 22. Concludes, that God is great and greatly to be feared, ver. 23, 24 Hear - It is probable that while Elihu was speaking it thundered, and that tempest was begun, wherewith God ushered in his speech. And this might occasion his return to that subject of which he had discoursed before. Voice - The thunder is called God's voice. Because by it God speaks to the children of men, to fear before him. Mouth - That is produced by God's word or command, which is often signified by his mouth. Directeth - His voice: which he guideth like an arrow to the mark, that it may do that work for which he sends it. After - After the lightning, which is seen before the thunder is hard. Them - The lightnings spoken of in the beginning of the verse. Strength - Those storms of rain which come with great force and irresistible violence. Sealeth - By these snows and rains he drives men out of the fields, and seals or binds up their hands from their work. That - They may seriously contemplate on these, and other great and glorious works of God. Cold - Freezing winds. The waters - The waters which had freely spread themselves before, are congealed and bound up in crystal fetters. Watering - The earth. They spend themselves and are exhausted watering the earth, until they are weary. Wearieth - Them with much water, and making them to go long journeys to water remote parts, and at last to empty themselves there: all which things make men weary; and therefore are here said to make the clouds weary by a common figure. Scattereth - As for the white and lightsome clouds, he scatters and dissolves them by the wind or sun. Turned - The clouds are carried about to this or that place. Not by chance (though nothing seems to be more casual than the motions of the clouds) but by his order and governance. Correction - To scourge or correct men by immoderate showers.

Line - the measuring line to regulate all its dimensions. Foundations - This strong and durable building hath no foundations but God's power, which hath marvelously established it upon itself. Cornerstone - By which the several walls are joined and fastened together, and in which, next to the foundations, the stability of a building consists. The sense is, who was it that built this goodly fabrick, and established it so firmly that it cannot be moved. Stars - The angels, who may well be called morning - stars, because of their excellent lustre and glory. Sons of God - The angels called the sons of God, because they had their whole being from him, and because they were made partakers of his Divine and glorious image. Shouted - Rejoiced in and blessed God for his works, whereby he intimates, that they neither did advise or any way assist him, nor dislike or censure any of his works, as Job had presumed to do. Doors - Who was it, that set bounds to the vast and raging ocean, and shut it up, as it were with doors within its proper place, that it might not overflow the earth Break forth - From the womb or bowels of the earth, within which the waters were for the most part contained, and out of which they were by God's command brought forth into the channel which God had appointed for them. The cloud - When I covered it with vapours and clouds which rise out of the sea, and hover above it, and cover it like a garment. Darkness - Black and dark clouds. Swaddling band - Having compared the sea to a new - born infant, he continues the metaphor, and makes the clouds as swaddling - bands, to keep it within its bounds: though indeed neither clouds, nor air, nor sands, nor shores, can bound the sea, but God alone. Break up - Made those hollow places in the earth, which might serve for a cradle to receive and hold this great and goodly infant when it came out of the womb. And set - Fixed its bounds as strongly as if they were fortified with bars and doors. Morning - Didst thou create the sun, and appoint the order and succession of day and night. Since - Since thou wast born: this work was done long before thou wast born.

Chapter XLI To convince Job of his wickedness, he is here challenged to subdue and tame the leviathan, ver. 1 - 10. A particular description of him. ver. 11 - 34. Leviathan - Several particulars in the following description, agree far better with the crocodile, than the whale. It is highly probable, that this is the creature here spoken of. Cord - Canst thou take him with a hook and a line, as anglers take ordinary fishes. Thorn - Or, with an iron hook, or instrument as sharp as a thorn; wherewith thou usest to carry little fishes. Supplications - Doth he dread thine anger or power Or will he earnestly beg thy favour It is a metaphor from men in distress, who use these means to them to whose power they are subject. Fill - A whale's you may: but the skin of a crocodile is so hard that an iron or spear will not pierce it. Lay - Seize upon him, if thou darest. Battle - But ere thou attempt it consider what thou art doing, and with whom, thou art going to fight. Do no more - Proceed no farther, draw back thy hand. Hope - The hope of taking or conquering him. Stand - To the battle. Me - To contend with me who created him Prevented - Hath laid the first obligation upon me, for which I am indebted to him. Who can be before - hand with me in kindnesses, since all things under heaven are mine. Discover - Or, uncover, or take off from him. Face - The upper or outward part of his garment, or, the garment itself: the word face being often redundant. And by the garment is meant the skin which covers the whole body; who dare attempt to touch his very skin Much less to give him a wound. His double bridle - His fast jaws, which have some resemblance to a double bridle: whence the Greeks call those parts of the face which reach to the jaws on both sides, the bridles. Doors - His mouth. If it be open, none dare enter within, and if it be shut, none dare open it. Shut - Closely compacted together, as things that are fastened together by a seal.

Chapter IV An exhortation to the study of wisdom, is forced by various arguments, ver. 1 - 13. A caution against bad company, ver. 14 - 19. Directions for the attaining and keeping of wisdom, ver. 20 - 27. A father - Of me, who have paternal authority over you and affection for you. Tender - Young and tender in years, and tenderly educated. Only beloved - Beloved above all the rest. Said - The following verses, at least as far as the tenth verse, are the words of David. With all - Even with the price of all. Exalt - Let her have thine highest esteem and affection. Grace - A beautiful ornament, such as they used to put upon their heads. For - They cannot sleep with quietness. For - Wickedness is as pleasant to them as their bread. But - Just men daily grow in knowledge, and grace, and consolation, 'till all be perfected and swallowed up in glory. Darkness - Full of ignorance and error, of uncertainty and confusion, of danger and misery. Heart - Thy thoughts, will, and affections. For - From thence proceed all the actions, as of the natural, so of the spiritual life, which lead to eternal life. Mouth - All sorts of sinful words. Right on - Direct all thine actions to a right end, and keep thy mind fixed upon that way which leads to it, and neither look or turn aside to the right - hand or the left. Ponder - Consider thine actions before thou dost them, and see that they agree with the rule. And - Let thine actions be uniformly and constantly good in spite of all temptations.

Chapter V A farther exhortation to wisdom, ver. 1, 2. A caution against whoredom, ver. 3 - 14. Remedies against it, ver. 15 - 23. The lips - It concerns thee to get and to use discretion, that thou mayest be able to resist those temptations to which thou art exposed. But - The effect of that to which she entices men, is destruction. Feet - Her manner of life. Lest - To prevent thy serious consideration. Moveable - She transforms herself into several shapes, and has a thousand arts to ensnare. Know - Thou canst not discover all her practice. Honour - Thy dignity and reputation, the strength of thy body and mind. Years - The flower of thine age. The cruel - To the harlot, who though she pretends love, yet in truth is one of the most cruel creatures in the world, wasting thy estate and body without pity, and damming thy soul for ever. Strangers - Not only the strange women themselves, but others who are in league with them. Labors - Wealth gotten by thy labours. A moment - In how little a time am I now come into remediless misery! Assembly - And that in the congregation of Israel, where I was taught better things. Drink - Content thyself with those delights which God alloweth thee in the sober use of the marriage - bed. Fountains - Thy children proceeding from thy wife and from thyself. Fountains are here put for rivers flowing from them. Dispersed - They shall in due time appear abroad to thy comfort, and for the good of others. Fountain - Thy wife. Blessed - With children; for barrenness was esteemed a curse among the Israelites. Satisfy thee - At all convenient times: for that there may be excess in the marriage - bed is manifest. Ravished - Love her fervently. It is an hyperbolical expression. Holden - He is in perfect bondage to his lusts, and is neither able nor wiling to set himself at liberty. Die - He shall die in his sins. Astray - From the way of life, and from eternal salvation.

Now he proceeds to another vanity, That of honour and power. Than a king - Who hath neither wisdom to govern himself, nor to receive the counsels of wiser men. For he - The poor and wise child is often advanced to the highest dignity. Whereas - That old king is deprived of his kingdom. I considered - The general disposition of common people, in all kingdoms, that they are fickle and inconstant. With the second child - This may be understood of the king's child, or son and heir, called second, in respect of his father, whose successor he is. Stand up - Arise to reign. No end - This humour of the common people hath no end, but passes from one generation to another. Before them - Before the present generation. And so here are three generations of people noted, the authors of the present change, and their parents, and their children; and all are observed to have the same inclinations. In him - They shall be as weary of the successor, though a wise and worthy prince, as their parents were of his foolish predecessor.

Shall rise - From his bed, being weary with lying, and unable to get sleep. The bird - As soon as the birds begin to chirp, which is early in the morning, whereas young men, can lie and sleep long. The daughters - All those senses which are employed in music. Brought low - Shall be cast down from their former excellency, and become incapable either of making musick, or of delighting in it. Afraid - The passion of fear is observed to be most incident to old men. High - When they walk abroad they dread to go up high or steep places. Fears - Lest as they are walking, they should stumble, or fall. The almond - tree - Their heads shall be as full of grey hairs, as the almond - tree is of white flowers. The grasshopper - They cannot endure the least burden, being indeed a burden to themselves. Desire - Of meats, and drinks, and music, and other delights, which are vehemently desired by men in their youth. Goeth - is travelling towards it, and every day nearer to it. Long home - From this place of his pilgrimage into the grave, from whence he must never return into this world, and into the state of the future life, which is unchangeable and everlasting. Mourners - Accompany the corpse thro' the streets to the grave. The silver cord - By the silver cord he seems to understand the marrow of the back - bone, which comes from the brain, and goes down to the lowest end of it. And this is aptly compared to a cord, both for its figure, which is long and round, and for its use, which is to draw and move the parts of the body; and to silver, both for its excellency and colour, which is white and bright, in a dead, much more in a living body. This may properly be said to be loosed, or dissolved, because it is relaxed, or otherwise disabled for its proper service. And answerably hereto by the golden bowl we may understand, the membranes of the brain, and especially that inmost membrane which insinuates itself into all the parts of it, following it in its various windings, keeping each parcel of it in its proper place, and dividing one from another, to prevent disorder.

The flowers - The communications of God's grace, the gifts, and graces, and comforts of the Holy Spirit, are vouchsafed unto, and appear in believers, as buds and blossoms do in the spring. The turtle - This seems particularly to be mentioned because it not only gives notice of the spring, but aptly represents the Spirit of God, which even the Chaldee paraphrast understands by this turtle, which appeared in the shape of a dove, and which worketh a dove - like meekness, and chastity, and faithfulness, in believers. Her figs - Which it shoots forth in the spring. My dove - So the church is called, for her dove - like temper, and for her dove - like condition, because she is weak, and exposed to persecution, and therefore forced to hide herself in rocks. The stairs - In the holes of craggy and broken rocks, which resemble stairs. Let me see - Be not afraid to appear before me. Hear - Thy prayers and praises. For - Thy person and services are amiable in my sight. Take us - The bridegroom gives this charge to his bridemen or friends. By whom he understands those magistrates and ministers to whom, under Christ, the custody of the vineyards, the churches, principally belong. These he commands to take the foxes, to restrain them from doing this mischief. Foxes - The disturbers of the vineyard, or the church, seducers or false teachers. Little foxes - This he adds for more abundant caution, to teach the church to prevent errors and heresies in the beginnings. Spoil vines - Which foxes do many ways, by gnawing and breaking the little branches and leaves, by digging holes in the vineyards, and so spoiling the roots. Tender grapes - Which are easily spoiled, if great care be not used to prevent it. My beloved - These are the words of the bride, who having come to him upon his gracious invitation, now maketh her boast of him. He feedeth - Abideth and refresheth himself amongst his faithful people, who are compared to lillies, ver.2. Until - Until the morning of that blessed day of the general resurrection, when all the shadows, not only of ignorance, and sin, and calamity, but even of outward administrations, shall cease. Turn - Return to me.

Causing - The most dull, and stupid, and sleepy persons to speak. I am - This and the following verses contain the words of the bride, in answer to the bridegroom's endearing expressions delivered in the foregoing verses. Go forth - That being retired from the crowd, we may more freely and sweetly converse together. Early - The church having lost her beloved by her former laziness, now doubles her diligence. Vineyards - To particular congregations. Let us see - Let us inquire into the success of our labours, what souls are brought in and built up, and how they prosper and grow in grace. There - There I will discover the fervency of my affections to thee, and maintain communion with thee in thy holy ordinances. Mandrakes - This Hebrew word is used Gen 30:14, 15, and the signification of it is very much doubted and disputed by interpreters. The word here signifies sweet and pleasant flowers, and therefore if it be understood of mandrakes, they were of another sort than ours, as flowers of the same kind in several climates have very different natures and qualities. At our gates - Brought thither by divers persons to congratulate our nuptials. All fruits - Fruits of this year and of the former. Which seems to be meant of the various fruits and operations of the Spirit, and degrees of grace in several believers.

Chapter XXXIX Jerusalem is taken: Zedekiah's sons are slain, his eyes put out, he is sent to Babylon, All the nobles of Judah are slain: the city is burnt, and the chief of the people carried captives, ver. 1 - 10. Nebuchadrezzar's charge concerning Jeremiah, ver. 11 - 14. God's promise to Ebed - melech, ver. 15 - 18. Tenth month - This month answers to part of our December and January. The middle gate - The city was encompassed with two walls, before they came to the wall of the temple; the gate in the inner wall is supposed to have been that which is called the middle gate. They would not at first venture farther, 'till they might without hazarding their persons. Riblah - Riblah was upon the borders of Canaan. Zedekiah was a tributary to the king of Babylon, and so subject to his power, having made a covenant with him, and secured his allegiance by his oath to him. Take him - It is probable, that Nebuchadnezzar had been informed, Jeremiah had constantly told the king, that the Chaldeans should take the city, and as steadily persuaded both the king and princes to surrender it to them. Now the word - These four verses mention a matter that happened before the things mentioned in the foregoing verses.

Chapter XL Jeremiah being set free by Nebuchadnezzar, goes to Gedaliah, ver. 1 - 6. to whom the remaining Jews repair, ver. 7 - 12. Johanan revealing Ishmael's conspiracy, is not believed, ver. 13 - 16. Ramah - Ramah was a city in the tribe of Benjamin near Gibeon. Babylon - Jeremiah was by mistake and expressly contrary to the king's orders carried amongst the other prisoners; probably the captain of the guard at that place called over his prisoners, and among them found the prophet contrary to his expectation. Now - Jeremiah before he was gone out of the presence of Nebuzar - adan, declaring that he was more inclined to stay in his own country, Nebuzar - adan bid him, Go back. Ishmael - It is likely these were commanders of parties, which either were within the city 'till it was taken, and then escaped, or where somewhere in the country, and not so much regarded by the Chaldeans, who were more intent upon the conquest of the city, than pursuing these little parties. I will dwell - I have choice made of Mizpah, a city upon the frontiers, to make my residence, it being a convenient place for me to receive orders from the king of Babylon. But ye - Gather such fruits as the country affords, as you use to do in the times of peace. Returned - Probably upon the king of Babylon's first invading Judah, many fled, and more as he went on his conquests, over - running the country; and it is likely at the taking of the city, many escaped, and fled into several countries, as they had opportunity, or judged this or that country would be safest; some fled to Moab, some to Ammon some to Edom, some one way, and some another: but when they heard that the king of Babylon had set a governor of their own religion and country over them, they came back to him; and there being few people left in the land, which was wonderfully fruitful, they gathered plenty of grapes, and other summer fruits. Moreover - They had been with him before, but now they come to discover a conspiracy against his life.

Weary - Though the people should labour to quench this fire, or to rebuild this city, yet it would be all lost labour. In the fourth year - This circumstance lets us know that this prophecy was many years before Babylon was destroyed; for it was seven years before Jerusalem was taken; so as it must be above sixty years before it was fulfilled in the first degree. Shalt read - Probably to the Jews, that were in Babylon. Shalt say - Thou shalt testify that thou believest what thou hast read. Weary - With that weight of judgment which shall be upon them. The words - The prophetical words of Jeremiah; for the matter of the next chapter is historical, and the book of Lamentations is not prophetical.

Chapter IV Zion bewaileth her misery: confesseth her sins, ver. 1 - 6. Miseries of the chief ones: women who killed and dressed their own children, ver. 7 - 12. The sin of the false prophets and priests, their vain hope, ver. 13 - 19. Their king taken prisoner, ver. 20. Edom is threatened, and Zion comforted, ver. 21, 22. The top - Are scattered in the head of every street. Earthen pitchers - The nobles, the priests, and the good men, are looked upon no better than earthen vessels, the workmanship of an ordinary potter. Cruel - The Jewish women are become cruel to their children, or forced to appear so, having through the famine no milk to give them, nor any thing to relieve them. Ostriches - Like ostriches that lay their eggs, and leave them in the sand. Of Sodom - Their punishment was greater, because more lingering, and gradual, whereas Sodom was overthrown in a moment, and that by no human hands that abode upon her, causing her a continued torment. Nazarites - Her Nazarites in this place signify her separated ones, who either in respect of birth, education, estate, or place of magistracy, were distinguished from the rest of the people. Not known - So that those who before knew them, do not know them now. Priests - The ecclesiastical men were a great cause of the first and last destruction of Jerusalem. And so they are of most other places that come to ruin, through their neglect of their duty, or encouraging others in their wicked courses. They - The prophets and priests wandered up and down the streets polluting themselves with blood, either the blood of the children which they slew, or the just men, mentioned ver.13, the slaughter of whom they either encouraged, or at least did not discourage; so that one could not touch a prophet or priest, but he must be legally polluted, and there were so many of them, that men could not walk in the streets, but he must touch some of them. Touch not - The Jews that made conscience of keeping the law against touching dead bodies, cried to the other Jews to leave the city as themselves did, the city being now so full of dead bodies that they could not stay in it without polluting themselves.

Chapter IV Two things are here represented to the prophet in vision, The fortifications that shall be shortly raised against the city, signified by his laying siege to the portrait of Jerusalem, ver. 1 - 3. And lying first on one side, and then on the other side before it, ver. 4 - 8. The famine that would rage therein, signified by his eating coarse fare, and little of it, so long as this typical representation lasted, ver. 9 - 17. Portray - Draw a map of Jerusalem. Lay siege - Draw the figure of a siege about the city. Build - Raise a tower and bulwarks. A wall - That it may resemble a wall of iron, for as impregnable as such a wall, shall the resolution and patience of the Chaldeans be. Lay - Take upon thee the representation of their guilt and punishment. House of Israel - The ten tribes. The number - By this thou shalt intimate how long I have borne with their sins, and how long they shall bear their punishment. I have laid - I have pointed out the number of years wherein apostate Israel sinned against me, and I did bear with them. Years - These years probably began at Solomon's falling to idolatry, in the twenty - seventh year of his reign, and ended in the fifth of Zedekiah's captivity. Accomplished - That is, almost accomplished. House of Judah - Of the two tribes. Forty days - Probably from Josiah's renewing the covenant, until the destruction of the temple, during which time God deferred to punish, expecting whether they would keep their covenant, or retain their idolatries, which latter they did for thirteen years of Josiah's reign, for eleven of Jehoiakim's, and eleven of Zedekiah's reign, and five of his captivity, which amount to just forty years. But all this was done in a vision. Set - While thou liest on thy side thou shalt fix thy countenance on the portrait of besieged Jerusalem. Uncovered - Naked and stretched out as being ready to strike. Bands - An invisible restraint assuring him, that those could no more remove from the siege, than he from that side he lay on. Take - Provide thee corn enough: for a grievous famine will accompany the siege. Wheat - All sorts of grain are to be provided, and all will be little enough.

Chapter XII The prophet by removing his stuff, and quitting his lodgings is a sign of Zedekiah's flight out of Jerusalem, ver. 1 - 16. By eating his meat with trembling, he is a sign, to set forth the famine and consternation in the city, ver. 17 - 20. An assurance that these things shall be fulfilled, ver. 21 - 28. Eyes to see - They have capacity, if they would, to understand, but they will not understand, what thou speakest. Stuff - Vessels or instruments, wherein thou mayest put what is portable. In their sight - Before 'tis quite night, that they, who should learn by this sign, may see and consider it. Dig - Come not through the door, but as one who knows there is a guard upon the door, get to some back part of thy house, and dig there thyself, either to make the greater haste, or to keep all secret; for all will be little enough for them that must act what thou dost represent. Carry out - Through the hole thou hast dug. Bare it - In testimony of the servitude they shall be reduced to, who then must do what servants or beasts were wont to be employed in. Cover thy face - As unwilling to be seen or known. For - I have set thee for a sign to them, and thou shalt tell them the meaning of these things in due time. I brought forth - Here is a transposing of his actions, and rehearsal of that in the first place, which was acted in the second place. Say - Though they enquire not, yet tell them what I mean hereby, that this prophecy is a burden which the kingdom shall groan under. The prince - Zedekiah. I am your sign - My person is the emblem of yours, and my actions of that you shall do. And the like shall be done to you, O inhabitants of Jerusalem. We cannot say concerning our dwelling place, that it is our resting place. For how far we may be tossed from it before we die, we cannot foresee. The prince - Zedekiah. Shall bear - Disguised, as a servant, in hope to conceal himself, chuses the twilight as the time that would best favour his design.

Shall be rent - Her walls, and towers, and fortresses broken through by the violence of engines, and by the assaults of the soldiers. Young men - 'Tis probable these might be a body of valiant youths, collected out of these ten cities. Aven - Bethshemesh, or Heliopolis, an idolatrous city, in which was a stately temple of the sun: an hundred and fifty furlongs, that is six miles and three quarters in compass. Phibeseth - Bubastus, sometimes called Hoephestus, not far from Aven. Tehaphnehes - A great and goodly city of Egypt; Tachapanes, Tachpanes, Tahapanes, Tahpanes, Chanes, and Hanes, are names given it, and this from a queen of Egypt of that name in Solomon's time. It stood not far from Sin, or Pelusium. Darkened - A night shall come upon it. Break - I shall break the kingdom of Egypt, that it no more oppress with yokes, that is, burdens. Her daughters - Her towns and villages. The eleventh year - Of Jeconiah's captivity, three months and two days before Jerusalem was taken, about the time that the Egyptians attempted to raise the siege of Jerusalem. Have broken - Partly by the victory of the Chaldeans over Pharaoh - necho, partly by the victory of the Cyreneans over Pharaoh - hophra. The sword - None can heal the wounds that God gives but himself. They whom he disables, cannot again hold the sword. His arms - Both his arms. The strong - That part of his kingdom which remains entire. Broken - That which was shattered before. Will strengthen - As judges on the bench like Pilate, so generals in the field, like Nebuchadrezzar, have no power but what is given them from above.

Nor the hoofs - So few horses or cows, that they shall not at watering - times, or in the heat of the day, foul the waters. Like oil - A figurative expression, signifying, there shall be such an universal sadness and heaviness upon the whole nation, that the very rivers which used to flow briskly, shall grow deep, and slow, and heavy. Of that - Men and women, cattle, wealth, and peace. This is the lamentation - This mournful account, which the prophet has given of Egypt. Wail - Prepare the funeral ceremonies at the burial of Egypt. The daughters - And celebrate the funerals of other cities and kingdoms that lie buried in their own ruins. The nether parts of the earth - A well known description of the state of the dead. The pit - The Egyptians affected to be buried in the Pyramids, and their kings, and great ones, would be laid by themselves; but Ezekiel provides them their grave among common people, being buried just where they fall. Whom - Art thou better than others that thou shouldest not die, and be laid in the dust, as well as they. Go - Go down like others. With the uncircumcised - Among profane and loathed carcasses, such the uncircumcised were in the opinion of the circumcised, as were the Egyptians. They - The Egyptians. She - The whole Egyptian kingdom. Draw - And throw them together into the pit. Him - The king of Egypt. The grave - Where they lie without strength, as dead mortals, tho' while they lived, they bore themselves, as gods. That help - His helpers, dead before him, shall speak to him. Gone down - To the grave. They lie - Neglected, and forgotten. Ashur - The famous, warlike, king of Assyria. Is there - In the state of the dead, in the land of darkness and oblivion. Her company - Princes, soldiers, subjects, and confederates. Are about him - They are about him, who were slain with him. Whose graves - Here is supposed a spacious vault, in the midst whereof the king of Ashur lies, and round the vault, his familiar captains and commanders. Her company - The common subjects of the Assyrian empire, all buried undistinguished about her. Her grave - The ruins of an empire are its grave.

Chapter XLVII The vision of the holy waters, ver. 1 - 12. The borders of the land of Canaan, ver. 13 - 23. Eastward - The fountain lay to the west, the conduit pipes were laid to bring the water to the temple, and so must run eastward, and perhaps one main pipe might be laid under the east - gate of the temple. The right side - On the south - side of the temple. Out - Of the inmost court. The outer gate - The outmost north - gate in the wall that compassed the whole mountain of the Lord's house. He measured - By the line in his hand. He brought me - Went before, and the prophet followed; all this was in vision. The sea - The Dead - sea, or lake of Sodom. Shall be healed - The waters of the sea shall be healed, made wholesome. So where the grace of God from his temple and altar flows, it heals the corrupt nature of man, and renders barren terrible deserts, as a land of waters and gardens. Shall live - Be preserved alive, and thrive, whereas no fish can live in the Dead - sea. For they - The poisonous waters of the Dead - sea shall be made wholesome for fish. Shall live - Thrive, and multiply in the virtue of the healing streams. Thus is the fruitfulness of the grace of God in the church set forth. En - gedi - Which lay on the south - west of the lake of Sodom. En - eglaim - A city on the north - east of the Dead - sea. To spread forth nets - All along on the west - side of this sea to dry them. Consumed - Never be consumed, never decay, there shall always be fruit, and enough. Their waters - Those that watered them. Issued out - And so carried a blessing with them. The border - The utmost bounds of the whole land. Shall inherit - That is, shall divide for inheritance to the tribes of Israel. Joseph - That is, the two sons of Joseph, Ephraim, and Manasseh. The great sea - The Mediterranean, which was the greatest sea the Jews knew. The east sea - The Dead - sea, which lay on the east of Jerusalem.

The east sea - The Dead - sea, which lay on the east of Jerusalem. Thus a line drawn from Damascus through Auranitis, Gilead, the land of Israel beyond Jordan to the east - sea, made the eastern frontier. The river - Called the river of Egypt, lay directly in the way to Egypt from Jerusalem. The great sea - To the south - west part of the Mediterranean sea near Gaza. Children - Who from their birth should be invested with this right of inheriting. His inheritance - This certainly looks at gospel times, when the partition - wall between Jew and Gentile was taken down, and both put on a level before God, both made one in Christ Jesus.

And repenteth him - He turneth from executing the fierceness of his wrath. He will return - God doth not move from one place to another; but when he withholds his blessings, he is said to withdraw himself. And so when he gives out his blessing, he is said to return. And leave a blessing behind him - Cause the locusts to depart before they have eaten up all that is in the land. The children - Though they understand little what is done, yet their cities ascend, and God with pity looks on their tears. These that suck - Their cries and tears may perhaps move the congregation to more earnest supplication to God for mercy. So the Ninevites, Jonah 3:7,8. The bridegroom - Let the new married man leave the mirth of the nuptials and afflict himself with the rest. The porch - That stately porch built by Solomon, 1Kings 6:3. The altar - The altar of burnt - offering, which stood at some distance from this porch, and here are the priests commanded to stand, fasting and praying, whence they might be heard and seen by the people in the next court, in which the people were wont to pray. To reproach - Famine, though by locusts is a reproach to this thine heritage; it will be greater reproach to be slaves to the nations signified by the locusts, therefore in mercy deliver us from both one and the other. The northern army - That part of the locusts which are toward the north. With his face - The van of this army shall be driven into the dead sea, east of Jerusalem. The hinder part - The rear of this army shall be driven into the west sea. His stink - The stench of these locusts destroying and lying putrified on the face of the earth, or the corpses of the Assyrians slain and unburied. Their strength - Bring forth as much as they are able to stand under. The former rain - The autumn rain which is needful to mellow the earth and fit it to receive the corn. The latter rain - Needful to bring forward and ripen the fruits, accounted the latter rain because these husbandmen and vine - dressers reckoned from seed time to spring and harvest. The first month - That is, our March.

In that day - In the set time which I have fixt. Raise up - Bring back out of captivity, and re - establish in their own land, the house of David, and those that adhere to his family. Fallen - By the revolt of the ten tribes. The breaches - Which are in it by that long division. They - Literally the Jews. Possess - Both the lands of Edom, and some of the posterity of Edom; these as servants, the other as their propriety. The remnant - Left by Nebuchadnezzar. All the heathen - That is, round about. That doth this - But this is also a prophecy of setting up the kingdom of the Messiah, and bringing in the Gentiles. Behold the days come - Here is another promise literally of abundant plenty to the returned captives, and mystically of abundant grace poured forth in gospel - days. The plowman - Who breaks up the ground, and prepares it for sowing, shall be ready to tread on the heels of the reaper who shall have a harvest so large, that before he can gather it all in, it shall be time to plow the ground again. The treader of grapes - So great shall their vintage be that e'er the treaders of grapes can have finished their work, the seeds - man shall be sowing his seed against the next season. Shall drop - The vineyards shall be so fruitful, and new wine so plentiful as if it ran down from the mountains. Shall melt - Or, as if whole hills were melted into such liquors. If any object, it never was so: I answer, the sins of the returned captives prevented these blessings, which are promised under a tacit condition. Pulled up - On condition that they seek the Lord. This was on God's part with admirable constancy performed through six hundred years, perhaps the longest time of freedom from captivity they ever knew. Who Obadiah was, does not appear, neither the exact time when he prophesied. It is generally thought he was cotemporary with Hosea, Joel, and Amos. After the preface, ver. 1. we have first threatenings against Edom, ver. 2 - 16. and then gracious promises to Israel, ver. 17 - 21.

To the river - To Euphrates. To sea - From the Caspian to the Persian and to the Midland sea. From mountain - That is, from all parts of their captivity, they shall return to their own country. Not withstanding - These promises of restitution, which took not place 'till more than two hundred years after. Feed - So Christ directs his officers. With thy rod - In allusion to the custom of shepherds who guided their sheep by a pastoral staff. In the wood - Protect and guide those that in their present captive state are solitary, compassed with dangers. Carmel - A fruitful place and well inhabited. In Bashan - A place of note for fruitfulness. Gilead - Equal with any of the other for plenty and safety. Shall be deaf - They shall neither care to hear, nor to speak of it. Lick the dust - In the most submissive, servile manner, testify their subjection. Holes - Their strong holds, and fastnesses. Because of thee - So that the name of Jews, shall be terrible to their enemies. Nahum prophesies wholly of the destruction of Nineveh. He is supposed to have lived in the time of Hezekiah, and to have prophesied after the captivity of Israel, by the king of Assyria, which was in the ninth year of Hezekiah, five years before Sennacherib's invading Judah.

Zephaniah was the last of the minor prophets, before the captivity. He foretells the captivity of Judah by the Chaldeans, sets their sins in order before them, calls them to repentance, threatens the neighbour - nations, and gives encouraging promises of their return.

Elijah - Namely John the Baptist, who came in the spirit and power of Elijah, Luke 1:17, and therefore bears his name. Before - That is, immediately before; so he was born six months before Christ, and began his preaching a few years before Christ began to exercise his publick office. The great and dreadful day of the Lord - This literally refers to the times of vengeance upon the Jews, from the death of Christ to the final desolation of the city and temple, and by accommodation, to the end of the world. And he - John the Baptist. Shall turn the heart - There were at this time many great and unnatural divisions among the Jews, in which fathers studied mischief to their own children. Of the children - Undutiful children estranged from their fathers. With a curse - Which ends in utter destruction; leaving Jerusalem a desolate heap, and a perpetual monument of God's displeasure. Some observe, that the last word of the Old Testament is a curse: whereas the New Testament ends with a blessing, yea, the choicest of blessings, The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with us all! Amen. Dec. 24, 1766.

A Farther Appeal to Men of Reason and Religion, Part I Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 8 (Zondervan) Year: 1745 Author: John Wesley --- IN a former treatise I declared, in the plainest manner I could, both my principles and practice; and answered some of the most important, as well as the most common, objections to each. But I have not yet delivered my own soul. I believe it is still incumbent upon me to answer other objections, par ticularly such as have been urged by those who are esteemed religious or reasonable men. These partly relate to the doctrines I teach, partly to my manner of teaching them, and partly to the effects which are sup posed to follow from teaching these doctrines in this manner. I. 1. I will briefly mention what those doctrines are, before I consider the objections against them. Now, all I teach respects either the nature and condition of justification, the nature and condition of salvation, the nature of justifying and saving faith, or the Author of faith and salvation. 2. First: The nature of justification. It sometimes means our acquittal at the last day. (Matt. xii. 37.) But this is alto gether out of the present question; that justification whereof our Articles and Homilies speak, meaning present forgiveness, pardon of sins, and, consequently, acceptance with God; who therein “declares his righteousness” (or mercy, by or) “for the remission of the sins that are past;” saying, “I will be merciful to thy unrighteousness, and thine iniquities I will remember no more.” (Rom. iii. 25; Heb. viii. 12.) I believe the condition of this is faith : (Rom. iv. 5, &c.:) I mean, not only, that without faith we cannot be justified; but, also, that as soon as any one has true faith, in that moment he is justified. Good works follow this faith, but cannot go before it: (Luke vi. 43.) Much less can sanctification, which implies a con timued course of good works, springing from holiness of heart. But it is allowed, that entire sanctification goes before our justification at the last day. (Heb. xii. 14.) It is allowed, also, that repentance, and “fruits meet for repentance,” go before faith. (Mark i. 15; Matthew iii. 8.) Repentance absolutely must go before faith; fruits meet for it, if there be opportunity.

Wherefore that we are justified by faith only, is a most wholesome doctrine, and very full of com fort, as most largely is expressed in the Homily of Justification.” I believe this Article relates to the meritorious cause of jus tification, rather than to the condition of it. On this, therefore, I do not build anything concerning it, but on those that follow. “Albeit, that good works, which are the fruits of faith and follow after justification, cannot put away our sins; yet are they pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ, and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively faith : Insomuch that by them a lively faith may be as evidently known as a tree may be known by the fruit.” We are taught here, (1.) That good works in general follow after justification. (2.) That they spring out of a true and lively faith, that faith whereby we are justified. (3.) That true, justifying faith may be as evidently known by them as a tree discerned by the fruit. Does it not follow, that the supposing any good work to go before justification is full as absurd as the supposing an apple, or any other fruit, to grow before the tree? But let us hear the Church, speaking yet more plainly:-- AltTICLE XIII.-OF WORKS DONE BEFORE JUSTIFICATION. “Works done before the grace of Christ, and the inspiration of his Spirit,” (that is, before justification, as the title expresses it.) “are not pleasant to God, forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesu Christ. Yea, rather, for that they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done, we -doubt not they have the nature of sin.” Now, if all works done before justification have the nature of sin, (both because they spring not of faith in Christ, and because they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done,) what becomes of sanctification previous to justi fication? It is utterly excluded; seeing whatever is previous to justification is not good or holy, but evil and sinful.

3. Do not men who imagine they have attained this despise others, as only going on in what they account the low and imper fect way, that is, as growing in grace and goodness by degrees? A. (1.) Men who only imagine they have attained this may probably despise those that are going on in any way. (2.) But the growing in grace and goodness by degrees is no mark of a low and imperfect way. Those who are fathers in Christ grow in grace by degrees, as well as the new-born babes. Q. 4. Do they not despise those who are working out their salvation with an humble reliance upon the merits of Christ for the pardon of their sins, and the acceptance of their sincere though imperfect services? A. (1.) They who really love God despise no man. But, (2.) They grieve to hear many talk of thus relying on Christ, who, though perhaps they are grave, honest, moral men, yet by their own words appear not to love God at all; whose souls cleave to the dust; who love the world; who have no part of the mind that was in Christ. 6. Query the Sixth --“Whether the same exalted strains and notions do not tend toweaken the natural and civil relations among men, by leading the inferiors, into whose heads those notions are infused, to a disesteem of their superiors; while they consider them as in a much lower dispensation than themselves; though those superiors are otherwise sober and good men, and regular attendants on the ordinances of religion.” I havementioned beforewhat those exalted notions are. These do not tend to weaken either thenatural or civil relations among men; or to lead inferiors to a disesteem of their superiors, even where those superiors are neither good nor sober men.

Their domestic foes will, in many cases, hinder, embroil, and disturb the course of their affairs. And their relations, who assisted them before, or promised at least so to do, will probably withdraw or deny that assistance, unless they will be advised by them: Perhaps their nearest relations; it being no new thing for parents to disown their children, if “after the way which they call heresy, these worship the God of their fathers.” Hence, therefore, some haveless of this world’s goods than they had in times past, either because they earn less, or because they receive less from them on whom they depend. Thirdly. It is written, that “those who received not the mark of the beast, either on their foreheads, or in their right hands,” either openly or secretly, were not permitted “to buy or sell any more.” Now, whatever the mystery contained herein may be, I apprehend the plain mark of the beast is wickedness; inward and outward unholiness; whatever is secretly or openly contrary to justice, mercy, or truth. And certain it is, the time is well nigh come when those who have not this mark can nei ther buy nor sell, can scarce follow any profession so as to gain a subsistence thereby. Therefore, many of those who attend on my ministry are, by this means, poorer than before. They will not receive the mark of the beast, either on their forehead or in their hand; or if they had received it before, they rid themselves of it as soon as possible. Some cannot follow their former way of life at all; (as pawnbrokers, smugglers, buyers or sellers of uncustomed goods;)--others cannot follow it as they did before; for they cannot oppress, cheat, or defraud their neighbour; they cannot lie, or say what they do not mean; they must now speak the truth from their heart. On all these accounts, they have less of this world’s goods; because they gain less than they did before. Fourthly.

Here you have to struggle with all the same difficul ties as before, and perhaps many new ones too. However, if you have money enough, you may succeed; but if that fails, your cause is gone. Without money, you can have no more law; poverty alone utterly shuts out justice. But “cannot an honest Attorney procure me justice?” An honest Attorney ! Where will you find one? Of those who are called exceeding honest Attorneys, who is there that makes any scruple,-- (1) To promote and encourage needless suits, if not unjust Ones too : (2.) To defend a bad cause, knowing it so to be,-- By making a demur, and then withdrawing it; By pleading some false plea, to the plaintiff’s declaration; By putting in an evasive answer to his bill; By protracting the suit, if possible, till the plaintiff is ruined: (3.) To carry a cause not amounting to ten shillings into Westminster-Hall, by laying it in his declaration as above forty: (4.) To delay his own client's suit knowingly and wilfully, in order to gain more thereby: (5.) To draw himself the pleadings or conveyances of his client, instead of giving them to be drawn by able Counsel: (6) To charge his client with the fees which should have been given to such Counsel, although they were not given: (7.) To charge for drawing fair copies, where none were drawn : (8.) To charge fees for expedition given to clerks, when not one farthing has been given them: (9.) To send his clerk a journey (longer or shorter) to do business with or for different persons; and to charge the horse hire and expense of that journey to every person severally: (10.) To send his clerk to Westminster, on the business of ten (it may be) or twenty persons, and to charge each of these twenty for his attendance, as if he had been sent on account of one only : (11.) To charge his own attendance in like manner: And, (12.) To fill up his bill with attendances, fees, and term fees, though his client is no whit forwarder in his cause ? This is he that is called an honest Attorney ! How much homester is a pickpocket! But there is a Magistrate whose peculiar office it is to redress the injured and oppressed.

And whose shall those things be which thou hast prepared ?” 26. And yet doth not our pride, even the pride of those whose soul “cleaves to the dust, testify against us?” Are they not “wise in their own eyes, and prudent in their own conceit?” Have not writers of our own remarked, that there is not upon earth a more self-conceited nation than the English; more opi niated both of their own national and personal wisdom, and courage, and strength? And indeed, if we may judge by the in habitants of London, this is evident to a demonstration; for are not the very meanest of them able to instruct both the King and all his Counsellors? What cobbler in London is not wiser than the principal Secretary of State? What coffee-house disputer is not an abler Divine than his Grace of Canterbury? And how deep a contempt of others is joined with this high opinion of our selves ! I know not whether the people of all other nations are greater masters of dissimulation; but there does not appear in any nation whateversuch a proneness to despise their neighbour; to despise, not foreigners only, (near two thousand years ago they remarked, Britannos hospitibus feros,”) but their own country men; and that very often for such surprising reasons as nothing but undeniable fact could make credible. How often does the gentleman in his coach despise those dirty fellows that go a-foot; and these, on the other hand, despise full as much those lazy fellows that loll in their coaches ! No wonder then that those who have “the form of godliness” should despise them that have * This quotation from Horace is thus translated by Francis : -“Britons of inhospitable strain.”-EDIT. it not; that the saint of the world so frequently says to the gross sinner, in effect, if not in terms, “Stand by thyself; come not near unto me; for I am holier than thou !” 27. Yet what kind of holiness is this? May not God justly declare of us also, “This people draw near me with their mouth, but they have removed their hearts far from me: They do but flatter me with their mouth, and dissemble with me in their tongue?” Is it not so with you? When you speak to God, do your lips and your heart go together?

Their thoughts are otherwise employed; their minds are taken up with things of quite a different nature: Or, perhaps, they may think of it a little now and then, when they have nothing else to do; but not seriously or deeply; not with any closeness or attention of thought. They are too much in haste, to weigh the facts whereof we speak, and to draw the just inference therefrom : Nor is the conviction which they may sometimes feel, suffered to sink into their hearts; but things that have a larger share in their affections soon destroy the very traces of it. 2. True it is, that there are some who think more deeply, who are accustomed to consider things from the foundation, and to lay circumstances together, that they may judge of nothing before they have full evidence; and yet even some of these appear to be in doubt concerning the present work. Now, supposing it to be a work of God, how can this be accounted for, -that they who so diligently inquire concerning it, do not know the time of their visitation? Perhaps because of the deeply rooted prejudice which they brought with them to the inquiry; and which, still hanging on their minds, makes it scarce possible for them to form an impartial judgment. Perhaps, even a slight preposses sion might occasion their stumbling on some of those rocks cf offence, which, by the wise permission of God, always did ard always will attend any revival of his work. Nay, it may be, their very caution was carried to excess. They would not judge before they had such evidence as the mature of the thing would not admit, or, at least, God did not see fit to give. 3. All this is very easy to conceive. But it may at first appear surprising, to find men of renown, men supposed to be endowed with knowledge, and with abilities of every kind, flatly, openly, percmptorily denying, that there has been any unusual work of God at all ! Yea, a late eminent writer gocs farther yet; accounts it an instance of downright enthu siasm, to imagine that there is any extraordinary work now wrought upon the earth.

They went from thence (when by sounding a horn they had gathered their whole company together) to Mr. Eaton’s house, in the middle of the town, who was at that time Constable. He went to the door with his Constable's staff, and began reading the Act of Parliament against riots; but the stones flew so thick about his head, that he was forced to leave off reading and retire. They broke all his windows, the door of his house, and a large clock in pieces. They went then to above fourscore houses, in many of which there were not three panes of glass left. 6. On June 20, 1743, John Baker, at the head of a large mob, came to the house of Jonas Turner, at West-Bromwich, near Wednesbury, and asked him, whether he would keep from these men that went preaching about, and go to the church. He answered, “I do go to the church; but I never see any of you there.” Presently one Dan. Oniens, with a great club, broke great part of the window at one blow. Others laid hold of him, and dragged him about sixty yards before he could get loose from them. Afterwards they broke all his windows, and threw into the house abundance of stones, to break his goods. About four in the afternoon they came to the house of widow Turner of West-Bromwich. They threw in bricks and stones so fast, that she was forced to open the door and run out among them. One of her daughters cried out, “My mother will be killed !” On which, they fell to throwing stones at her. She ran into a neighbour's house; but before she could shut the door, they broke the bottom off with a brick-end. They fol lowed her other daughter with stones, and one with a great stake. She ran into another house, much frightened, expect ing to be murdered. The widow asked, “How can you come and abuse us thus?” On which, one came with a large club, and swore, if she spoke another word, he would knock her on the head, and bury her in the ditch. Then he went and broke all the glass that was left. The same they did to many of the neighbouring houses. 7.

After they had destroyed what they could, they loaded themselves with clothes and meat, and went their way. The same day public notice was given at Walsal, by a paper fixed up there, That all who designed to assist in breaking the windows, and plundering the houses, of the Methodists at Wednesbury, should be ready at ten o’clock, the next morning, on the Church-hill. 11. The next morning, February 7, (being Shrove-Tuesday,) about half an hour after ten, great numbers of men were gathered together on the Church-hill. Thence they marched down, some armed with swords, some with clubs, and some with axes. They first fell upon Benjamin Watson’s house, and broke many of the tiles, and all the windows. Next they came to Mr. Addinbrook’s, broke a fine clock, with many of his goods, and stole all the things they could carry away. The next house was Jane Smith’s, whose windows they broke, with what little goods she had. The next was Mr. Bird's, where they destroyed every thing they found, except what they carried away; cutting the beds in pieces, as they did all the beds which they could anywhere find. Thence they went to Mr. Edge's house: He was ill of a fever; so, for a sum of money, they passed it over. The next house was Mr. Hands's. They broke all his counter, boxes, and drawers, and all (except some bedsteads) that axe or hammer could break. They spilt all his drugs and chemical medicines, and stole every thing they could carry, even all his and his wife's wearing apparel beside what they had on. 12. Mr. Eaton's house was next. They broke all his win dows, and all his inside doors in pieces, cut the lead off his house, destroyed or stole whatever they could lay their hands on. Some gentlemen offered to stop them, if he would sign a paper, implying that he would never hear those Parsons more. But he told them, he had felt already what a wounded conscience was; and, by the grace of God, he would wound his conscience no more. After they had done at Mr. Eaton's, they plundered several other houses in Wednesbury and West-Bromwich. It is scarce possible to describe the outrages they committed; only they left them they plundered alive.

How then can you reconcile it to the love that “hopeth all things?” 31. But whatever state they are in, who causelessly separate from the Church of England, it affects not those of whom we are speaking; for they do not separate from it at all. You may easily be convinced of this, if you will only weigh the particulars following: (1) A great part of these went to no church at all before they heard us preach. They no more pretended to belong to the Church of England, than to the Church of Muscovy. If, therefore, they went to no church now, they would be no farther from the Church than they were before. (2.) Those who did sometimes go to church before, go three times as often now. These, therefore, do not separate from the Church. Nay, they are united to it more closely than before. (3.) Those who never went to church at all before, do go now, at all opportunities. Will common sense allow any one to say, that these are separated from the Church? (4.) The main question is, Are they turned from doing the works of the devil, to do the works of God? Do they now live soberly, righteously, and godly, in the present world? If they do, if they live according to the directions of the Church, believe her doctrines, and join in her ordinances; with what face can you say, that these men separate from the Church of England? 32. But in what state are they whom the Clergy and Gentry (and perhaps you for one) have successfully laboured to preserve from this damnable sin of schism, whom you have kept from hearing these men, and separating from the Church? Is not the drunkard that was, a drunkard still? Inquire of his poor wife and family. Is not the common swearer still hor ribly crying to God for damnation upon his soul? Is not the sinner in every other kind, exactly the same man still? Not better at least, if he be not worse, than he was ten years ago. Now, consider, (1.) Does the Church of England gain either honour, or strength, or blessing, by such wretches as these calling themselves her members? by ten thousand drunkards, or whoremongers, or common swearers? Nay, ought she not immediately to spew them out, to renounce all fellowship with them?

But I do not include that venerable man, Mr. Philip Henry, nor any that were of his spirit, in this number. I know they abhorred contending about externals. Neither did they sepa rate themselves from the Church. They continued therein till they were driven out, whether they would or no. I cannot but tenderly sympathize with these; and the more, because this is in part our own case. Warm men spare no pains, at this very day, to drive us out of the Church. They cry out to the peo ple, wherever one of us comes, “A mad dog, a mad dog !” if haply we might fly for our lives, as many have done before us. And sure it is, we should have complied with their desire, we should merely for peace and quietness have left the Church long before now, but that we could not in conscience do it. And it is on this single motive, it is for conscience sake, that we still continue therein; and shall continue, (God being our helper) unless they by violence thrust us out. 9. But to return : What are the stumbling-blocks in the present case, compared to those in any of the preceding? We do not dispute concerning any of the externals or cir cumstantials of religion. There is no room; for we agree with you therein. We approve of, and adhere to, them all; all that we learned together when we were children, in our Catechism and Common-Prayer Book. We were born and bred up in your own Church, and desire to die therein. We always were, and are now, zealous for the Church; only not with a blind, angry zeal. We hold, and ever have done, the same opinions which you and we received from our forefathers. But we do not lay the main stress of our religion on any opinions, right or wrong; neither do we ever begin, or willingly join in, any dispute con cerning them. The weight of all religion, we apprehend, rests on holiness of heart and life. And consequently, wherever we come, we press this with all our might. How wide then is the difference between our case and the case of any of those that are above mentioned ! They avowedly separated from the Church: We utterly disavow any such design.

We ought not so to do. Let them all their life long rejoice unto God, so it be with reverence. And even if light ness or pride should mix with their joy, let us not strike at the joy itself, (this is the gift of God,) but at that lightness or pride, that the evil may cease and the good remain. Q. 19. Ought we to be anxiously careful about perfection, lest we should die before we have attained ? A. In nowise. We ought to be thus careful for nothing, neither spiritual mor temporal. Q. 20. But ought we not to be troubled on account of the sinful nature which still remains in us? A. It is good for us to have a deep sense of this, and to be much ashamed before the Lord: But this should only incite us the more earnestly to turn unto Christ every moment, and to draw light, and life, and strength from him, that we may go on conquering and to conquer. And, therefore, when the sense of our sin most abounds, the sense of his love should much more abound. Q. 21. Will our joy or our trouble increase as we grow in grace? A. Perhaps both. But without doubt our joy in the Lord will increase as our love increases. Q. 22. Is not the teaching believers to be continually poring upon their inbred sin, the ready way to make them forget that they were purged from their former sins? A. We find by experience it is; or to make them under value and account it a little thing : whereas, indeed, (though there are still greater gifts behind,) this is inexpressibly great

With these you are to deal exceeding tenderly, lest they be discouraged. (6.) If you perceive them troubled, that they cannot answer, step in yourself, and take the burden off them; answering the question yourself. And do it thoroughly and plainly, making a full explication of the whole business to them. (7.) When you have tried their knowledge, proceed to in struct them, according to their several capacities. If a man understand the fundamentals, speak what you perceive he most needs, either explaining farther some doctrines, or some duty, or showing him the necessity of something which he neglects. If he still understands not, go over it again till he does. (8.) Next inquire into his state, whether convinced or uncon vinced, converted or unconverted. Tell him, if need be, what conversion is; and then renew and enforce the inquiry. (9.) If unconverted, labour with all your power to bring his heart to a sense of his condition. Set this home with a more earnest voice than you spoke before. Get to the heart, or you do nothing. (10.) Conclude all with a strong exhortation, which should enforce, (1.) The duty of the heart, in order to receive Christ. (2.) The avoiding former sins, and constantly using the out ward means. And be sure, if you can, to get their promise, to forsake sin, change their company, and use the means. And do this solemnly, reminding them of the presence of God, who hears their promises, and expects the performance. (11.) Before you leave them, engage the head of each family to call all his family together every Sunday before they go to bed, and hear what they can repeat, and so continue, till they have learned the “Instructions” perfectly; and afterwards let him take care that they do not forget what they have learned. Do this in earnest, and you will soon find what a work you take in hand, in undertaking to be a Travelling Preacher! Q. 14. How shall we prevent improper persons from insinuating into the society? A. (1.) Give tickets to none till they are recommended by a Leader, with whom they have met at least two months on trial. (2.) Give notes to none but those who are recommended by one you know, or till they have met three or four times in a class.

As for those who cannot, (1.) Let every Travelling Preacher contribute half-a-guinea yearly at the Conference. (2.) Let every one when first admitted as a Travelling Preacher pay a guinea. (3) Let this be lodged in the hands of the Stewards. (4.) The present Stewards are John Murlin and John Pawson. (5.) Out of this let provision be made, first for the worn out Preachers, and then for the widows and children of those that are dead. (6.) Every worn-out Preacher shall receive, if he wants it, at least ten pounds a-year. (7.) Every widow of a Preacher shall receive yearly, if she wants it, during her widowhood, a sum not usually exceeding ten pounds. (8.) Every child left by a Preacher shall receive, once for all, a sum not usually exceeding ten pounds. (9.) But none is entitled to anything from this fund, till he has subscribed two guineas. (10.) Nor any who neglects paying his subscription for four years together. (11.) Let every Preacher who does not bring or send his sub scription to the Conference, be fined two shillings and sixpence. (12.) Let the fund never be reduced to less than a hun dred pounds. (13.) Let a Committee be named to see these Rules duly executed. The present Committee are,--Christopher Hopper, Thomas Coke, Thomas Hanby, John Allen, Robert Roberts, Henry Moore, Thomas Taylor, William Thompson, Andrew Blair. (14.) Let an exact account of all receipts and disbursements be produced at the Conference. (15.) Let every Assistant bring to the Conference the contribution of every Preacher in his Circuit. Q. 54. Are not many of the Preachers' wives still straitened for the necessaries of life? A. Some certainly have been. To prevent this for the time to come, (1.) Let every Circuit either provide each with a lodg ing, coals, and candles, or allow her fifteen pounds a year. (2.) Let the Assistant take this money at the Quarterly Meeting, before anything else be paid out of it. Fail not to do this. Q. 55. How can we account for the decrease of the work of God in some Circuits, both this year and the last? A.

But how can we secure their sitting apart there? A. I must do it myself. If I come into any new House, and see the men and women together, I will immediately go out. I hereby give public notice of this: Pray let it be observed. Q. 66. But there is a worse indecency than this creeping in among us,--talking in the preaching-houses, before and after service. How shall this be cured ? A. Let all the Preachers join as one man, and the very next Sunday they preach in any place, enlarge on the impropriety of talking before or after service, and strongly exhort them to do it no more. In three months, if we are in earnest, this vile practice will be banished out of every Methodist congre gation. Let none stop till he has carried his point. Q. 67. Is there not another shocking indecency frequently practised by filthy men against the wall of a preaching-house; enough to make any modest woman blush? A. There is: But I beg any one who sees another do this will give him a hearty clap on the back. Q. 68. Complaint has been made that sluts spoil our houses. How may we prevent this? A. Let none that has spoiled one, ever live in another. But what a shame is this! A Preacher's wife should be a pattern of cleanliness in her person, clothes, and habitation. Let nothing slatternly be seen about her; no rags, no dirt, no litter. And she should be a pattern of industry; always at work, either for herself, her husband, or the poor. I am not willing any should live in the Orphan-House at Newcastle, or any preaching-house, who does not conform to this rule. Q. 69. It has been complained also, that people crowd into the Preachers' houses, as into coffee-houses, without any invita tion. Is this right? A. It is utterly wrong. Stop it at once. Let no person come into the Preacher's house, unless he wants to ask a question. Q. 70. May any new preaching-houses be built? A. Not unless, (1.) They are proposed at the Conference: No, nor (2.) Unless two-thirds of the expense be subscribed. And if any collection be made for them, it must be made between the Conference and the beginning of February. Q. 71.

And yet I cannot undertake now either to tran scribe your whole book, or every page or paragraph which I answer. But I must generally abridge before I reply; and that not only to save time, (of which I have none to spare,) but often to make the argument clearer, which is best understood when couched in few words. 7. You complain also of my mentioning all at once sentences which you placed at a distance from each other. I do so; and I think it quite fair and ingenuous to lay together what was before scattered abroad. For instance: You now speak of the conditions of justification, in the eighteenth and following pages; again, from the eighty-ninth to the hundred and second; and yet again, in the hundred and twenty-seventh page. Now, I have not leisure to follow you to and fro. Therefore, what I say on one head, I set in one place. I. 1. This premised, I come to the letter itself. I begin, as before, with the case of the Moravians; of whom you say, “I collected together the character which you had given of these men; the errors and vices which you had charged upon them, and the mischiefs--they had done among your followers. And I proved that, in several respects, you had been the occasion of this mischief; and are therefore, in some measure, accountable for it. Let us see what answer you give to all this. “‘With regard to the denying degrees in faith, you men tioned, that the Moravian Church was cleared from this mis take. But did you not mention this as one of the tenets of the Moravians? Do you not say, that you ‘could not agree with Mr. Spangenberg, that none has any faith so long as he is liable to any doubt or fear? Do you not represent Mr. Molther, and other Moravians in England, as teaching the same? In short, I have not charged the Moravian Church with anything; but only repeat after you. And if you have accused them when you knew them to be guiltless, you must bear the blame. “‘They do use the ordinances of God with reverence and godly fear.’ You have charged Mr. Spangenberg and Mr. Molther with teaching that we ought to abstain from them. And the same you say in general of the Moravian brethren, in your letter to them.

Here, therefore, you have certainly overshot your self.” (Page 85.) Perhaps not. “These English brethren were, I presume, your followers.” No; this is your first mistake. I was but a single, private member of that society. “After wards you represent them as perverted by the Moravians.” I do; but not yet connected with them. “Before they spoke these wicked things, they had joined these men, and acted under their direction.” This is another mistake. They did not join these men, nor act by their direction, till long after. “If they did not learn them from these new teachers, from whom did they learn them? You cannot bring off the Moravians with out condemning your own people.” They learned them from Mr. Molther chiefly; whom I am not at all concerned to bring off. Now let all men judge which of us two has overshot himself. 11. “In answer to my objections against the inconsistent accounts you have given of the Moravians, you say, ‘They are, I believe, the most self-inconsistent people under the sun. Would not one imagine that you here speak of the same persons, or of the whole body of them in general?” I do, thus far: I ascribe the good to the body of them in general; the evil to part only of that body, to some of those same persons. “Your method of getting over the contradictions I had charged upon you is much the same, -to distinguish either between the Moravians and the English brethren, though these had been their disciples,”--this has been abundantly answered,--“ or between some of the Moravians and others.” (Page 86.) I think a very good method; for propositions are not contradictory unless they both speak of the same persons. However, since youpersist toaffirm that I am guilty of the con tradictions you charged upon me, (page 87.) I think there can not be a sufficient reply without reciting the several instances. 12. First. “You commend them (the Moravians) for loving one another; and yet charge them with biting and devouring one another.” I answered, “Them Whom? Not the Moravians, but the English brethren of Fetter-Lane, before their union with the Moravians.

Not the Moravians, but the English brethren of Fetter-Lane, before their union with the Moravians. Herein, then, is no shadow of contradiction; for the two sentences do not relate to the same persons.” You reply, “Would you then have us to think that so much anger and contradiction reigned among your Methodists?” I “would have you think” this is nothing to the purpose. Prove the contradiction, and you speak to the point. “It is plain they had before this been perverted by the Moravians; and that they were unwilling to be taught by any others.” They; that is, nearly half of the society. But here is no proof of the contradiction still. (2) “You say, ‘They had well nigh destroyed brotherly love from among us, partly by cautions against natural love, partly by occasioning almost continual disputes.” So they had; but we had then no connexion with them. Neither, therefore, does this contradict their loving one another. You reply, “As if they can truly love each other, who teach you not to do it, and stir up divisions and disturbances among you.” You should say, if you would repeat after me, “Who caution you against natural love, and occasion many disputes among you.” Well; allowing they do this, (which is utterly wrong,) yet where is the contradiction? Yet they may love one another. (3.) “You praise them for using no diversions, but such as become saints; and yet say,” (I recite the whole sentence,) “‘I have heard some of you affirm that Christian salvation implies liberty to conform to the world, by joining in worldly diversions in order to do good.’” And both these are true. The Moravians, in general, use no diversions but such as be come saints. And yet I have heard some of them affirm, in contradiction to their own practice, that “one then mentioned did well when he joined in playing at tennis in order to do good.” To this you make no reply. Silence then consents, that there is no contradiction here. (4) “You ‘praise them for not regarding outward adorn ing.’” So I do, the bulk of the congregation.

But I am disappointed: For in your Second Letter I read thus: “The instances of enthusiasm and presumption which your last Journal had furnished me with remain now to be reviewed. The first was of a private revelation, which you appeared to pay great credit to. You had represented everything the woman had spoke in her agony as coming to pass.” (Page 130.) But I had not represented anythingshe spoke then, whether it came to pass or no, as coming from the Spirit of God, but from the devil. You say, “When I read this first, I was amazed, and impa tient to look again into your Journal. But I had no sooner done this, but I was still more astonished. For you have very grievously misrepresented the case.” If I have, then I will bear the blame; but if not, it will light on your head. “It is not this account which you had thus introduced; but another, and a very different one, of what happened a day or two before. Sunday, you mention her as being guilty of gross presumption, which you attribute to the power of the devil. But on Monday and Tuesday the opposite revelations happened, which you relate without the least mark of diffidence or blame.” (Ibid. p. 131.) I am grieved that you constrain me to say any more. In the sixty-sixth and sixty-seventh pages of the last Journal,” I gave account of Mrs. Jones, which I term “a surprising instance of the power of the devil.” It includes the occurrences of three days. This you brought as a proof of my enthusiasm. I answer, * Vol. L. pp. 295, 296, of the present Edition.--EDIT. “The very words that introduce this account,” prove it is no instance of enthusiasm; meaning by this account, (as I suppose is plain to every reader,) the following account of Mrs. Jones. You reply, “It is not this account, which you had thus intro duced, but another, and a very different one, of what hap pened a day or two before.” Sir, it is the whole account of Mrs. Jones which I thus introduce; and not another, not a very different one. And I attribute the agony which she (Mrs.

1. What you urge on the head of enthusiasm also, I think, “deserves my most serious consideration.” You may add, “and presumption.” I let it drop once more; because I do not love tautology; and because I look upon presumption to be essential to enthusiasm, and, consequently, contained therein. I will therefore weigh what you advance concerning it, and explain myself something more at large. “I am to examine,” you say, “how far you have cleared your self of enthusiasm. . My account of this you set down, making as many alterations and omissions as there are lines.” (Page 120.) Perhaps more; for Inever designed to recite the whole, but only the material part of it. “If you did not wholly ap prove of it, why would you not let me know what you disliked in it?” Because I do not love many words. Therefore when the argument stood thus, “He that does this is an enthusiast; but you do this; ” I was generally content with answering the second proposition, and leaving the first as I found it. “I laid this charge against you and the Methodists in gene ral; between you every part of the character has been verified.” I answer for one; let the rest answer for themselves, if they have not better employment. That the question between us may be the more fully under stood, I shall briefly compare together, (1.) Your remarks. (2.) My answer. (3.) Your reply; though still I cannot promise to repeat your words at length. 2. You remark, “Though you would be thought an enemy to enthusiasm and presumption, yet in both you are far from being inferior to the Moravians, or indeed to any others.” (Page 60.) Strong assertions! Not inferior to any others? not to the French Prophets, or John of Leyden “(1.) Enthu siasm is a false persuasion of an extraordinary divine assist ance, which leads men to such conduct as is only to be justified by the supposition of such assistance.” I answer, “Before this touches me, you are to prove (which I conceive you have not done yet) that my conduct is such as is only to be justified by the supposition of such assistance.” (Page 406.) You reply, “This, I think, is proved in the preceding tract.” (Page 120.) I think not. Let men of candour judge.

Suppose then we were to contract the question, in order to make it a little less unwieldy. We will bound our inquiry, for the present, within a square of three or four miles. It may be certainly known by candid men, both what has been and what is now done within this Ristance; and from hence they may judge of those fruits else where, which they cannot be so particularly informed of. Inquire then, “Which are greater, the numbers of serious men, perplexed and deluded by these Teachers, or of notorious sinners brought to repentance and good life,” within the forest of Kingswood? Many indeed of the inhabitants are nearly as they were; are not much better or worse for their preach ing; because the neighbouring Clergy and Gentry have suc cessfully laboured to deter them from hearing it. But between three and four hundred of those who would not be deterred are now under the care of those Preachers. Now, what num ber of these were serious Christians before? Were fifty? Were twenty? Were ten? Peradventure there might five such be found. But it is a question whether there could or no. The remainder were gross, open sinners, common swearers, drunkards, Sabbath-breakers, whoremongers, plunderers, rob bers, implacable, unmerciful, wolves and bears in the shape of men. Do you desire instances of more “notorious sinners” than these? I know not if Turkey or Japan can afford them. And what do you include in “repentance and good life?” Give the strictest definition thereof that you are able; and I will undertake, these once notorious sinners shall be weighed in that balance, and not found wanting. 8. Not that all the Methodists (so called) “were very wicked people before they followed us.” There are those among them, and not a few, who are able to stop the boasting of those that despise them, and to say, “Whereinsoever any of you is bold, I am bold also:” Only they “count all these things but loss, for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus.” But these we found, as it were, when we sought them not.

Not that all the Methodists (so called) “were very wicked people before they followed us.” There are those among them, and not a few, who are able to stop the boasting of those that despise them, and to say, “Whereinsoever any of you is bold, I am bold also:” Only they “count all these things but loss, for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus.” But these we found, as it were, when we sought them not. We went forth to “seek that which was lost;” (more eminently lost;) “to call” the most flagrant, hardened, desperate “sinners to repentance.” To this end we preached in the Horsefair at Bristol, in Kings wood, in Newcastle; among the colliers in Staffordshire, and the tinners in Cornwall; in Southwark, Wapping, Moorfields, Drury-Lane, at London. Did any man ever pick out such places as these, in order to find “serious, regular, well-disposed peo ple?” How many such might then be in any of them I know not. But this I know, that four in five of those who are now with us were not of that number, but were wallowing in their blood, till God by us said unto them, “Live.” Sir, I willingly put the whole cause on this issue: What are the general consequences of this preaching? Are there more tares or wheat? more “good men destroyed,” (that is the pro per question,) or “wicked men saved?” The last place where we began constant preaching is a part of Wiltshire and Somerset shire, near Bath. Now, let any man inquire at Rhode, Brad ford, Wrexall, or among the colliers at Coleford, (1.) What kind of people were those “before they followed these men?” (2.) What are the main doctrines they have been teaching for this twelvemonth? (3.) What effect have these doctrines upon their followers? What manner of lives do they lead now?

You, First, charge me with too much commending the Moravians. That the case may be fully understood, I will transcribe the passages which you cite from the Journal con cerning them, and then give a general answer: “She told me Mr. Molther had advised her, till she received faith, to be still, ceasing from outward works. In the evening, Mr. Bray also was highly commending the being still: He likewise spoke largely of the great danger that attended the doing of outward works, and of the folly of people that keep running about to church and sacrament.” (Vol. I. p. 247.) “Sunday, November 4. Our society met, and continued silent till eight.” (Ibid.) “Sunday, June 22. I spoke thus: Eight or nine months ago, certain men arose, who affirmed that there is no such thing as any means of grace, and that we ought to leave off these works of the law.” (Ibid. p. 275.) “You, Mr. Molther, believe that the way to attain faith, is, not to go to church, not to communicate, not to fast, not to use so much private prayer, not to read the Scripture, not to do temporal good, or attempt to do spiritual good.” (Ibid. p. 257.) You undervalue good works, especially works of outward mercy, never publicly insisting on the necessity of them.” (Ibid. p. 330.) “Some of our brethren asserted, (1.) That till they had true faith, they ought to be still ; that is, (as they explained them selves,) to abstain from the means of grace, as they are called, the Lord’s supper in particular. (2.) That the ordinances are not means of grace, there being no other means than Christ.” (Ibid. p. 247.) “I could not agree, either that none has any faith, so long as he is liable to any doubt or fear; or that, till we have it, we ought to abstain from the ordinances of God.” (Ibid.) “Mr. Br--d speaks so slightingly of the means of grace, that many are much grieved to hear him; but others are greatly delighted with him. Ten or fourteen of them meet at our brother Clarke's, with Mr. Molther, and make a mere jest of going to the church or to the sacrament.” (Ibid. p. 255.) “You, Mr. Molther, believe it is impossible for a man to use these means, without trusting in them.” (Ibid. p. 258.) “‘Believers,’ said Mr.

12. You need not therefore “imagine, that either the strong pretencesorwarm professions ofthe Moravians,” ortheir “agree ing with me on some favourite topics,” (for my love to them was antecedent to any such agreement,) “induce me to overlook their iniquity, and to forgive their other crimes.” (Remarks, p. 23.) No. I love them upon quite different grounds; even because I believe, notwithstanding all their faults, they “love the Lord Jesus in sincerity,” and have a measure of “the mind that was in him.” And I am in great earnest when I declare once more, that I have a deep, abiding conviction, by how many degrees the good which is among them overbalances the evil; that I cannot speak of them but with tender affection, were it only for the benefits I have received from them; and that, at this hour, I desire union with them (were those stumbling-blocks once put away, which have hitherto made that desire ineffectual) above all things under heaven. II. 1. Your second charge is, “That I hold, in common with them, principles from which their errors naturally follow.” You mean justification by faith alone. To set things in the clearest light I can, I will first observe what I hold, and what you object; and then inquire what the consequences have been. First. As to what I hold. My latest thoughts upon justi fication are expressed in the following words:-- “Justification sometimes means our acquittal at the last day. But this is out of the present question; that justification whereof our Articles and Homilies speak, meaning present pardon and acceptance with God; who therein declares his righteousness and mercy, by or for the remission of the sins that are past. “I believe, the condition of this is faith: I mean, not only, that without faith we cannot be justified; but also, that, as soon as any one has true faith, in that moment he is justified. “Good works follow this faith, but cannot go before it. Much less can sanctification, which implies a continued course of good works, springing from holiness of heart. But--entire sanctification goes before our justification at the last day. “It is allowed, that repentance, and ‘fruits meet for repent ance, go before faith. Repentance absolutely must go before faith; fruits meet for it, if there be opportunity.

9. On the second proposition you remark, (1.) That I “ought to have said, the merits of Christ are (not the sole cause, but) the sole meritorious cause of this our justification.” (Page 41.) (2.) That “ St. Paul and the Church, by justifying faith, mean, faith in the gospel and merits of Christ.” The very thing; so I contend, in flat opposition to those who say they mean only the object of this faith. Upon the third proposition, “By our being justified by faith only, both St. Paul and the Church mean, that the condition of our justification is faith alone, and not good works;” you say, “Neither of them mean any such thing. You greatly wrong them, in ascribing so mischievous a sentiment to them.” (Ibid.) Let me beg you, Sir, to have patience, and calmly to consider, (1.) What I mean by this proposition. Why should : you any longer run as uncertainly, and fight as one that beateth the air? (2.) What is advanced touching the sentiments of the Church, in the tract referred to above. Till you have done this, it would be mere loss of time to dispute with you on this head. I wave, therefore, for the present, the consideration of some of your following pages. Only I cannot quite pass over that (I believe, new) assertion, “that the Thirteenth Article, enti tled, “Of Works done before Justification, does not speak of works done before justification, but of works before grace, which is a very different thing!” (Page 45.) I beseech you, Sir, to consider the Eleventh, Twelfth, and Thirteenth Arti cles, just as they lie, in one view: And you cannot but see that it is as absolutely impossible to maintain that proposition, as it is to prove that the Eleventh and Twelfth Articles speak not of justification, but of some very different thing. 10. Against that part of the fourth proposition, “Faith is a sure trust which a man hath, that Christ loved him and died for him,” you object, “This definition is absurd; as it sup poses that such a sure trust can be in one who does not repent of his sins.” (Page 48.) I suppose quite the contrary, as I have declared over and over; nor, therefore, is there any such danger as you apprehend.

13. Another consequence which you charge on my preaching justification by faith, is, the introducing the errors of the Mora vians. “Had the people,” say you, “gone on in a quiet and regular practice of their duty, as most of them did before you deluded them, it would have been impossible for the Moravian tenets to have prevailed among them. But when they had been long and often used to hear good works undervalued, I cannot wonder that they should plunge into new errors, and wax worse and worse.” (Page 12.) This is one string of mistakes. “Had the people gone on in a quiet and regular practice of their duty, as most of them did before you deluded them.” Deluded them Into what? Into the love of God and all mankind, and a zealous care to keep his commandments. I would to God this delusion (if such it is accounted) may spread to the four corners of the earth ! But how did most of them go on before they were thus deluded ? Four in five, by a moderate computation, even as other baptized Heathens, in the works of the devil, in all the “wretchlessness of most unclean living.” “In a quiet and re gular practice of their duty!” What duty? the duty of cursing and swearing; the duty of gluttony and drunkenness; the duty of whoredom and adultery; or of beating one another, and any that came in their way? In this (not very “quiet or regular”) practice did most of those go on before they heard us, who have now “put off the old man with his deeds,” and are “holy in all manner of conversation.” Have these, think you, “been long and often used to hear good works undervalued?” Or are they prepared for receiving the Moravian errors, by the knowledge and love of God? O Sir, the Moravians know, if you do not, that there is no such barrier under heaven against their tenets as those very people whom you suppose just prepared for receiving them. But “complaints,” you say, “of their errors, come very ill from you, because you have occasioned them.” Nay, if it were so, for that very cause they ought to come from me.

In the tenth you say, “The Methodists act on the same plan with the Papists; not, perhaps, from compact and design; but a similar con figuration and texture of brain, or the fumes of imagination, producing similar effects. From a commiseration of horror, arising from the grievous corruptions of the world, perhaps from a real motive of sincere piety, they both set out with warm pretences to a reformation.” Sir, this is an uncommon thought, --that sincere piety should arise from the “configuration and texture of the brain l” as well as, that “pretences to a refor mation” should spring from “a real motive of sincere piety l’’ 4. You go on : “Both commonly begin their adventures with field-preaching.” (Enthusiasm, &c., p. 11.) Sir, do you condemn field-preaching toto genere, as evil in itself? Have a care! or you (I should say, the gentleman that assists you) will speak a little too plain, and betray the real motives of his sincere antipathy to the people called Methodists. Or do you condemn the preaching on Hannam-Mount, in particular, to the colliers of Kingswood? If you doubt whether this has done any real good, it is a very easy thing to be in formed. And I leave it with all impartial men, whether the good which has in fact been done by preaching there, and which could not possibly have been done any other way, does not abundantly “justify the irregularity of it.” (Page 15.) 5. But you think I am herein inconsistent with myself. For I say, “The uncommonness is the very circumstance that recommends it.” (I mean, that recommended it to the colliers in Kingswood.) And yet I said, but a page or two before, “We are not suffered to preach in the churches; else we should prefer them to any places whatsoever.” Sir, I still aver both the one and the other. I do prefer the preaching in a church when I am suffered: And yet, when I am not, the wise providence of God overrules this very cir cumstance for good; many coming to hear, because of the uncommonness of the thing, who would otherwise not have heard at all. 6.

O, for a plain reason,-to make it look like two instances of enthusiasm, otherwise it could have made but one at the most. But you cannot make out one, till you have proved that these directions were by immediate revelation. I never affirmed they were. I now affirm they were not. Now, Sir, make your best of them. You add, “Let me mention a few directions coming by way of command: Mr. Wesley says, “I came to Mr. Dela motte's, where I expected a cool reception; but God had pre BISHOP LAVINGTON. l I pared the way before me.’” (Page 69.) What, by a com mand to Mr. Delamotte P Who told you so P Not I, nor any one else, only your own fruitful imagination. 27. Your next discovery is more curious still: That “itinerants order what they want at a public-house, and then tell the landlord that he will be damned if he takes anything of them.” (Page 69.) I was beating my brain to find out what itinerant this should be; as I could not but imagine, some silly man or other, probably styling himself a Methodist, must somewhere or other have given some ground for a story so punctually delivered. In the midst of this, a letter from Cornwall informed me, it was I: I myself was the very man, and ac quainted me with the place, and the person to whom I said it. But as there are some particulars in that letter (sent without a name) which I did not well understand, I transcribe a few words of it, in hopes that the author will give me fuller information : “As to the Bishop's declaring what the landlord of Mitchel says, in respect to your behaviour, I do not at all wonder at the story.” The Bishop's declaring ! Whom can he mean? Surely not the Right Reverend Dr. George Lavington, Lord Bishop of Exeter ! When, or to whom, did he declare it? at Truro in Cornwall? or in Plymouth, at his Visitation ? to all the Clergy who were assembled before God to receive his pastoral instructions? His Lordship of Exeter must cer tainly have more regard to the dignity of the episcopal office! 28.

By this means even a Comparer of Methodists and Papists may blaspheme the great work of God, not only without blame, but with applause; at least from readers of his own stamp. But it is high time, Sir, you should leave your skulking-place. Come out, and let us look each other in the face. I have little leisure, and less inclina tion, for controversy. Yet I promise, if you will set your name to your Third Part, I will answer all that shall concern me, in that, as well as the preceding. Till then I remain, Sir, Your friend and well-wisher, February 1, 1749-50. WHEN you come to relate those “horrid and shocking things,” there may be a danger you are not aware of Even you yourself may fall (as little as you intend or suspect it) into seriousness. And I am afraid, if once you put off your fool’s coat, if you stand naked before cool and sober reason, you yourself may appear as inconsiderable a creature, to use

3. “The next mark of the celestial wisdom is, it is ‘gentle, and easy to be entreated;’ compliant and even obsequious to all men.” And how does it appear that...I am wanting in this? Why, he is “a severe condemner of his fellow-citizens, and a severe exactor of conformity to his own observances.” Now, the proof: (1) “He tells us this in the very appellation he assumes.” (Page 192.) Nay, I never assumed it at all. (2.) But “you say, ‘Useless conversation is an abomination to the Lord.’ And what is this, but to withstand St. Paul to the face?” Why, did St. Paul join in or condemn useless conversation? I rather think he reproves it. He condemns as oatpos Aoyos, “putrid, stinking conversation,” all that is not good, all that is not “to the use of edifying,” and meet to “ministergracetothehearers.” (Eph. iv. 29.) (3.) Mr. Wesley “resolved never to laugh, nor to speak a tittle of worldly things;” (page 198;)--“thoughothers may, nay, must.” Pray add that, with the reason of my so resolving, namely, that I expected to die in a few days. If I expected it now, probably, I should resume the resolution. But, be it as it may, this proves nothing against my being both gentle, and easy to be entreated. (4) “He says, Mr. G- was a clumsy, overgrown, hardfaced man.” (Page 194.) So he was. And this was the best of him. I spare him much in saying no more. But he is gone; let his ashes rest. (5) “I heard a most miserable sermon, full of dull, senseless, im probable lies.” It was so, from the beginning to the end. I have seldom heard the like. (6.) “‘The persecution at St. Ives’” (which ended before I came; what I saw I do not term persecution) “‘was owing to the indefatigable labours of Mr. H. and Mr. S., gentlemen worthy to be had in ever lasting remembrance.’ Here he tells us, it is his purpose to gibbet up the names of his two great persecutors to everlast ing infamy.” (Page 195.) These gentlemen had occasioned several innocent people to be turned out of their livelihood; and others to be outraged in the most shocking manner, and beat only not to death. My purpose is, by setting down their names, to make others afraid so to offend.

the Spirit of God. I make no doubt but it was Satan tearing them as they were coming to Christ.” (Page 236.) “Now, these were the very symptoms which he had before ascribed to the Spirit of God.” (Page 237.) Never in my life Indeed some of them I never met with before. Those outward symptoms which I had met with before, bodily agitations in particular, I did not ascribe to the Spirit of God, but to the natural union of the soul and body. And those symptoms which I now ascribe to the devil, I never ascribed to any other cause. The Second proof of my prevarication or hypocrisy is therefore just as conclusive as the First. 3. Now for the Third: “Mr. W. before spoke contemptu ously of orthodoxy, to take in the Sectaries. But when he would take off Churchmen, then orthodoxy is the unum necessa rium.”* Did I ever say so? No more than, in the other extreme, speak contemptuously of it. “Yes, you say, ‘I de scribed the plain, old religion of the Church of England, which is now almost everywhere spoken against under the new name of Methodism.” Very well; and what shadow of prevarication is here? May I not still declare the plain, old religion of the Church of England, and yet very consistently aver, that right opinion is a very slender part of it? 4. The next passage, I am sorry to say, is neither related with seriousness nor truth: “We have seen him inviting perse cution.” Never; though I “rejoiced,” in the instance alleged, at having an opportunity of calling a multitude of the most abandoned sinners to repentance. What is peculiarly unfair, is, the lame, false account is palmed upon me, by “So he himself tells the story.” I must therefore tell the story once more, in as few words as I can: “Sunday, August 7, 1737. I repelled Mrs. W. from the communion. Tuesday, 9. I was required by Mr. Bailiff Parker to appear at the next court. Thursday, 11. Mr. Causton, her uncle, said to me, ‘Give your reasons for repelling her before the whole congregation.” I answered: “Sir, if you insist upon it, I will. But I heard no more of it. Afterward he said, (but not to me,) ‘Mr. W.

I need only add a remark or two on the pleasantry of my censurer. “He had recourse, as usual, to his revelations. “I consulted my friends, whether God did not call me to England.” (Page 242.) Not by revelations; these were out of the question; but by clear, strong reasons. “The Magistrate soon quickened his pace, by declaring him an enemy to the public peace.” No; that sense less assertion of Mr. C. made me go neither sooner nor later. ‘The reader has seen him long languish for persecution.” What, before November, 1737? I never languished for it, either before or since. But I submit to what pleases God. “To hide his poltroonery in a bravado, he gave public notice of his apostolical intention.” (Page 243.) Kind and civil I may be excused from taking notice of what follows. It is equally serious and genteel. “Had his longings for persecution been without hypocrisy.” The same mistake throughout. I never longed or professed to long for it at all. But if I had professed it ever since I returned from Georgia, what was done before I returned could not prove that profession to be hypocrisy. So all this ribaldry serves no end; only to throw much dirt, if haply some may stick. Meantime, how many untruths are here in one page | (1.) “He made the path doubly perplexed for his followers. (2.) He left them to answer for his crimes. (3.) He longed for persecution. (4.) He went as far as Georgia for it. (5.) The truth of his mission was questioned by the Magistrate, and (6.) decried by the people, (7.) for his false morals. (8.) The gospel was wounded through the sides of its pretended Mission ary. (9.) The first Christian Preachers offered up themselves.” So did I. “Instead of this, our paltry mimic.” (Page 244.) Bona verbal Surely a writer should reverence himself, how much soever he despises his opponent. So, upon the whole, this proof of my hypocrisy is as lame as the three former. 5. “We have seen above, how he sets all prudence at defi ance.” None but false prudence. “But he uses a different language when his rivals are to be restrained.” No; always the same, both with regard to false prudence and true. “But take the affair from the beginning.

Thus, in the case of John Haydon: This thing was not contrived and executed in a corner, and in the presence of his own family only, or three or four persons prepared for the purpose. No; it was in an open street in the city of Bristol, at one or two in the afternoon; and, the doors being open from the beginning, not only many of the neighbours from every side, but several others, (indeed, whosoever desired it,) went in, till the house could contain no more. Nor yet does the account of my own illness and recovery depend, as you suppose, on my bare word. There were many witnesses both of my disorder on Friday and Saturday, and my lying down most part of Sun day; (a thing they were well satisfied could not be the effect of a slight indisposition;) and all who saw me that evening, plainly discerned (what I could not wholly conceal)that I was in pain; about two hundred of whom were present when I was seized with the cough, which cut me short, so that I could speak no more; till I cried aloud, ‘Lord, increase my faith ! Lord, confirm the word of thy grace!' The same persons saw and heard, that at the instant I changed my posture, and broke out into thanksgiving; that quickly after, I stood upright, (which I could not before,) and showed no sign either of sickness or pain. “Yet I must desire you well to observe,Thirdly, that my will, or choice, or desire, had no place either in this, or any case of this kind, that has ever fallen under my notice. Five minutes before, I had no thought of this. I expected nothing less. I was willing to wait for a gradual recovery, in the ordinary use of outward means. I did not look for any other cure, till the moment before I found it. And it is my belief, that the case was always the same with regard to the most real and undoubted miracles. I believe God never interposed his miraculous power, but according to his own sovereign will; not according to the will of man; neither of him by whom he wrought, nor of any other man whatsoever.

9. You assert, Lastly, that any who choose a Methodist Clergyman for their Lecturer, “put into that office, which should be held by a Minister of the Church of England, an enemy, who undermines not only the legal establishment of that Church, but also the foundation of all religion.” (Page 13.) Once more we must call upon you for the proof; the proof of these two particulars, First, that I, John Wesley, am “an enemy to the Church; and that I undermine not only the legal establishment of the Church of England, but also the very foun dation of all religion.” Secondly. That “Mr. V-- is an enemy to the Church, and is undermining all religion, as well as the establishment.” 10. Another word, and I have done: Are there “certain qualifications required of all Lecturers, before they are by law permitted to speak to the people?” (Page 14.) And is a subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles of religion one of these qualifications? And is a person who does not “conform to such subscription” disqualified to be a Lecturer? or, who “has ever held or published anything contrary to what the Church of England maintains?” Then certainly you, Dr. John Free, are not “permitted by law to speak to the people;” nei ther are you “qualified to be a Lecturer” in any church in London or England, as by law established. For you flatly deny and openly oppose more than one or two of those Articles. You do not in anywise conform to the subscription you made before you was ordained either Priest or Deacon. You both hold and publish (if you are the author and publisher of the tract before me) what is grossly, palpably “contrary to what the Church of England maintains,” in her Homilies as well as Articles; those Homilies to which you have also sub scribed, in subscribing the Thirty-sixth Article. You have sub cribed them, Sir; but did you ever read them? Did you ever read so much as the three first Homilies? I beg of you, Sir, to read these at least, before you write again about the doctrine of the Church of England. And would it not be prudent to read a few of the writings of the Methodists before you undertake a farther confutation of them? At present you know not the men, or their communication.

A Letter to the Rev. Dr. Horne Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 9 (Zondervan) Author: John Wesley --- WHEN you spoke of “heresies making their periodical revolutions,” of “Antinomianism rampant among us,” and, immediately after, of “the new lights at the Tabernacle and Foundery,” must not your hearers naturally think that Mr. Whitefield and I were reviving those heresies? But do you know the persons of whom you speak? Have you ever con versed with them? Have you read their writings? If not, is it kind, is it just, to pass so severe a censure upon them? Had you only taken the trouble of reading one tract, the “Appeal to Men of Reason and Religion,” you would have seen that a great part of what you affirm is what I never denied. To put this beyond dispute, I beg leave to transcribe some passages from that treatise; which will show not only what I teach now, but what I have taught for many years. I will afterward simply and plainly declare wherein I as yet differ from you: And the rather, that if I err therein, you may, by God’s assistance, convince me of it. I. 1. “Justification sometimes means our acquittal at the last day. (Matt. xii. 37.) But this is altogether out of the present question; that justification whereof our Articles and Homilies speak, meaning present forgiveness, pardon of sins, and, consequently, acceptance with God; who therein ‘declares his righteousness’ (or mercy, by or) “for the remission of the sins that are past; saying, ‘I will be merciful to thy unrighteousness, and thine iniquities I will remember no more.” (Rom. iii. 25; Heb. viii. 12.) “I believe the condition of this is faith. (Rom. iv. 5, &c.) I mean, not only, that without faith we cannot be justified; but also, that as soon as any one has true faith, in that moment he is justified. “Good works follow this faith, but cannot go before it: (Luke vi. 43:) Much less can sanctification, which implies a continued course of good works, springing from holiness of heart. But it is allowed, that entire sanctification goes before our justification at the last day. (Heb. xii. 14.) “It is allowed, also, that repentance, and ‘fruits meet for repentance, go before faith. (Mark i. 15; Matt. iii.

iii. 8.) Repent ance absolutely must go before faith; fruits meet for it, if there be opportunity. By repentance, I mean conviction of sin, pro ducing real desires and sincere resolutions of amendment; and by “fruits meet for repentance, forgiving our brother; (Matt. vi. 14, 15;) ceasing from evil, doing good; (Luke iii. 8, 9, &c.;) using the ordinances of God, and, in general, obeying him according to the measure of grace which we have received. (Matthew vii. 7; xxv. 29.) But these I cannot as yet term good works; because they do not spring from faith and the love of God.” (Farther Appeal. Vol. VIII. pp. 46, 47.) 2. “Faith alone is the proximate condition of present justi fication.” II. 1. I have shown here, at large, what is the doctrine I teach with regard to justification, and have taught, ever since I was convinced of it myself, by carefully reading the New Testament and the Homilies. In many points, I apprehend, it agrees with yours: In some it does not; these I come now to consider. May God enable me to do it in love and meekness of wisdom. You say, “Happy times, when faith and a good life were synonymous terms!” (Page 7.) I conceive, they never were. Is not faith the root, a good life the tree springing therefrom ? “That good works are a necessary condition of our justifi cation, may be proved, (1.) From express testimonies of Scrip ture. So Isaiah i. 16, 17: “Cease from evil, learn to do well.’ Then ‘your sins, that were as scarlet, shall be white as snow.’ Here, ceasing from evil, and learning to do well, are the con ditions of pardon.” I answer: Without them there is no par don; yet the immediate condition of it is faith. He that believeth, and he alone, is justified before God. “So Ezekiel xxxiii. 14-16: If the sinner ‘turn from his evil ways, and ‘walk in the statutes of life, then “all his sins shall not be once. mentioned to him.’” Most sure; that is, if he believe; else, whatever his outward walking be, he cannot be justified. The next scripture you cite, Matt. xi. 28, (Sermon, p. 10,) proves no more than this, that none find “rest to their souls,” unless they first come to Christ, (namely, by faith,) and then obey him.

But here I am under a great disadvantage, having few of my papers by me. Excuse me therefore if I do not give so full an account now, as I may possibly do hereafter; if I only give you for the present the extracts of some papers which were lately put into my hands. 1. “THoMAs Jones, of Cork, merchant, deposes, “That on May 3, 1749, Nicholas Butler, ballad-singer, came before the house of this deponent, and assembled a large mob : That this deponent went to Daniel Crone, Esq., then Mayor of Cork, and desired that he would put a stop to those riots; asking, at the same time, whether he gave the said Butler leave to go about in this manner: That Mr. Mayor said, he neither gave him leave, neither did he hinder him : That in the evening Butler gathered a larger mob than before, and went to the house where the people called Methodists were assembled to hear the word of God, and, as they came out, threw dirt and hurt several of them. “That on May 4, this deponent, with some others, went to the Mayor and told what had been done, adding, “If your Wor ship pleases only to speak three words to Butler, it will all be over:” That the Mayor gave his word and honour there should be no more of it, he would put an entire stop to it: That, not withstanding, a larger mob than ever came to the house the same evening: That they threw much dirt and many stones at the people, both while they were in the house, and when they came out: That the mob then fell upon them, both on men and women, with clubs, hangers, and swords; so that many of them were much wounded, and lost a considerable quantity of blood. “That on May 5, this deponent informed the Mayor of all, and also that Butler had openly declared there should be a greater mob than ever there was that night: That the Mayor promised he would prevent it: That in the evening Butler did bring a greater mob than ever: That this deponent, hearing the * Celebrated parts of Cork.

“That on May 5, this deponent informed the Mayor of all, and also that Butler had openly declared there should be a greater mob than ever there was that night: That the Mayor promised he would prevent it: That in the evening Butler did bring a greater mob than ever: That this deponent, hearing the * Celebrated parts of Cork. Mayor designed to go out of the way, set two men to watch him, and, when the riot was begun, went to the ale-house, and inquired for him : That the woman of the house denying he was there, this deponent insisted he was, declared he would not go till he had seen him, and began searching the house: That Mr. Mayor then appearing, he demanded his assistance to suppress a riotous mob: That when the Mayor came in sight of them, he beckoned to Butler, who immediately came down from the place where he stood: That the Mayor then went with this deponent, and looked on many of the people covered with dirt and blood: That some of them still remained in the house, fearing their lives, till James Chatterton and John Reilly, Esqrs., Sheriffs of Cork, and Hugh Millard, junior, Esq., Alderman, turned them out to the mob, and nailed up the doors. 2. “ELIZABETH HollBRAN, of Cork, deposes, “That on May 3, as she was going down to Castle-Street, she saw Nicholas Butler on a table, with ballads in one hand, and a Bible in the other: That she expressed some concern thereat; on which Sheriff Reilly ordered his bailiff to carry her to Bridewell: That afterward the bailiff came and said, his master ordered she should be carried to gaol: And that she continued in gaol from May 3, about eight in the evening, till between ten and twelve on May 5. 3.

3. “John StockDALE, of Cork, tallow-chandler, deposes, “That on May 5, while he and others were assembled to hear the word of God, Nicholas Butler came down to the house where they were, with a very numerous mob: That when this deponent came out, they threw all manner of dirt and abun dance of stones at him: That they then beat, bruised, and cut him in several places: That seeing his wife on the ground, and the mob abusing her still, he called out and besought them not to kill his wife: That on this one of them struck him with a large stick, as did also many others, so that he was hurt in several parts, and his face in a gore of blood. 4. “DANIEL SULLIvAN, of Cork, baker, deposes, “That every day but one from the sixth to the sixteenth of May, Nicholas Butler assembled a riotous mob before this deponent’s house: That they abused all who came into the shop, to the great damage of this deponent’s business: That, on or about the fifteenth, Butler swore he would bring a mob the next day, and pull down his house: That, accordingly, on the sixteenth he did bring a large mob, and beat or abused all that came to the house: That the Mayor walked by while the mob was so employed, but did not hinder them: That after wards they broke his windows, threw dirt and stones into his shop, and spoiled a great quantity of his goods.

“DANIEL SULLIVAN is ready to depose farther, “That, from the sixteenth of May to the twenty-eighth, the mob gathered every day before his house: That on Sunday, 28, Butler swore they would come the next day, and pull down the house of that heretic dog; and called aloud to the mob, ‘Let the heretic dogs indict you: I will bring you all off without a farthing cost.’ “That, accordingly, on May 29, Butler came with a greater mob than before: That he went to the Mayor and begged him to come, which he for some time refused to do; but after much importunity, rose up, and walked with him down the street: That when they were in the midst of the mob, the Mayor said aloud, ‘It is your own fault for entertaining these Preachers: If you will turn them out of your house, I will engage there shall be no more harm done; but if you will not turn them out, you must take what you will get: That upon this the mob set up an huzza, and threw stones faster than before; that he said, ‘This is fine usage under a Protestant Government If I had a Priest saying mass in every room of it, my house would not be touched:” That the Mayor replied, ‘The Priests are tolerated, but you are not; you talk too much: Go in, and shut up your doors l’ That, seeing no remedy, he did so; and the mob continued breaking the windows and throwing stones in till near twelve at night. “That on May 31, the said Sullivan and two more went and informed the Mayor of what the mob was then doing: That it was not without great importunity they brought him as far as the Exchange: That he would go no farther, nor send any help, though some that were much bruised and wounded came by: That some hours after, when the mob had finished their work, he sent a party of soldiers to guard the walls. 5.

“ANN WRIGHT, of Cork, deposes, “That on or about the 12th of June, as this deponent was in her own house, Butler and his mob came before her door, calling her and her family heretic bitches, and swearing he would make her house hotter than hell-fire: That he threw dirt and stomes at them, hit her in the face, dashed all the goods about which she had in her window, and, she really believes, would have dashed out her brains, had she not quitted her shop, and fled for her life. “MARGARET GRIFFIN, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 24th of June, as this deponent was about her business, Butler and his mob came up, took hold on her, tore her clothes, struck her several times, and cut her mouth; that after she broke from him, he and his mob pursued her to her house, and would have broken in, had not some neigh bours interposed: That he had beat and abused her several times before, and one of those times to such a degree, that she was all in a gore of blood, and continued spitting blood for several days after. “JAcoB CoNNER, clothier, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 24th of June, as he was employed in his lawful business, Butler and his mob came up, and, without any manner of provocation, fell upon him: That they beat him till they caused such an effusion of blood as could not be stopped for a considerable time: And that he verily believes, had not a gentleman interposed, they would have killed him on the spot. 9. “ANN HUGHEs, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 29th of June, she asked Nicholas Butler, why he broke open her house on the 21st: That hereon he called her many abusive names, (being attended with his usual mob,) dragged her up and down, tore her clothes in pieces, and with his sword stabbed and cut her in both her arms. “DANIEL FILTs, blacksmith, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 29th of June, Butler and a riotous mob came before his door, called him many abusive names, drew his hanger, and threatened to stab him: That he and his mob the next day assaulted the house of this deponent with drawn swords: And that he is persuaded, had not one who came by prevented, they would have taken away his life. 10.

10. “MARY FULLER, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 30th of June, Butler, at the head of his mob, came between nine and ten at night to the deponent’s shop, with a naked sword in his hand; that he swore he would cleave. the depomont's skull, and immediately made a full stroke at her head; whereupon she was obliged to fly for her life, leaving her shop and goods to the mob, many of which they hacked and hewed with their swords, to her no small loss and damage. “HENRY DUNKLE, joiner, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 30th of June, as he was standing at the widow Fuller’s shop window, he saw Butler, accompanied with a large mob, who stopped before her shop: That after he had grossly abused her, he made a full stroke with his hanger at her head, which must have cleft her in two, had not this deponent received the guard of the hanger on his shoulder: That presently after, the said Butler seized upon this depo ment: That he seized him by the collar with one hand, and with the other held the hanger over his head, calling him all manner of names, and tearing his shirt and clothes: And that, had it not been for the timely assistance of some neigh bours, he verily believes he should have been torn in pieces. “MARGARET TRIMNELL, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 30th of June, John Austin and Nicholas Butler, with a numerous mob, came to her shop: That, after calling her many names, Austin struck her with his club on the right arm, so that it has been black ever since from the shoulder to the elbow : That Butler came next, and with a great stick struck her a violent blow across the back: That many of them then drew their swords, which they carried under their coats, and cut and hacked her goods, part of which they threw out into the street, while others of them threw dirt and stones into the shop, to the considerable damage of her goods, and loss of this deponent.” 11. It was not for those who had any regard either to their persons or goods, to oppose Mr. Butler after this.

Butler after this. So the poor people patiently suffered whatever he and his mob were pleased to inflict upon them, till the Assizes drew on, at which they doubted not to find a sufficient, though late, relief. Accordingly, twenty-eight depositions were taken, (from the foul copies of some of which the preceding account is mostly transcribed,) and laid before the Grand Jury, August 19. But they did not find any one of these bills. Instead of this, they made that memorable presentment which is worthy to be preserved in the annals of Ireland to all succeeding generations: “We find and present Charles Wesley to be a person of ill fame, a vagabond, and a common disturber of His Majesty’s peace; and we pray he may be transported. “We find and present James Williams,” &c. “We find and present Robert Swindle,” &c. “We find and present Jonathan Reeves,” &c. “We find and present James Wheatly,” &c. “We find and present John Larwood,” &c. “We find and present Joseph M'Auliff,” &c. “We find and present Charles Skelton,” &c. “We find and present William Tooker,” &c. “We find and present Daniel Sullivan,” &c. 12. Mr. Butler and his mob were now in higher spirits than ever. They scoured the streets day and night; frequently hallooing, as they went along, “Five pounds for a Swaddler’s head!”* their chief declaring to them all, he had full liberty now to do whatever he would, even to murder, if he pleased; as Mr. Swain, of North Abbey, and others are ready to testify. 13. The Sessions, held at Cork on the 5th of October fol lowing, produced another memorable presentment. “We find and present John Horton to be a person of ill fame, a vagabond, and a common disturber of His Majesty’s peace; and we pray that he may be transported.” But complaint being made of this above, as wholly illegal, it vanished into air. 14. Some time after, Mr. Butler removed to Dublin, and began to sing his ballads there. But having little success, he returned to Cork, and in January began to scour the streets again, pursuing all of “this way,” with a large mob at his heels, armed with swords, staves, and pistols. Com plaint was made of this to William Holmes, Esq., the present Mayor of Cork.

Com plaint was made of this to William Holmes, Esq., the present Mayor of Cork. But there was no removal of the thing complained of; the riots were not suppressed: Nay, they not only continued, but increased. 15. From the beginning of February to the end, His Majesty’s peace was preserved just as before; of which it may be proper to subjoin two or three instances, for the information of all thinking men -- “WILLIAM JEwBLL, clothier, of Shandon Church-Lane, deposes, “That Nicholas Butler, with a riotous mob, several times * A name first given to Mr. Cennick, from his first preaching on those words: “Ye shall find the babe wrapped in swaddling clothes, lying in a manger.” assaulted this deponent’s house: That particularly on the 23d of February, he came thither with a large mob, armed with clubs and other weapons: That several of the rioters entered the house, and swore, the first who resisted, they would blow their brains out: That the deponent’s wife, en deavouring to stop them, was assaulted and beaten by the said Butler; who then ordered his men to break the deponent's windows, which they did with stones of a considerable weight. “MARY PHILIPs, of St.

“MARY PHILIPs, of St. Peter's Church-Lane, deposes, “That on the 26th of February, about seven in the evening, Nicholas Butler came to her house with a large mob, and asked where her husband was: That as soon as she appeared, he first abused her in the grossest terms, and then struck her on the head, so that it stunned her; and she verily believes, had not some within thrust to and fastened the door, she should have been murdered on the spot.” It may suffice for the present to add one instance more -- “ELIZABETH GARDELET, wife of Joseph Gardelet, Corporal, in Colonel Pawlet’s regiment, Captain Charlton’s company, deposes, “That on February 28, as she was going out of her lodgings, she was met by Butler and his mob : That Butler, without any manner of provocation, immediately fell upon her, striking her with both his fists on the side of the head, which knocked her head against the wall: That she endeavoured to escape from him; but he pursued her, and struck her several times in the face: That she ran into the school-yard for shelter; but he followed, and caught hold of her, saying, ‘You whore, you stand on consecrated ground,’ and threw her with such force across the lane, that she was driven against the opposite wall: That when she had recovered herself a little, she made the best of her way to her lodging; but Butler still pursued, and overtook her as she was going up the stairs: That he struck her with his fist on the stomach; which stroke knocked her down backwards; that falling with the small of her back against the edge of one of the stairs, she was not able to rise again: That her pains immediately came upon her, and about two in the morning she miscarried.” 16. These, with several more depositions to the same effect, were, in April, laid before the Grand Jury. Yet they did not find any of these bills | But they found one against Daniel Sullivan, the younger, (no Preacher, but a hearer of the people called Methodists,) who, when Butler and his mob were dis charging a shower of stones upon him, fired a pistol, without any ball, over their heads.

The same evening the mob came down to Hammond’s Marsh, but stood at a distance from Mr. Stockdale's house, till the drums beat, and the Mayor's sergeants beckoned to them; on which they drew up, and began the attack. The Mayor, being sent for, came with a party of soldiers. Mr. Stockdale earnestly desired that he would disperse the mob, or at least leave the soldiers there to protect them from the rioters. But he took them all away with him; on which the mob went on, and broke all the glass and most of the window-frames in pieces. 22. Wednesday, 23. The mob was still patrolling the streets; abusing all that were called Methodists; and threat ening to murder them, and pull down their houses, if they did not leave “this way.” Thursday, 24. They again assaulted Mr. Stockdale's house, broke down the boards he had nailed up against the windows, destroyed what little remained of the window-frames and shutters, and damaged a considerable part of his goods. Friday, 25, and again on Saturday, 26, one Roger O'Ferrall fixed up an advertisement at the public Exchange, (as he had also done for several days before,) that he was ready to head any mob, in order to pull down any house that should dare to harbour a Swaddler. 23. Sunday, 27. I wrote the following letter to the Mayor: “MR. MAYoR, “AN hour ago I received A Letter to Mr. Butler, just reprinted at Cork. The publishers assert, ‘It was brought down from Dublin to be distributed among the society. But Mr. Wesley called in as many as he could.” Both these assertions are absolutely false. I read some lines of that letter when I was in Dublin, but never read it over before this morning. Who the author of it is, I know not. But this I know; Inever called in one; neither concerned myself about it; much less brought any down to distribute among the society. “Yet I cannot but return my hearty thanks to the gentle 'men who have distributed them through the town.

As to your philosophy, the main of your theory respects, 1. Things antecedent to the creation: 2. The creation itself: 3. Adam in paradise: 4. The fall of man. I do not undertake formally to refute what you have asserted on any of these heads. I dare not; I cannot answer either to God or man such an employment of my time. I shall only give a sketch of this strange system, and ask a few obvious questions. And 1. Of things antecedent to the creation. “All that can be conceived is God, or nature, or creature.” (Spirit of Prayer, Part II, p. 33.) Is nature created, or not created ? It must be one or the other; for there is no medium. If not created, is it not God? If created, is it not a creature? How then can there be three, God, nature, and creature; since nature must coincide either with God or creature ? “Nature is initself a hungry, wrathful fire of life.” (Page 34.) “Nature is and can be only a desire. Desire is the very being of nature.” (Spirit of Love, Part I., p. 20.) “Nature is only a desire, because it is for the sake of some thing else. Nature is only a torment; because it cannot help itself to that which it wants.” (Page 34.) “Nature is the outward manifestion of the invisible glories of God.” (Part II., p. 62.) Is not the last of these definitions contradictory to all that precede? If desire is the very being of nature; if it is a torment, an hungry, wrathful fire; how is it “the outward manifestation of the invisible glories of God?” “Nature as well as God is antecedent to all creatures.” (Page 59.) “There is an eternal nature, as universal and as unlimited as God.” (Page 64.) Is then nature God? Or are there two eternal, universai, infinite beings? * Mr. Law’s words are enclosed all along in commas. “Nothing is before eternal nature but God.” (Ibid.) “Nothing but !” Is anything before that which is eternal? But how is this grand account of nature consistent with what you say elsewhere?

I do not mean by misrepresenting his sentiments; (though some of his profound admirers are positive that you misunderstand and murder him throughout;) but by dragging him out of his awful obscurity; by pouring light upon his venerable darkness. Men may admire the deepness of the well, and the excellence of the water it contains: But if some officious person puts a light into it, it will appear to be both very shallow and very dirty. I could not have borne to spend so many words on so egre gious trifles, but that they are mischievous trifles: IIae nuga seria ducent In mala.t This is dreadfully apparent in your own case, (I would not speak, but that Idare not refrain,) whom, notwithstanding your * The example is pleasing.--EDIT. # This quotation from Horace is thus translated by Boscawen : *These trifles serious mischief brecd.”-EDIT, uncommon abilities, they have led astray in things of the greatest importance. Bad philosophy has, by insensible degrees, paved the way for bad divinity: In consequence of this miserable hypothesis, you advance many things in reli gion also, some of which are unsupported by Scripture, some even repugnant to it. II. Some of these I shall now mention with the utmost plainness, as knowing for whom, and before whom, I speak. And, 1. You deny the omnipotence of God. You say: “As no seeing eye could be created unless there was, antecedent to it, a natural visibility of things,” (Why not? Why might not visible things be created at the same instant with it?) “so no creature could come into any natural life, unless such a state of nature was antecedent to it.” (Page 60.) “All that God does is, and must be, done in and by the powers of nature.” (Page 135.) What then did it avail that, as you elsewhere say, God was before nature? He not only could not then do all things, but he could do nothing till nature existed. But if so, how came nature itself, this second eternal, to exist at all? “There cannot possibly be any other difference between created beings, than arises from that out of which they were created.” (Page 60.) Why not? Who will stay the hand of the Almighty, or say unto him, What doest thou?

A Letter to the Rev. Mr. Potter Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 9 (Zondervan) Author: John Wesley --- 1. TILL to-day I had not a sight of your sermon, “On the Pretended Inspiration of the Methodists.” Otherwise I should have taken the liberty, some days sooner, of sending you a few lines. That sermon, indeed, only repeats what has been often said before, and as often answered. But as it is said again, I believe it is my duty to answer it again. Not that I have any acquaintance with Mr. Cayley or Osborn: I never exchanged a word with either. However, as you lump me and them toge ther, I am constrained to speak for myself, and once more to give a reason of my hope, that I am clear from the charge you bring against me. 2. There are several assertions in your sermon which need not be allowed; but they are not worth disputing. At present, therefore, I shall only speak of two things: (1.) Your account of the new birth; and, (2) “The pretended inspiration” (as you are pleased to term it) “of the Methodists.” 3. Of the new birth, you say, “The terms of being regene. rated, of being born again, of being born of God, are often used to express the works of gospel righteousness.” (Pages 10, 11.) I cannot allow this. I know not that they are ever used in Scripture to express any outward work at all. They always express an inward work of the Spirit, whereof baptism is the outward sign. You add, “Their primary, peculiar, and precise meaning signifies” (a little impropriety of expression) “our redemption from death, and restoration to eternal life, through the grace of God.” (Page 13.) It does not, unless by death you mean sin; and by eternal life, holiness. The precise mean ing of the term is, “a new birth unto righteousness,” an in ward change from unholy to holy tempers. You go on : “This grace our Lord here calls, ‘entering into the kingdom of God.’” If so, his assertion is, “Except a man be born again,--he cannot” be born again. Not so. What he says is, Except a man experience this change, he cannot enter into my kingdom. 4.

4. You proceed: “Our holy Church doth teach us, that-- by the laver of regeneration in baptism, we are received into the number of the children of God-This is the first part of the new birth.” What is the first part of the new birth P baptism? It is the outward sign of that inward and spiritual grace; but no part of it at all. It is impossible it should be. The outward sign is no more a part of the inward grace than the body is a part of the soul. Or do you mean, that regeneration is a part of the new birth ? Nay, this is the whole of it. Or is it the “laver of regeneration ” which is the first part of it? That cannot be; for you suppose this to be the same with baptism. 5. “The second part, the inward and spiritual grace, is a death unto sin, and a new birth unto righteousness.” What 1 Is the new birth the second part of the new birth? I appre hend it is the first and second part too: And surely nothing could have prevented your seeing this, but the ardour of your spirit, and the impetuosity with which you rush along and trample down all before you. Your manner of writing reminds me of an honest Quaker in Cornwall, whose words I would recommend to your consideration. Being consulted by one of the Friends, whether he should publish a tract which he had read to many in private, he replied, “What! Art thou not content with laying John Wesley on his back, but thou must tread his guts out too?” 6. So much for your account of the new birth. I am, in the Second place, to consider the account you give of “the pretended inspiration” (so you are pleased to term it) “of the Methodists.” “The Holy Ghost sat on the Apostles with cloven tongues as of fire;--and signs and wonders were done by their hands.” ThE REV. M.R. POTTER, 9I (Pages 16, 17, 18.) Wonders indeed! sick by a word, a touch, a shadow !-- For they healed the They spake the dead alive, and living dead.

Suppose these were “exalted degrees of strictness,” is your Lordship absolutely assured that we practise them only “to make our way into weak minds and fickle heads?” Where is the proof that these “pretences to greater sanctity,” (as your Lordship is pleased to phrase them,) are mere pretences, and have nothing of reality or sincerity in them? My Lord, this is an accusation of the highest nature. If we are guilty, we are not so much as moral Heathens. We are monsters, not only unworthy of the Christian name, but unfit for human society. It tears up all pretences to the love of God and man; to justice, mercy, or truth. But how is it proved? Or does your Lordship read the heart, and so pass sentence with out any proof at all? O my Lord, ought an accusation of the lowest kind to be thus received, even against the lowest of the people? How much less can this be reconciled with the apos tolical advice to the Bishop of Ephesus: “Against a Presbyter receive not an accusation, but before two or three witnesses;” and those face to face. When it is thus proved, “them that sin, rebuke before all.” Your Lordship doubtless remembers * I continued this about two years. the words that follow : (How worthy to be written in your heart!) “I charge thee, before God, and the Lord Jesus Christ, and the elect angels, that thou observe these things without preferring one before another, doing nothing by partiality.” (1 Timothy v. 19-21.) IV. 16. “They mislead the people into an opinion of the high merit of punctual attendances on their performances, to the neglect of the business of their stations.” (Ibid. p. 26.) My Lord, this is not so. You yourself, in this very Charge, have cleared us from one part of this accusation. You have borne us witness, (ibid. p.

p. 219.) Sir, do I here “summon my opponents to the bar of judg ment?” So you would make me do, by quoting only that scrap, “I cite you all, before ‘the Judge of all the earth!’” You then add, with equal charity and sincerity, “Here you have the true spirit of an enthusiast, flushed with a modest assur ance of his own salvation, and the charitable prospect of the damnation of others.” O Sir, never name modesty more ! Here end your laboured attempts to show the “uncharitable spirit” of the Methodists; who, for anything you have shown to the contrary, may be the most charitable people under the Sun. 30. You charge the Methodists next with “violation and contempt of order and authority;” (Section xviii. p. 124;) namely, the authority of the governors of the Church. I have answered every article of this charge, in the Second and Third Parts of the “Farther Appeal,” and the “Letter to Mr. Church.” When you have been so good as to reply to what is there advanced, I may possibly say something more. What you offer of your own upon this head, I shall consider without delay:-- “Women and boys are actually employed in this ministry of public preaching.” Please to tell me where. I know them not, nor ever heard of them before. You add, what is more marvellous still, “I speak from per sonal knowledge, that sometimes, a little before delivering of the elements at the communion, three or four Methodists together will take it into their heads to go away; that sometimes, while the sentences of the offertory were reading, they have called out to the Minister who carried the bason, reproaching him for ask ing alms of them; that sometimes, when the Minister has deli vered the bread into their hands, instead of eating it, they would slip it into their pockets.” Sir, you must show your face, before these stories will find credit on your bare asseveration. “Yet they are surprised,” you say, “that every man in his senses does not, without the least hesitation, join them.” Sir, I am surprised (unless you are not in your senses) at your advancing such a barefaced falsehood. 31. You go on: “Under this head may, not improperly, be considered their undutiful behaviour to the civil powers.” What proof have you of this?

Who fanaticized his own followers, and de prived them of their senses? Whose societies (by his own con fession) run over in shoals to Moravianism forty or fifty at a time? Would they have split upon this rock, if they had not been first Methodists? Lastly: Where is the spawn of Mora vianism so strongly working as in the children of Methodism?” Sir, you run very fast. And yet I hope to overtake you by and by. “Mr. Wesley,” you say, “has preached against the Moravians, since he quarrelled with them.” Sir, I never quarrelled with their persons yet: I did with some of their tenets long ago. He “gives them a box on the ear with the one hand, and embraces them with the other.” That is, I embrace what is good among them, and at the same time re prove what is evil. “Who first brought over this wicked generation?” Not I, whether they be wicked or not. I once thought I did; but have since then seen and acknow ledged my mistake. “Who made a Moravian his spiritual guide?” Not I; though I have occasionally consulted several. “Who fanaticized his own followers, and deprived them of their senses?” Not I. Prove it upon me if you can. “Whose societies (by his own confession) run over in shoals to Mora vianism, forty or fifty at a time?” Truly, not mine. Two and-fifty of Kingswood society ran over to Calvinism, and, a year before, part of Fetter-Lane society gradually went over to the Moravians. But I know none of ours that went over “in shoals.” They never, that I remember, gained five at a time; nor fifty in all, to the best of my knowledge, for these last ten years. “Would they” (of Fetter-Lane) “have split on this rock, if they had not first been Methodists?” Undoubtedly they would; for several of them had not first been Methodists. Mr. Viney, for instance, (as well as several others,) was with the Germans before ever he saw me. “Lastly: Where is the spawn of Moravianism working so strongly as in the children of Methodism?” If you mean the errors of Moravianism, they are not working at all in the generality of the children of Methodism; the Methodists in general being thoroughly apprized of, and fully guarded against, them.

Is it the offspring of heaven, or a smoke from the bottomless pit? O Sir, whence is that zeal which makes you talk in such a manner to his Grace of Canterbury? “I lay before you the disposition of an enemy who threaten our Church with a gene ral alteration or total subversion; who interrupt us as we walk the streets,” (Whom? When? Where?) “in that very dress which distinguishes us as servants of the state,” (altogether servants of the state?) “in the now sad capacity of Ministers of the falling Church of England. Such being the prostrate, miserable condition of the Church, and such the triumphant state of its enemies, none of the English Priesthood can expect better security or longer continuance than the rest. They all subsist at mercy. Your Grace and those of your order will fare no better than those of our own.” Sir, are you in earnest? Do you really believe Lambeth is on the point of being blown up? You go on: “In the remote counties of England, I have seen a whole troop of these divines on horseback, travelling with each a sister behind him.” O Sir, O Sir, What should be great you turn to farce! Have you forgot, that the Church and nation are on the brink of ruin? But pray when and where did you see this? in what year, or in what county? I cannot but fear you take this story on trust; for such a sight, I will be bold to say, was never seen. With an easy familiarity you add: “My Lord, permit me here to whisper a word” (Is not this whispering in print some thing new 7) “that may be worth remembering. In our memory, some of the Priesthood have not proved so good sub jects as might have been expected, till they have been brought over with preferments, that were due to other people.” Mean ing, I presume, to yourself. Surely his Grace will remember this, which is so well worth remembering, and dispose of the next preferment in his gift where it is sojustly due. If he does not, if he either forgets this or your other directions, you tell him frankly what will be the consequence: “We must apply to Tarliament;” (p. 6;) or to His Majesty; and, indeed, how can you avoid it?

Now, how is this to be accounted for, that, in so long a tract of time, no one nation under the sun has been able, by whole some laws, or by any other method, to remove this grievous evil; so that, their children being well educated, the scale might at length turn on the side of reason and virtue? These are questions which I conceive will not easily be answered to the satisfaction of any impartial inquirer. But, to bring the matter to a short issue: The first parents who educated their children in vice and folly, either were wise and virtuous themselves, or were not. If they were not, their vice did not proceed from education; so the supposition falls to the ground: Wickedness was antecedent to bad education. If they were wise and virtuous, it cannot be supposed but they would teach their children to tread in the same steps. In mowise, therefore, can we account for the present state of mankind from example or education. 2. Let us then have recourse to the oracles of God.

The second scripture you cite is Gen. iii., from verse 7 to 24. (Pages 9, 10.) On this you observe: Here “we have some consequences of our first parents’ sin before God judged them; some appointed by his judicial sentence; and some which happened after that sentence was pronounced.” (Page 11.) “Immediately upon their transgression, they were seized with shame and fear. Guilt will always be attended with shame. And a state of guilt is often in Scripture expressed by being naked. Moses ‘saw that the people were naked; for Aaron had made them naked to their shame among their enemies.” (Exod. xxxii. 25.)” Certainly, naked does not mean guilty here; but either stripped of their ornaments, (xxxiii. 5, 6) or of their swords, or their upper garment. “Thy nakedness shall be uncovered; yea, thy shame shall be seen.” (Isaiah xlvii. 3.) (Page 12.) Here also nakedness does not mean guilt; but is to be taken literally, as mani festly appears from the words immediately preceding: “Make bare the leg, uncover the thigh, pass over the rivers.” (Verse 2.) And, “Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his gar ments, lest he walk naked, and they see his shame.” (Rev. xvi. 15.) The plain meaning is, lest he lose the graces he has received, and so be ashamed before men and angels. “Their fear is described: “Adam and his wife hid them selves from the presence of the Lord God among the trees of the garden. (Gen. iii. 8.) They had no such fear while they were innocent; but now they were afraid to stand before their Judge.” (Page 13.) This is all you can discern in the Mosaic account as the consequence of our first parents’ sin, before God judged them. Mr. Hervey discerns something more. I make no apology for transcribing some of his words: “Adam violated the precept, and, as the nervous original expresses it, “died the death.’ He before possessed a life incomparably more excellent than that which the beasts en joy. He possessed a divine life, consisting, according to the Apostle, “in knowledge, in righteousness, and true holi ness.’ This, which was the distinguishing glory of his na ture, in the day that he ate the forbidden fruit was extinct. “His understanding, originally enlightened with wisdom, was clouded with ignorance. His heart, once warmed with heavenly love, became alienated from God his Maker.

You affirm, (6.) “The consequences of Adam’s sin answer those of Christ's obedience; but not exactly: ‘Not as the offence, so is the free gift. For if through the offence of one many be dead, much more the grace’ (or favour) ‘of God and the gift” (the benefits that are) ‘by grace, which is by one mail Jesus Christ, hath abounded unto many.’ (Verse 15.) That is, he hath in Christ bestowed benefits upon man kind, far exceeding the consequences of Adam’s sin; in erect ing a new dispensation, furnished with a glorious fund of light and truth, means and motives.” (Pages 43,44.) This is true; but how small a part of the truth ! What a poor, low account of the Christian dispensation 1 You go on: “‘Not as it was by one that sinned, so is the gift : For the judgment was by one offence to condemnation; but the free gift is of many offences unto justification;' (verse 16;) that is, the grace of God in Christ discharges mankind from the consequences of Adam’s one offence.” Does it en tirely discharge them from these consequences? from sorrow, and labour, and death, which you affirmed a while ago to be the only consequences of it that affect his posterity? It “also sets them quite to rights with God, both as to a conformity to the law and eternal life.” Is not this allowing too much? Is it well consistent with what you said before? “In the 19th verse, the Apostle concludes the whole argument: “As by one man’s disobedience many were made sinners, so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous.’” (Page 29, et seq.) “Were made sinners,” you aver means only, “were made mortal.” If so, the counterpart, “made righteous,” can only mean, “made immortal.” And that you thought so then, appears from your citing as a parallel text, “In Christ shall all be made alive;” which you had be fore asserted to mean only, “shall be raised from the dead.” 14.

“In the 19th verse, the Apostle concludes the whole argument: “As by one man’s disobedience many were made sinners, so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous.’” (Page 29, et seq.) “Were made sinners,” you aver means only, “were made mortal.” If so, the counterpart, “made righteous,” can only mean, “made immortal.” And that you thought so then, appears from your citing as a parallel text, “In Christ shall all be made alive;” which you had be fore asserted to mean only, “shall be raised from the dead.” 14. “Hence it followeth, First, that the abounding of God’s grace, and the blessing by that grace, doth not respect the consequences of Adam’s sin, hath no reference to his transgression, but to the grace of God, and the obedience of Christ.” (Page 45.) “The abounding of God’s grace,” you inform us, “has reference to the grace of God.” Most sure: But this does not prove that it has no reference to the con sequences of Adam’s sin. If we gain more blessing by Christ than we lost by Adam, it is doubtless abounding grace. But still it has a reference to Adam’s transgression, and the con sequences of it. It is over these that it abounds; therefore it has a manifest respect to them. “It followeth, Secondly, that in the 18th and 19th verses the Apostle considers the effects of Christ's obedience only so far as they answer to, and reverse the consequences of, Adam’s disobedience; the additional benefits flowing there from having been mentioned apart in the 15th, 16th, and 17th verses.” (Page 46.) In those verses the Apostle does un doubtedly show how the blessing by Christ abounded over the curse by Adam. But what then? How does this prove that the 18th and 19th verses do not respect all the benefits mentioned before? Without question they do: They are a general conclusion, not from one, but all the preceding verses. “Again observe, that the ‘justification to life’ is such a justification as comes upon all men.” (Page 47.) It may in some sense; but does it in fact? According to your sense of it, it comes upon none.

By the obedience of one, many are made righteous.” (Verses 15, 18, 19.) “Thus the Apostle shows the parity between the effects of Adam’s sin, and of Christ's righteousness. Only in two instances he shows that the effect of the latter vastly exceeds the effect of the former: “(1.) It removes many sins, besides that one sin of Adam, which so affected all his posterity: “If through one offence many be dead, much more the grace of God by Jesus Christ hath abounded to many. The judgment was by one to con demnation; but the free gift is of many offences unto justifi cation.” (Verses 15, 16.) “(2.) Christ raises believers to a far happier state than that which Adam enjoyed in paradise: “Much more they who receive abundanceof grace, and of the gift of righteousness, shall reignin life by one, Jesus Christ.” (Verse 17.)” (Jennings's Vindication.) 17. Your paraphrase on the text, (Taylor’s Doctrine, &c., pp. 55-64) being only a repetition of what you had said over and over before, does not require any separate consideration. Only I must observe a few mistakes which have not occurred before: (1) “The resurrection is the first and fundamental step in the gospel salvation.” (Page 64.) No; “He shall save his ; people from their sins;” this is the first and fundamental step. (2.) You have very grievously mistaken the meaning of four texts in John vi. : “This is the Father’s will, that, of all which he hath given me, I should lose nothing, but should raise it up again at the last day.” (Verse 39) “This is the will of Him that sent me, that everyone that seeth the Son, and believethon him, should have everlasting life: And I will raise him up at the last day.” (Verse 40.) “No man can come to me except the Father draw him: And I will raise him up at the last day.” (Verse 44.) “Whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood hath eternal life; and I will raise him up at the last day.” (Verse 54.) Now, you cite all these texts as relating to the general resurrection, whereas not one of them relates to it at all. They are all promises made to true believers only; and relate wholly and solely to the resurrection of the just. 18.

But this does not amount to a natural propensity to sin.” (Page 186.) But is not pride sin Is not idolatry sin? And is it not idolatry, to “love the creature more than the Creator?” Is not revenge sin? Is it not sin to “look upon a woman,” so as “to lust after her?” And have not all men a natural pro pensity to these things? They have all, then, a natural propensity to sin. Nevertheless, this propensity is not necessary, if by necessary you mean irresistible. We can resist and conquer it too, by the grace which is ever at hand. This propensity to pride, to revenge, to idolatry, (call it taint, or anything,) cannot be pleasing to God, who yet in fact does permit that it should descend from Adam to his latest posterity. And “we can neither help nor hinder” its descending to us. Indeed we can heap up plausible argu ments to prove the impossibility of it: But I feel it, and the argument drops. Bring ever so many proofs that there can be no such thing as motion: I move, and they vanish away. “But nature cannot be morally corrupted, but by the choice of a moral agent.” (Page 187.) You may play upon words as long as you please; but still I hold this fast: I (and you too, whether you will own it or no) am inclined, and was ever since I can remember, antecedently to any choice of my own, to pride, revenge, idolatry. If you will not call these moral corruptions, call them just what you will; but the fact I am as well assured of, as that I have any memory or under standing. “But some have attempted to explain this intricate affair.” (Page 188.) I do not commend their wisdom. I do not attempt to explain even how I, at this moment, stretch out my hand, or move my finger. One more of your assertions I must not pass over “It is absurd to say, infection is derived from Adam, independent of the will of God; and to say, it is by his will, is to make him the author of the pollution.” (Page 189.) We answer: It is not derived from Adam, independent of the will of God; that is, his permissive will. But our allow ing this, does not make him the author of the pollution.

It makes no difference as to the ground of our faith, whether a doctrine was delivered by Christ himself, or by his Apostles; and whether it be written in any of the four Gospels, or of the divine Epistles. There is only this difference: The Epistles were wrote after the resurrection and ascension of Christ; therefore, after the full commencement of the gospel dispensation; whereas the discourses of Christ recorded in the Gospels were delivered before the gospel dispensation was properly begun; therefore we are to look for the peculiar doctrines of Christ rather in the Epistles than in the Gospels. However, Christ did speak of this, and referred to it more than once, during his personal ministry, particularly in his discourse with Nicodemus, and Matt. xxiii. But it is not surprising that he did not speak so largely of redeeming us from sin, original or actual, by the price of his blood, before that price was actually paid, as the Apostles did afterward. He considered the littleness of their knowledge, with the violence of their prejudices; therefore we have no cause to be surprised that no more is said on this head in those discourses which Christ delivered before his death. But to us he has told it plainly, and we do find the doctrines of original sin, and redemption from it by Jesus Christ, distinguished emphatically in almost every page of the inspired Epistles.” (Jennings’s Vindication, page 116, &c.) To sum up this: 1. Christ speaks very sparingly of many things, whereof his Apostles have spoken largely. 2. Yet he does speak of the corruption of our nature, (which St. Paul expressly tells us is derived from Adam,) particularly in the 23d of St. Matthew, and the 3d of St. John. 3. Wherever he speaks of “saving that which was lost,” he in effect speaks of this; espe cially Matt. xviii. 11, where he mentions “little children” as lost; which could not be by actual sin. 4. There was the less need of our Lord’s speaking much on this head, because it was so fully declared in the Old Testament, and was not questioned by any of those false teachers against whom he was chiefly concerned to warn his disciples.

“Had they stood, can we think any of them would have died; much less every one of them? And, especially, that half the human race should have been doomed to die before seven years old? before they reach the tenth part of the present age of man, or have done anything in life worth living for?” (Page 57.) “But let us proceed to other miseries that attend us, and hasten us down to the grave:-- “Think next of the multitudes that are racked day and night by the gout and stone, the colic and rheumatism, and all man ner of acute and painful diseases; and then say, Would a mer ciful God have contrived these torments for sinless creatures? Think of the dismal scenes of war and bloodshed that have by times overspread all nations. Cast your thought on a field of battle, where thousands of men are destroyed like brute beasts, and perish by sharp and bloody strokes, or by the fatal engines of death. See thousands more lie on the cold ground, with their flesh and limbs battered and torn, wounded and panting in extreme anguish, till the murmuring soul takes its flight. Are these the signals of their Maker’s love, and of his image in which they were created?” (Page 58.) “Think of the numbers that are swallowed up in the mighty waters, by the rage of stormy winds and seas; review the mul titudes which have been swept away by the pestilence, or con sumed by the tedious agonies of famine.

17.) This is a plain proof of the corruption of nature; forasmuch as those that have not actually sinned have their share of these sor rows; yea, and draw their first breath weeping. There are also graves of the smallest as well as the largest size; and there are never wanting some in the world, who, like Rachel, are ‘weeping for their children, because they are not.’ “(2.) How early does this corruption of nature appear ! It is soon discerned which way the bias of the heart lies. Do not the children of fallen Adam, before they can go alone, follow their father’s footsteps? What pride, ambition, curiosity, vanity, wilfulness, and averseness to good, appear in them ! And when they creep out of infancy, there is a necessity of using ‘the rod of correction, to drive away the foolishness that is bound in their heart.” “(3.) Take a view of the out-breakings of sin in the world. ‘The wickedness of man is yet great in the earth. Behold the bitter fruits of corrupt nature ! ‘By swearing, and lying, and killing, and stealing, and committing adultery, they break out,’ (like the breaking forth of waters,) “and blood toucheth blood. The world is filled with all manner of filthi ness, wickedness, and impiety. And whence is this deluge of sin on the earth, but from the breaking up of the fountains of the great deep, “the heart of man,’ out of which ‘proceed adulteries, fornications, murders, thefts, covetousness, wicked ness?’ Ye may, it may be, thank God, that ye are not in these respects ‘like other men: And you have reason; for the corruption of nature is the very same in you as in them. “(4.) Cast your eye upon those terrible convulsions the world is thrown into by the wickedness of men. Lions prey not on lions, nor wolves on wolves; but men bite and devour one another. Upon how slight occasions will men sheathe their swords in one another's bowels | Since Cain shed Abel's blood, the world has been turned into a slaughter-house. And the chase has been continued, ever since Nimrod began his hunting; as on the earth, so in the seas, the greater still devouring the lesser.

“The fourth property is fire; the fifth, the form of light and love;” (what is the form of love? and are light and love the same thing?) “the sixth, sound or understanding;” (the same thing doubtless!) “the seventh, a life of triumph ing joy.” Is then “a life of triumphing joy,” “that which brings the three and three properties into union?” If so, how is it “the result of that union?” Once more: “Attraction is an incessant working of three contrary properties,--drawing, resisting, and whirling.” That is, in plain terms, drawing is incessant drawing, resist ance, and whirling. Such is the philosophy which Jacob received by immediate inspiration; (to mention only the first principles of it;) and by which he is to explain all religion, and the whole revela tion of God! 1. As to his divinity, I object, First, to the very design of explaining religion by any philosophy whatever. The Scrip ture gives us no direction, no, nor any permission, so to do. I object, much more, to the execution of his design; the attempting to explain it by that base, unmeaning, self contradictory jargon, which is as far remote from all true, genuine philosophy, as it is from the Scripture itself. 2. But be the foundation as it may, he builds no super structure upon it, but what we knew before, either with regard to internal or external holiness. We knew before, “Neither circumcision availeth anything, nor uncircum cision, but faith that worketh by love.” And what does he teach us by all his hard, uncouth words, more than this plain truth ? We knew before that we “must be born again; ” inwardly changed from all evil tempers to all good; “from an earthly, sensual, devilish mind, to the mind that was in Christ Jesus.” And what more does he teach us on this head, by all his vain, precarious, mystical philosophy? We knew before that “the loving God with all our heart, and the loving our neighbour as ourselves, is the fulfilling of the law, the end of the commandment,” the sum of all reli gion. And what has he told us more than this, in all his nineteen volumes?- We knew before that the whole of religion is, a heart and life totally devoted to God. Has he told us, or can he tell us, any thing more?

In treating of which, you strongly intimate, -First, that such gifts did never subsist; and, Secondly, that the Apostles were equally wise and good with the “wonder workers” (your favourite term) that followed them. When therefore you add, “My opinion is this, that, after our Lord’s ascension, the extraordinary gifts he had promised were poured out on the Apostles, and the other primary instruments of planting the gospel, in order to enable them to overrule the inveterate prejudices both of the Jews and Gentiles, and to bear up against the discouraging shocks of popular rage and persecution;” (page 28;) I look upon all this to be mere grimace. You believe not one word of what you say. You cannot possibly, if you believe what you said before. For who can believe both the sides of a contradiction? 10. However, I will suppose you do believe it, and will argue with you from your own words. But first let us have a few more of them: “In process of time, as miraculous powers began to be less and less wanted, so they began gradually to decline, till they were finally withdrawn.” (Page 29.) “And this may probably be thought to have happened while some of the Apostles were still living.” These were given, you say, to the first planters of the * Non omnibus omnia-ita tamen cuilibet credenti tune data sit admirabilis Jacultas, quae se, non semper Quidem, sed dalá occasione explicaret.-GROTI Us in Marcum xvi. 17. gospel, “in order to enable them to overrule the inveterate prejudices both of Jews and Gentiles, and to bear up against the shocks of persecution.” Thus far we are agreed. They were given for these ends. But if you allow this, you cannot suppose, consistently with yourself, that they were withdrawn till these ends were fully answered. So long, therefore, as those prejudices subsisted, and Christians were exposed to the shocks of persecution, you cannot deny but there was the same occasion for those powers to be continued, as there was for their being given at first. And this, you say, is “a postulatum which all people will grant, that they continued as long as they were necessary to the Church.” (Page 11.) 11. Now, did those prejudices cease, or was persecution at an end, while some of the Apostles were still living? You have yourself abundantly shown they did not.

4. Yet you courteously add: “If from the passages referred to above, or any other, it should appear probable to any, that they were favoured on some occasions with some extraordinary illuminations, visions, or divine impressions, I shall not dispute that point; but remind them only, that these gifts were granted for their particular comfort; and do not therefore, in any manner, affect or relate to the question now before us.” (Page 10.) I ask pardon, Sir. These do so deeply affect, so nearly relate to, the question now before us, even as stated by your self, (Preface, page 28,) that in allowing these you give up the substance of the question. You yourself have declared, that one great end of the extraordinary gifts conferred on the Apostles was, “to enable them to bear up against the shocks of popular rage and persecution.” Now were not “extra ordinary illuminations, visions, and impressions,” if given at all, given for this very end; “for their particular comfort,” as you now word it? Therefore, in allowing these to the apostolic Fathers, you allow extraordinary gifts which had been formerly granted to the Apostles, to have subsisted in the church after the days of the Apostles, and for the same end as they did before. 5. Therefore the apostolic writers have not left us in the dark, with regard to our present argument; and consequently your triumph comes too soon: “Here then we have an interval of half a century, in which we have the strongest reason to pre sume that the extraordinary gifts of the apostolic age were withdrawn.” (Page 9.) No; not if all the apostolic Fathers speak of spiritual gifts as abounding among the Christians of that age; not if “extraordinary illuminations, visions, and divine impressions still subsisted among them.” For as to your now putting in, “as exerted openly in the Church for the con viction of unbelievers,” I must desire you to put it out again; it comes a great deal too late. The question between you and me was stated without it, above a hundred pages back. Although, if it be admitted, it will do you no service; seeing your proposition is overthrown, if there were “miraculous gifts after the days of the Apostles,” whether they were “openly exerted for the conviction of unbelievers” or not. 6.

And this, it seems, is “all you have been able to draw from any of the primitive writers, concerning the persons who were endued with the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost!” (Page 21.) Permit me, Sir, to apply to you what was spoken on another occasion: “Sir, the well is deep, and thou hast nothing to draw with ; ” neither sufficient skill, nor industry and appli cation. Besides, you are resolved to draw out of the well what was never in it, and must, of course, lose all your labour. III. 1. You are, “Thirdly, to show the particular characters and opinions of those Fathers who attest these gifts.” Suffer me to remind you that you mentioned nine of these, Justin, Irenaeus, Theophilus, Tertullian, Minutius Felix, Origen, Cyprian, Arnobius, and Lactantius. You are there fore now to show what were “the particular characters and opinions of these Fathers.” Indeed, I should think their opinions had small relation to the question. But, since you think otherwise, I am prepared to hear you. You premise, “that an unexceptionable witness must have ’’ (page 26) both judgment and honesty; and then, passing over the apostolic Fathers, as supposing them on your side, endeavour to show that these other Fathers had neither. 2. You begin with Justin Martyr, who, you say, “frequently affirms, that the miraculous gift of expounding the Holy Scriptures, or the mysteries of God, was granted to himself, by the special grace of God.” (Page 27.) Upon which I observe, (1.) It has not yet been agreed among learned men, that declaring “the mysteries of God” is the same thing with “expounding the Holy Scriptures.” (2.) It is not clear that Justin does affirm his being endued either with one or the other; at least, not from the passages which you cite. The first, literally translated, runs thus: “He hath revealed to us what soever things we have understood by his grace from the Scrip tures also.” * The other: “I have not any such power; but * Arekawyev sv muw wavla oaa kal aro row opaqwy Bia rms xapdos avra wevonkauev.-Dial. par. 2. God has given me the grace to understand his Scriptures.” Now, Sir, by which of these does it appear that Justin affirms he had the miraculous gift of expounding the Scriptures? 3.

11. You observe, Fourthly, “that great numbers of demoniacs subsisted in those early ages, whose chief habita stion was in a part of the church, where, as in a kind of hospital, they were under the care of the exorcists; which will account for the confidence of those challenges made to the Heathens by the Christians, to come and see how they could drive the devils out of them, while they kept such numbers of them in constant pay; always ready for the show; tried and disciplined by your exorcists to groan and howl, and give proper answers to all questions.” (Pages 94, 95.) So now the correspondence between the ventriloquist and the exorcist is grown more close than ever! But the misfortune is, this observation, likewise, wholly overthrows that which went before it. For if all the groaning and howling, and other symptoms, were no more than what they “were disciplined to by their exorcists;” (page 95;) then it cannot be, that “many of them could not possibly be cured by all the power of those exorcists 1” (Page 92.) What! could they not possibly be taught to know their masters; and when to end, as well as to begin, the show? One would think that the cures wrought upon these might have been more than temporary. Nay, it is surprising, that, while they had such numbers of them, they should ever suffer the same person to show twice. 12. You observe, Fifthly, “that, whereas this power of casting out devils had hitherto been in the hands only of the meaner part of the laity;” (that wants proof;) “it was, about the year 367, put under the direction of the Clergy; it being then decreed by the Council of Laodicea, that none should be exorcists but those appointed (or ordained) by the Bishop. But no sooner was this done, even by those who favoured and desired to support it, than the gift itself gradually decreased and expired.” (Page 95.) You here overthrow, not only your immediately preceding observation, (as usual,) but likewise what you have observed elsewhere,--that the exorcists began to be ordained “about the middle of the third century.” (Page 86.) If so, what need of decreeing it now, above an hundred years after? Again: If the exorcists were ordained an hundred years before this Council sat, what change was made by the decree of the Council?

xiv. 12.) If there be no comparison betwixt the reward and our sufferings for it, then no one has merit to transfer to another; and if every man must give an account of himself, then no man can be saved by the merits of another. But suppose there is a superabundance of satisfactions in the saints; yet what need “Hail Mary ! full of grace : The Lord be with thee, thy grace with me ! Blessed be thou among women; and blessed be St. Ann thy mother, from whom, O Virgin Mary, thou hast proceeded without sin and spot; but of thee hath Jesus Christ been born, the Son of the living God. Amen.” Thesaur. War. Exercit. in Grat. Sodal. B. V. M. Bruxel. Edit. 2 An. 1658, p. 287. * “That supererogation is necessary to indulgence, no one can deny,” saith Bellarm. de Indulg. l. 1, c. 2, init. + So Pope Clem. VI., Constit. Extrav. in Bellarm. ibid. sec. ult, is there of them, when there is such an infinite value in the sufferings of Christ, who “by one offering hath for ever perfected them that are sanctified;” (Heb. x. 14;) or who gave the Church the power so to apply them? Q. 20. Whither do the souls of those go that die in a state of grace, but are not sufficiently purged from their sins, or have not had a plenary indulgence for the remission of them? A. Such go to purgatory, a place of torment in the other world, near to hell, (Bellarm. de Purg., l. 2, c. 6, sec. Quinta est,) where they are to continue till they have made full satisfaction for their sins, and are throughly purged and prepared for heaven, whereinto no unclean thing can enter. (Catech. Rom., par. 1, c. 6, n. 3.) Q. 21. How come those persons to be punished in the other world, who depart in a state of grace out of this ? A. Because they have not here fulfilled the penance imposed upon them, or due from them to God. (Bellarm. de Indulg, l. 1, c. 6, 7.) See Quest. 19. REPLY. That those that die in a state of grace are yet in a state of torment, and are to be purged in the other world, is contrary to Scripture and antiquity.

22, c. 5;) or, as others, were instituted by the Holy Ghost; (Bellar minus, cap. de Sacr. Mis. ;) and that they serve for the majesty of that sacrifice, and to raise the mind to the contemplation of the divine things concealed in it; so none of them are superfluous and vain. (Catech., par. 2, c. 4, n.81.) But how shall we reconcile this to the numerous crossings and sprinklings, used in the celebration of the mass? For example: When the Priest is clothed with the garments rehearsed before, he comes to the altar; and, standing on the lowest step, just against the middle of it, he makes a profound reverence to the altar and crucifix. Then he ascends, and, having placed the books, &c., in order, he descends to the lowest step, and, turning himself to it, with his hands joined before his breast, and making a reverence to the altar or crucifix, he begins the mass, standing upright, and drawing with his right hand (his left hand laid on his breast) the sign of the cross from his forehead to his breast. Then he joins his hands before his breast; the Minister standing on his left hand behind him, bowing, saith, Ad Deum, &c. Then the Priest, with the Minister, say the psalm, Judica me, with Gloria Patri, at which he is to bow his head to the cross. Then he repeats the Introibo, making with his right hand the sign of the cross from the forehead to the breast. Then he bows his head and body to the altar, and there he stands bowing till the Minister saith, Misereatur. When he saith, Mea culpa, he smites thrice upon his breast with the right hand; and thus the Missal proceeds in its ceremonies in all the remaining parts of the service. Q. 75. WHAT is the matter and form of the sacrament of penance? A. The matter is contrition, confession, and satisfaction. The form is, “I absolve.” (Catech. Rom., par. 2, c. 5, n. 14, 15.) REPLY. We are told, that the matter of a sacrament is somewhat sensible; (Catech. Rom., par. 2, c. 1, n. 11;) then how is penance a sacrament, which has no such matter? For where is the matter that is sensible in contrition? The Council, to avoid this, call it, Quasi materia,--“A matter after a sort.” (Concil. Trid, Sess. 14, can. 3.) Q.

Predestination Calmly Considered Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 10 (Zondervan) Author: John Wesley --- 1. I AM inclined to believe, that many of those who enjoy the “faith which worketh by love,” may remember some time when the power of the Highest wrought upon them in an eminent manner; when the voice of the Lord laid the mountains low, brake all the rocks in pieces, and mightily shed abroad his love in their hearts, by the Holy Ghost given unto them. And at that time it is certain they had no power to resist the grace of God. They were then no more able to stop the course of that torrent which carried all before it, than to stem the waves of the sea with their hand, or to stay the sun in the midst of heaven. 2. And the children of God may continually observe how his love leads them on from faith to faith; with what tenderness He watches over their souls; with what care He brings them back if they go astray, and then upholds their going in his path, that their footsteps may not slide. They cannot but observe how unwilling He is to let them go from serving him; and how, notwithstanding the stubbornness of their wills, and the wildness of their passions, he goes on in his work, conquering and to conquer, till he hath put all his enemies under his feet. 3. The farther this work is carried on in their hearts, the more earnestly do they cry out, “Not unto us, O Lord, but unto thy name give the praise, for thy mercy and for thy truth’s sake !” the more deeply are they convinced that “by grace we are saved; not of works, lest any man should boast;” that we are not pardoned and accepted with God for the sake of anything we have done, but wholly and solely for the sake of Christ, of what he hath done and suffered for us; the more assuredly likewise do they know, that the condition of this acceptance is faith alone; before which gift of God no good work can be done, none which hath not in it the nature of sin. 4. How easily then may a believer infer, from what he hath experienced in his own soul, that the true grace of God always works irresistibly in every believer!

We might have fed the hungry, given drink to the thirsty, and covered the naked with a garment. But all these works, without thy special grace, which we never had, nor possibly could have, seeing thou hast eternally decreed to withhold it from us, would only have been splendid sins. They would only have heated the furnace of hell seven times hotter than before.” Upon your supposition, might they not say, “Righteous art thou, O Lord; yet let us plead with thee. O, why dost thou condemn us for not doing good? Was it possible for us to do anything well? Did we ever abuse the power of doing good? We never received it, and that thou knowest. Wilt thou, the Holy One, the Just, condemn us for not doing what we never had the power to do? Wilt thou condemn us for not casting down the stars from heaven? for not holding the winds in our fist ? Why, it was as possible for us to do this, as to do any work acceptable in thy sight ! O Lord, correct us, but with judgment And, before thou plungest us into everlasting fire, let us know how it was ever possible for us to escape the damnation of hell.” 33. Or, how could they have escaped (suppose you assign that as the cause of their condemnation) from inward sin, from evil desires, from unholy tempers and vile affections? Were they ever able to deliver their own souls, to rescue themselves from this inward hell? If so, their not doing it might justly be laid to their charge, and would leave them without excuse. But it was not so; they never were able to deliver their own souls; they never had the power to rescue themselves from the hands of these bosom enemies. This talent was never put into their hands. How then can they be condemned for hiding it in the earth, for non-improvement of what they never had? Who is able to purify a corrupt heart; to bring a clean thing out of an unclean? Is man, mere man, sufficient for this? No, certainly. God alone.

Saving grace, you own, he has none; none of a saving nature. And the common grace he has was not given with any design to save his soul; nor with any design to do him any good at all; but only to restrain him from hurting the elect. So far from doing him good, that this grace also necessarily increases his damnation. “And God knows this,” you say, “ and designed it should; it was one great end for which he gave it!” Then I desire to know, how is God good or loving to this man, either with regard to time or eternity? 43. Let us suppose a particular instance: Here stands a man who is reprobated from all eternity; or, if you would express it more smoothly, one who is not elected, whom God eternally decreed to pass by. Thou hast nothing therefore to expect from God after death, but to be cast into the lake of fire burning with brimstone; God having consigned thy unborn soul to hell, by a decree which cannot pass away. And from the time thou wast born under the irrevocable curse of God, thou canst have no peace. For there is no peace to the wicked; and such thou art doomed to continue, even from thy mother’s womb. Accordingly, God giveth thee of this world’s goods, on purpose to enhance thy damnation. He giveth thee now substance or friends, in order hereafter to heap the more coals of fire upon thy head. He filleth thee with food, he maketh thee fat and well liking, to make thee a more specious sacrifice to his vengeance. Good nature, generosity, a good under standing, various knowledge, it may be, or eloquence, are the flowers wherewith he adorneth thee, thou poor victim, before thou art brought to the slaughter. Thou hast grace too ! but what grace? Not saving grace. That is not for thee, but for the elect only. Thine may properly be termed, damning grace; since it is not only such in the event, but in the intention. Thou receivedst it of God for that very end, that thou mightest receive the greater damnation.

If it must be, then, let us look one another in the face. How is it more for the glory of God to save man irresistibly, than to save him as a free agent, by such grace as he may either concur with or resist? I fear you have a confused, unscriptural notion of “the glory of God.” What do you mean by that expression? The glory of God, strictly speak ing, is his glorious essence and his attributes, which have been ever of old. And this glory admits of no increase, being the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever. But the Scripture frequently speaks of the glory of God, in a sense something different from this; meaning thereby, the mani festation of his essential glory, of his eternal power and godhead, and of his glorious attributes, more especially his justice, mercy, and truth. And it is in this sense alone that the glory of God is said to be advanced by man. Now then, this is the point which it lies on you to prove: “That it does more eminently manifest the glorious attributes of God, more especially his justice, mercy, and truth, to save man irresist ibly, than to save him by such grace as it is in his power either to concur with, or to resist.” 50. But you must not imagine I will be so unwise as to engage you here on this single point. I shall not now dispute (which yet might be done) whether salvation by irresistible grace, (which indeed makes man a mere machine, and, conse quently, no more rewardable and punishable,) whether, I say, salvation by irresistible grace, considered apart from its consequences, manifest the glory of God more or less than salvation by grace which may be resisted. Not so; but, by the assistance of God, I shall take your whole scheme toge ther; irresistible grace for the elect, implying the denial of saving grace to all others; or unconditional election with its inseparable companion, unconditional reprobation.

34.) After God had given him all this space to repent, and had expostulated with him for his obstinate impeni tence, in those solemn words, “How long wilt thou refuse to humble thyself before me?” (x. 3;) what wonder is it, if God then “hardened his heart,” that is, permitted Satan to harden it? if he at length wholly withdrew his softening grace, and “gave him up to a reprobate mind?” 56. The case of Esau is widely different from this; although his conduct also is blamable in many points. The first was, the selling his birth-right to Jacob. (Gen. xxv. 31, &c.) The next, his marrying against his father’s consent. (xxvi. 34, 35.) But it is highly probable he was sensible of his fault; because Isaac appears to have been fully recon ciled to him when he said, “My son, make me savoury meat, that my soul may bless thee before I die.” (xxvii. 4.) In the following verses we have an account of the manner wherein he was supplanted by his brother Jacob. Upon Isaac's relation of this, “Esau cried with a great and exceeding bitter cry, and said unto his father, Bless me, even me also, O my father !” (Verse 34.) But “he found no place,” says the Apostle, “for repentance,” for recovering the blessing, “though he sought it carefully with tears.” “Thy brother,” said Isaac, “hath taken away thy blessing: I have blessed him, yea, and he shall be blessed.” So that all Esau’s sorrow and tears could not recover his birth-right, and the blessing annexed thereto. And yet there is great reason to hope, that Esau (as well as Jacob) is now in Abraham’s bosom. For although for a time “he hated Jacob,” and afterward came against him “with four hundred men,” very probably designing to take revenge for the injuries he had sustained; yet we find, when they met, “Esau ran and embraced him, and fell on his neck and kissed him.” So throughly had God changed his heart! And why should we doubt but that happy change continued? 57. You can ground no solid objection to this on St. Paul's words in the Epistle to the Romans: “It was said unto her, The elder shall serve the younger. As it is written, Jacob have I loved, but Esau have I hated.” (ix.

(4) They are not only “cast forth,” but “withered;” consequently, never grafted in again. (5.) They are not only “cast forth and withered,” but also “cast into the fire.” And, (6) “They are burned.” It is not possible for words more strongly to declare that those who are branches of the true vine may finally fall. “But this,” you say, “furnishes an argument for, not against, the persevering of the saints.” Yes, just such an argument for final perseverance, as the above cited words of St. Paul to Timothy. But how do you make it out? “Why thus: There are two sorts of branches in Christ the vine; the one fruitful, the other unfruitful. The one are eternally chosen; and these abide in him, and can never withdraw away.” Nay, this is the very point to be proved. So that you now immediately and directly beg the question. “The other sort of branches are such as are in Christ only by profession; who get into Churches, and so are reckoned in Christ; and these in time wither away. These never had any life, grace, or fruitfulness from him.” Surely you do not offer this by way of argument! You are again taking for granted the very point to be proved. But you will prove that “those are branches in Christ, who never had any life or grace from him, because the Churches of Judea and Thessalonica are said to be in Christ, though every individual member was not savingly in him.” I deny the consequence; which can never be made good, unless you can prove that those very Jews or Thessalonians who never had any life or grace from him are nevertheless said by our Lord to be “branches in him.” It remains, that true believers, who are branches of the true vine, may nevertheless finally fall. 73. Fifthly. Those who so effectually know Christ, as by that knowledge to have escaped the pollutions of the world, may yet fall back into those pollutions, and perish everlastingly. For thus saith the Apostle Peter, “If, after they have escaped the pollutions of the world, through the knowledge of the Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,” (the only possible way of escaping them,) “they are entangled again therein and overcome, the latter end is worse with them than the beginning.” (2 Peter ii.

38.) “The just” (the justified person, of whom only this can be said) “shall live by faith;” even now shall live the life which is hid with Christ in God; and if he endure unto the end, shall live with God for ever. “But if any man draw back,” saith the Lord, “my soul shall have no pleasure in him;” that is, I will utterly cast him off: And accordingly the drawing back here spoken of, is termed in the verse immediately following, “drawing back to perdition.” “But the person supposed to draw back, is not the same with him that is said to live by faith.” I answer, (1.) Who is it then? Can any man draw back from faith who never came to it? But, (2) Had the text been fairly translated, there had been no pretence for this objec tion. For the original runs thus: O Bixalog ex arissa's masla. xon sav wrossixnlai. If o Bixxios, “the just man that lives by faith,” (so the expression necessarily implies, there being no other nominative to the verb,) “draws back, my soul shall have no pleasure in him.” “But your translation too is inaccurate.” Be pleased to show me wherein. “I grant he may draw back; and yet not draw back to perdition.” But then it is not the drawing back which is here spoken of. “However, here is only a supposition, which proves no fact.” I observe, you take that as a general rule, Suppo sitions prove no facts. But this is not true. They do not always; but many times they do. And whether they do or no in a particular text, must be judged from the nature of the supposition, and from the preceding and following words. “But the inserting any man into the text is agreeable to the grammatical construction of the words.” This I totally deny. There is no need of any such insertion. The preceding nominative suffices. “But one that lives by faith cannot draw back. For ‘whom he justified, them he also glorified.” This proves no more than, that all who are glorified are pardoned and sanctified first. “Nay, but St. Paul says, “Ye are dead; and your life is hid with Christ in God. When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory.’” Most sure, if you endure to the end.

When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory.’” Most sure, if you endure to the end. “Whosoever believeth in him” to the end “shall never die.” 77. “But, to come more home to the point: I say, this text is so far from militating against perseverance, that it greatly establishes it.” You are very unhappy in your choice of texts to establish this doctrine. Two of these establish it, just as this does, as we have seen already. Now, pray let us hear how you prove perseverance from this text. “Very easily. Here are two sorts of persons mentioned; he that lives by faith, and he that draws back to perdition.” Nay, this is the very question. I do not allow that two persons are mentioned in the text. I have shown it is one and the same person, who once lived by faith, and afterwards draws back. Yet thus much I allow : Two sorts of believers are in the next verse mentioned; some that draw back, and some that persevere. And I allow, the Apostle adds, “We are not of them who draw back unto perdition.” But what will you infer from thence? This is so far from contradicting what has been observed before, that it manifestly confirms it. It is a farther proof, that there are those who draw back unto perdition, although these were not of that number. “I must still aver, that the text is rightly translated; which I prove thus:-- “The original text runs thus: ‘Behold, his soul who is lifted up is not upright in him: But the just shall live by his faith.” (Hab. ii. 4.) “This the Seventy render, Exy vros sixntal, ex su?oxsi n Jux" as sw avra o 8s 3.xxios ex arissa; we &nts rai, “If a man draw back, my soul hath no pleasure in him. But the just shall live by my faith;’ that is, faith in me. “Now, here the man, in the former clause, who ‘draws back, is distinguished from him, in the following clause, who lives by faith.

“Alas,” says he, “what can I do ! You know, man can do nothing.” If you reply: “But you do not desire salvation; you are not willing to be saved:” “It may be so,” says he, “but God shall make me willing in the day of his power.” So, waiting for irresistible grace, he falls faster asleep than ever. See him again, when he throughly awakes out of sleep; when, in spite of his principles, fearfulness and trem bling are come upon him, and an horrible dread hath overwhelmed him. How then will you comfort him that is well-nigh swallowed up of over-much sorrow? If at all, by applying the promises of God. But against these he is fenced on every side. “These indeed,” says he, “are great and precious promises. But they belong to the elect only. Therefore they are nothing to me. I am not of that number. And I never can be; for his decree is unchangeable.” Has he already tasted of the good word, and the powers of the world to come? Being justified by faith, hath he peace with God? Then sin hath no dominion over him. But by and by, considering he may fall foully indeed, but cannot fall finally, he is not so jealous over himself as he was at first; he grows a little and a little slacker, till ere long he falls again into the sin from which he was clean escaped. As soon as you perceive he is entangled again and overcome, you apply the scriptures relating to that state. You conjure him not to harden his heart any more, lest his last state be worse than the first. “How can that be?” says he: “Once in grace, always in grace; and I am sure I was in grace once. You shall never tear away my shield.” So he sins on, and sleeps on, till he awakes in hell. 88. The observing these melancholy examples day by day, this dreadful havoc which the devil makes of souls, especially of those who had begun to run well, by means of this anti scriptural doctrine, constrains me to oppose it from the same principle whereon I labour to save souls from destruction. Nor is it sufficient to ask, Are there not also many who wrest the opposite doctrine to their own destruction?

And what instruments are so proper as the Clergy? not only as they are in every place, distributed through the whole nation, and always ready on the spot for the work; but likewise as it more immediately belongs to them; as it is no inconsiderable branch of their business who are peculiarly set apart to “watch over the souls of men as they that must give account.” 5. But what way can the Clergy take, with any probability of success? There is one way, and one only; one that will (not probably, but) infallibly succeed. If this way is taken, I am willing to stake my life upon the success of it. And it is a plain, simple way, such as may be taken by any man, though but of a small capacity. For it requires no peculiar depth of understanding, no extraordinary height of learning; but only a share of common sense, and a honest, upright heart. 6. It was observed that the grand difficulty of the work lies, in the strong attachment of the Papists to their Clergy. Here therefore we are to begin; we are to strike at the root; and if this bigotry be but removed, whatever error or super stition is built upon it will of course fall to the ground. Now, this may be effectually done thus: The Papists them selves allow that one set of Clergy were holier and wiser even than their own, namely, the Apostles; they allow these both to have lived and preached better than the present Clergy even of the Roman Church. Here, therefore, is the short and sure method. Let all the Clergy of the Church of Ireland only live like the Apostles, and preach like the Apostles, and the thing is done. The Romans, on the same ground that they prefer th” Apostles before their own Clergy, will then prefer ours before them; and when they once do this, when we have carried this point, when their attachment to our Clergy is stronger than that to their own, they will be convinced by hundreds, till there is not a Roman left in the kingdom of Ireland. 7. If it be asked, But how did the Apostles live and preach?

Mr. W.'s Letters in Defence of the Protestant Associations in England; to which are prefixed Mr. Wesley's Letters.” Is it by negligence or by design, that there are so many mistakes even in a title page? 1. “To which are prefixed Mr. W.'s Letters.” No : the second of those Letters is not mine. I never saw it before. 2. But where are the two Letters published in the Freeman's Journal P Why is a spurious Letter palmed upon us, and the genuine one suppressed ? 3. “Letters in Defence of the Protestant Associations in England.” Hold ! In my first Letter I have only three lines in defence of a Tract published in London. But I have not one line “in Defence of the Associations,” either in London or elsewhere. If Mr. O'Leary will seriously answer the two following Letters, he may expect a serious reply. But if he has only drollery and low wit to oppose to argument, I shall concern myself no further about him. Lon Don, Dec. 29, 1780. 1. MR. O'LEARY does well to entitle his Paper “Remarks,” as that word may mean anything or nothing; but it is no more an answer to my Letter, than to the Bull Unigenitus. He likewise does wisely in prefacing his “Remarks” with so handsome a compliment: This may naturally incline you to think well of his judgment, which is no small point gained. 2. His manner of writing is easy and pleasant; but might it not as well be more serious? The subject we are treating of is not a light one: It moves me to tears rather than to laughter. I plead for the safety of my country; yea, for the children that are yet unborn. “But cannot your country be safe, unless the Roman Catholics are persecuted for their religion?” Hold! Religion is out of the question: But I would not have them persecuted at all; I would only have them hindered from doing hurt. I would not put it in their power (and I do not wish that others should) to cut the throats of their quiet neighbours.

But more of this by and by. “He gave notice that he would stand his trial; but he attempted to escape.” No, never; this is pure invention. “He is arrested at Constance,”--whence he never attempted to escape, -“and confined. His friends plead his safe-conduct. The Council then declared, “No safe-conduct granted by the Emperor or any other Princes, to heretics, ought to hinder them from being punished as justice shall require. And the person who has promised them security shall not be obliged to keep his promise, by whatever tie he may be engaged.’” And did the Council of Constance declare this? “Yes,” says Mr. O’Leary. I desire no more. But, before I argue upon the point, permit me to give a little fuller account of the whole affair:-- The Council of Constance was called by the Emperor Sigismund and Pope John XXIII., in the year 1414. Before it began, the Emperor sent some Bohemian gentle men to conduct John Huss to Constance, solemnly promising that he should “come and return freely, without fraud or interruption.” But before he left Prague, he waited on the Bishop of Nazareth, Papal Inquisitor for that city and diocese, who, in the presence of many witnesses, gave him the following testimonial:-- “We, Nicholas, do by these presents make known to all men, that we have often talked with that honourable man, Master John Huss, and in all his sayings, doings, and behaviour, have proved him to be a faithful man; finding no manner of evil, sinister, or erroneous doings in him, unto this present. PRAGUE, August 30, 1414.” This was attested by the hand and seal of the public notary, named Michael Pruthatietz. After this, Conrade, Archbishop of Prague, declared before all the Barons of Bohemia, that “he knew not that John Huss was culpable or faulty in any crime or offence whatever.” So neither the Inquisitor nor the Archbishop knew anything of “his making Bohemia a theatre of intestine war!” In October he began his journey, accompanied by two noblemen, Wencelat de Duba, and John de Clum. On November 3d, he came to Constance, and was treated with great respect. But not long after, he was suddenly arrested and cast into a noisome prison. Here he quickly fell sick. During his sickness, his accusers exhibited twelve articles against him. But none of them charge him with sedition. They relate purely to the Church.

They relate purely to the Church. May 14, 1415. The Nobles of Bohemia complained to the Council, “When Master John Huss came to the Council, under the Emperor's safe-conduct, he was, in violation of the public faith, imprisoned before he was heard.” They add : “And he is now grievously tormented, both with fetters, and with hunger and thirst.” June 8. His accusers brought thirty-nine articles more, and afterward twenty-six others. But both the former and the latter relate wholly to the Church. Seven more were brought next. The First of these is, “If the Pope, Bishop, or Prelate be in deadly sin, he is then no Pope, Bishop, or Prelate.” But this he himself explains in the same tract whence it is taken. “Such, as touching their deserts, are not worthily Popes or Pastors before God; yet, as touching their office, are Popes and Pastors.” After these, six more articles were exhibited; but all relate to the Church, as do nineteen more that followed them. In fine, nineteen others were preferred by the Chancellor and University of Paris. One of these was, “No man being in deadly sin is a true Pope, Prelate, or Lord.” This seems to be the same with the preceding charge; only they have mended it by adding the word Lord. Another was, “Subjects ought publicly to reprove the vices of their rulers.” It does not appear that ever he held this. In the Seventeenth Session, the sentence and condemna tion of John Huss was read and published. The Emperor then commanded the Duke of Bavaria to deliver him to the executioners; for which glorious exploit he was thus addressed by the Bishop of Landy, in the name of the Council: “This most holy and goodly labour was reserved only for thee, O most noble Prince | Upon thee only doth it lie, to whom the whole rule and ministration of justice is given. Wherefore thou hast established thy praise and renown; even by the mouths of babes and sucklings thy praise shall be celebrated for evermore.” From this whole transaction we may observe, 1. That John Huss was guilty of no crime, either in word or action; even his enemies, the Archbishop of Prague, and the Papal Inquisitor, being Judges. 2.

With equal tenderness I suppose he would compare the “making the beards of here tics,” (that is, thrusting a burning furze-bush in their face,) to the singeing a fowl before it was roasted. “It is sufficient to disclaim it, when it is fixed upon us.” Then disclaim it without delay; for it is fixed upon you, to all intents and purposes. Nay, and you fix it upon yourselves, in every new edition of the Councils; in all of which, this Council stands in aeternam rei memoriam,” and this very deter mination, without the least touch of blame ! It must there fore stand as an avowed doctrine of the Church of Rome, that “heretics ought to be condemned and executed, notwith standing the most solemn assurances to the contrary:” In other words, that “the public faith, even that of Kings and Emperors, ought not to be kept with heretics.” What security then for my life can any man give me, till he utterly renounces the Council of Constance? What security can any Romanist give a Protestant, till this doctrine is pub * As a perpetual memorial of this matter.-EDIT. licly abjured? If Mr. O'Leary has anything more to plead for this Council, I shall follow him step by step. But let him keep his word, and “give a serious answer to a serious charge.” Drollery may come in when we are talking of roast ing fowls; but not when we are talking of roasting men. Would I then wish the Roman Catholics to be persecuted? I never said or hinted any such thing. I abhor the thought: It is foreign to all I have preached and wrote for these fifty years. But I would wish the Romanists in England (I had no others in view) to be treated still with the same lenity that they have been these sixty years; to be allowed both civil and religious liberty, but not permitted to undermine ours. I wish them to stand just as they did before the late Act was passed; not to be persecuted or hurt themselves; but gently restrained from hurting their neighbours. I am, Gentlemen, Your obedient servant, March 31, 1780.

The Origin of Image-Worship Among Christians Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 10 (Zondervan) Author: John Wesley --- WHEN Christianity was first preached in the world, it was supported by such miraculous assistance of the divine power, that there was need of little or no human aid to the propagation of it. Not only the Apostles, who first preached it, but even the lay-believers were sufficiently instructed in all the articles of faith, and were inspired with the power of working miracles, and the gift of speaking in languages unknown to them before. But when the gospel was spread, and had taken root through the world; when Kings and Princes became Christians, and when temples were built and magnificently adorned for Chris tian worship; then the zeal of some well-disposed Christians brought pictures into the churches, not only as ornaments, but as instructors of the ignorant; and from thence they were called libri laicorum,-“the books of the people.” Thus the walls of the churches were beset with pictures, representing all the particular transactions mentioned. And they who did not understand a letter of a book knew how to give a very good account of the gospel, being taught to understand the particular passages of it in the pictures of the church. Thus, as hieroglyphics were the first means of propagating know ledge, before writing by letters and words was invented; so the more ignorant people were taught compendiously by pictures, what, by the scarcity of teachers, they had not an opportunity of being otherwise fully instructed in. But these things, which were at first intended for good, became, by the devil’s subtlety, a snare for the souls of Chris tians. For when Christian Princes, and the rich and great, vied with one another, who should embellish the temples with greatest magnificence, the pictures upon the walls were turned into gaudy images upon the altars; and the people being deceived by the outward appearance of the Priests’ bowing and kneeling, (before those images,) as the different parts of their devotion led them, they imagined that those gestures were designed to do honour to the images, before which they were performed; (which they certainly were not;) and so, from admiring, the people came to adore them. Thus, what were at first designed as monuments of edification, became the instru ments of superstition.

Mark i. 4: “John baptized in the wilderness, and preached the baptism of repentance;” and, verse 5, “They were baptized of him in Jordan, confessing their sins.” Now, either the order of words in Scripture does not always imply the same order of things; or it follows, that John baptized before his hearers either confessed or repented. But, (2.) The words are manifestly mistranslated. For if we read, “Go and teach all nations, baptizing them,--teaching them to observe all things,” it makes plain tautology, vain and senseless repetition. It ought to be translated, (which is the literal meaning of the words,) “Go and make disciples of all nations, by baptizing them.” That infants are capable of being made proselytes or disciples has been already proved; therefore this text, rightly trans lated, is no valid objection against infant baptism. 2. Their next objection is: “The Scripture says, “Repent and be baptized; believe and be baptized. Therefore, repent ance and faith ought to go before baptism. But infants are incapable of these; therefore they are incapable of baptism.” I answer: Repentance and faith were to go before circum cision, as well as before baptism. Therefore, if this argument held, it would prove just as well, that infants were incapable of circumcision. But we know God himself determined the contrary, commanding them to be circumcised at eight days old. Now, if infants were capable of being circumcised, not withstanding that repentance and faith were to go before circumcision in grown persons, they are just as capable of being baptized; notwithstanding that repentance and faith are, in grown persons, to go before baptism. This objection, therefore, is of no force; for it is as strong against circum cision of infants as infant baptism. 3. It is objected, Thirdly, “There is no command for it in Scripture. Now, God was angry with his own people, because they did that which, he said, ‘I commanded them not.’ (Jer. vii. 31.) One plain text would end all the dispute.” I answer, (1.) We have reason to fear it would not: It is as positively commanded in a very plain text of Scripture, that we should “teach and admonish one another with psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs, singing to the Lord with grace in our hearts,” (Eph. v. 19,) as it is to honour our father and mother: But does this put an end to all dispute?

Preface to a Treatise on Justification, Extracted from Mr. John Goodwin Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 10 (Zondervan) Author: John Wesley --- 1. PERHAPs I should not have submitted, at least not so soon, to the importunity of my friends, who have long been soliciting me to abridge and publish the ensuing treatise, had not some warm people published a tract, entitled, “The Scrip ture Doctrine of Imputed Righteousness Defended.” I then judged it absolutely incumbent upon me to publish the real Scripture doctrine. And this I believed I could not either draw up or defend better than I found it done to my hands by one who, at the time he wrote this book, was a firm and zealous Calvinist. This enabled him to confirm what he advanced by such authorities, as well from Calvin himself, as from his most eminent followers, as I could not have done, nor any who had not been long and critically versed in their writings. 2. A greater difficulty was, to know what notice I ought to take of Mr. Hervey’s treatise, wrote, as the Leeds publisher says, with a “becoming and well-tempered tartness.” The case was peculiar. My acquaintance with Mr. Hervey com menced about thirty years ago, when I was a Fellow, and he was a Commoner, of Lincoln College in Oxford. At my request he was permitted, as was Mr. Whitefield some time after, to make one of a little company who used to spend the evenings together, in reading the Holy Scriptures. And I rejoiced in having many opportunities of assisting him both in his studies and in his Christian warfare; which he acknowledged in very strong terms, by a letter now in my hands, wrote not long after the publication of his “Medita tions among the Tombs.” In my answer to this, I told him frankly, there were one or two passages in that book, which, if I had seen before it was printed, I should have advised him not to insert. He replied, if he printed anything more, he would beg of me to correct it first. Accordingly, he sent me, not long after, the manuscript of his three first Dialogues.

And would I cheat for cheating sake? I was not here talking either of general or particular redemption. I purposely declined entering into the question throughout that whole treatise. Every candid man will therefore naturally suppose, that both the misplacing the commas, and the putting mankind for this kind, were the printer’s fault, not mine; a part of those numerous errors of the press, which were occasioned by my absence from it, and the inaccuracy of the corrector. 18. I will not tire either my reader or myself, by citing any more passages of this kind; although the circumstances are so plausibly related, and so strongly amplified, that, upon the first reading of each, I was myself ready to cry out, “Surely this must be true !” I hope the preceding specimen may suffice, and prevent impartial men from judging rashly. I shall add but one passage more; but it is a very extra ordinary one; such as none can deny to be a home thrust, a blow under the fifth rib : “My dear Sir, let me give you a word of friendly advice. Before you turn Turk, Deist, or Atheist, see that you first become an honest man. They will all disown you, if you go over to their party destitute of common honesty.” (Page 277.) Upon what is this wonderful advice grounded? and this peremptory declaration, that, as I am now, even Turks and Deists, yea, Atheists, would disown me? Why, upon the printer's blunder,-putting mankind for this kind, and setting the commas in the wrong place | “And is this thy voice, my son David?” Is this thy tender, loving, grateful spirit? No, “the hand of Joab is in all this!” I acknowledge the hand, the heart, of William Cudworth. I perceive, it was not an empty boast, (as I was at first inclined to think,) which he uttered to Mr. Pearse, at Bury, before my friend went to paradise,--“Mr. Hervey has given me full power to put out and put in what I please.” But he too is gone hence; and he knows now whether I am an honest man or no. It cannot be long, even in the course of nature, before I shall follow them. My race of glory's run, and race of shame; And I shall shortly be with them that rest.

The Arminians hold, God has decreed, from all eternity, touching all that have the written word, “He that believeth shall be saved: He that believeth not, shall be condemned:” And in order to this, “Christ died for all, all that were dead in trespasses and sins;” that is, for every child of Adam, since “in Adam all died.” 8. The Calvinists hold, Secondly, that the saving grace of God is absolutely irresistible; that no man is any more able to resist it, than to resist the stroke of lightning. The Arminians hold, that although there may be some moments wherein the grace of God acts irresistibly, yet, in general, any man may resist, and that to his eternal ruin, the grace whereby it was the will of God he should have been eternally saved. 9. The Calvinists hold, Thirdly, that a true believer in Christ cannot possibly fall from grace. The Arminians hold, that a true believer may “make shipwreck of faith and a good conscience;” that he may fall, not only foully, but finally, so as to perish for ever. 10. Indeed, the two latter points, irresistible grace and infallible perseverance, are the natural consequence of the former, of the unconditional decree. For if God has eternally and absolutely decreed to save such and such persons, it follows, both that they cannot resist his saving grace, (else they might miss of salvation,) and that they cannot finally fall from that grace which they cannot resist. So that, in effect, the three questions come into one, “Is predestination absolute or conditional?” The Arminians believe, it is conditional; the Calvinists, that it is absolute. 11. Away, then, with all ambiguity Away with all expressions which only puzzle the cause! Let honest men speak out, and not play with hard words which they do not understand. And how can any man know what Arminius held, who has never read one page of his writings? Let no man bawl against Arminians, till he knows what the term means; and then he will know that Arminians and Calvinists are just upon a level. And Arminians have as much right to be angry at Calvinists, as Calvinists have to be angry at Arminians. John Calvin was a pious, learned, sensible man; and so was James Harmens. Many Cal vinists are pious, learned, sensible men; and so are many Arminians.

Wesley’s is, that he became a commentator on the Bible before he could read the Bible.” That is pity! If he could not read it when he was threescore years old, I doubt he never will. See the candour, the good-nature, of Mr. Hill ! Is this Attic salt, or wormwood ? What conclusion can be possibly drawn in favour of Mr. Hill? The most favourable I can draw is this, that he never read the book which he quotes; that he took the word of some of his friends. But how shall we excuse them? I hope they trusted their memories, not their eyes. But what recompence can he make to me for publishing so gross a falsehood, which, nevertheless, those who read his tract, and not mine, will take to be as true as the gospel? Of Election and Perseverance. 19. In entering upon this head, I observed, “Mr. Sellon has clearly showed, that the Seventeenth Article does not assert absolute predestination. Therefore, in denying this, I neither contradict that article nor myself.” (Remarks, p. 382.) It lies therefore upon Mr. Hill to answer Mr. Sellon before he witticizes upon me. Let him do this, and he talks to the purpose; otherwise, all the pretty, lively things, he says about Dr. Baroe, Bishop Wilkins, Dr. Clark, and George Bell, are utterly thrown away. As to George Bell, Mr. Richard says, Mr. M d “justly censures the enthusiasm and credulity of Mr. John, in paying so much attention to Bell’s ridiculous reveries; in calling him a sensible man, and entreating him to continue in his society, on account of the great good he did. However, Bell refused to remain in connexion with him, because of his double dealings and unfaithful proceedings; for he sometimes was full of Bell’s praises; at other times, he would warn the people against him. He also gives a particular narration of what he rightly calls the ‘comet enthusiasm.” Mr. John preached more than ten times about the comet, which he supposed was to appear in 1758, to burn up all the produce of the earth, and lastly to execute its grand commission on the globe itsclf, causing the stars to fall from heaven.” (Farrago, p. 37.) What an heap of dirt is here raked together ! I must not let it pass quite unnoticed.

W. has stooped to.” That is, in civil terms, “Sir, you are a knave.” Sir, I crave your mercy. I stoop to mo art, but that of plain, sound reasoning. By this art, and by this alone, I am able to untwist truth from falsehood, how skilfully soever they are woven together. I dare use no other; for (whether you know it or no) I fear God. And by his grace, in simplicity and godly sincerity I have my conversation in the world. “But how agrees this with what Mr. W. tells us, that he has never contradicted himself with regard to justification, since the year 1738?” (Farrago, p. 39.) Perfectly well. “How long has he held that justification is fourfold?” I have said nothing about it yet. “And how will he reconcile this with its being twofold, and with his preceding affirmation, that it is one and no more?” When time is, this mystery too may be cleared up. Of a Justified State. 30. Mr. W. says, “The state of a justified person is inex pressibly great and glorious.” (Page 34.) “Yet he asks elsewhere, “Does not talking of a justified or sanctified state, tend to mislead men ?” He answers: ‘It frequently does mislead men;’” namely, when it is spoken of in an unguarded manner. “‘But where is the contradiction?’ Whatever may be the contradiction, this is clearly the con clusion,-that Mr. W., by his own confession, is a misleader of men.” It is not quite clear yet. You have first to prove that I use the phrase “in an unguarded manner.” I confess, when it is so used, it tends to mislead men; but I do not confess that I use it so. Are Works a Condition of Justification? 31. “Mr. W. says, “No good works can be previous to justification.’ And yet in the same page he asserts, ‘Who ever desires to find favour with God should cease from evil, and learn to do well.’” I answered: “Does not the Bible say so? Who can deny it? “Nay, but Mr. W. asks, If this be not in order to find favour, what does he do them for?’ And I ask it again. Let Mr. Hill, or any one else, give me an answer. So if there is any contradiction here, it is not I contradict myself, but Isaiah and our Lord that contradict St.

W. published a tract against drinking tea, and told the tea-drinkers he would set them an example in that piece of self-denial.” (Farrago, p. 41.) “I did set them an example for twelve years. Then, at the close of a consumption, by Dr. Fothergill’s direction, I used it again.” (Remarks, p. 393.) “Why then did Mr. W. re-publish this tract, making the world believe it brought a paralytic disorder upon him?” Before I was twenty years old, it made my hand shake, so that I could hardly write. “Is it not strange then, that Dr. Fothergill should advise Mr. W. to use what had before thrown him into the palsy ?” I did not say so. I never had the palsy yet; though my hand shook, which is a “paralytic disorder.” But be it strange or not, so Dr. F. advised; if you believe not me, you may inquire of himself. The low wit that follows, I do not meddle with ; I leave it with the gentle reader. * O rare Wesleyan Logic teacher.--EDIT. He who is clear in making distinctions is an able Of Baptism. 38. “Mr. W. says, “As there is no clear proof for dip ping in Scripture, so there is very probable proof to the contrary.’ “Why then did you at Savannah baptize all children by immersion, unless the parents certified they were weak?” (Farrago, p. 42.) I answered: “Not because I had any scruple, but in obedience to the Rubric.” Mr. H., according to custom, repeats the objection, without taking the least notice of the answer. As to the story of half drowning Mrs. L. S., let her aver it to my face, and I shall say more. Only observe, Mr. Toplady is not “my friend.” He is all your own; your friend, ally, and fellow soldier:-- Ut non Compositus melius cum Bitho Bacchius ! * You are in truth, duo fulmina belli.t. It is not strange if their thunder should quite drown the sound of my “poor pop-guns.” 39. “But what surpasses everything else is, that Mr. W. cannot even speak of his contradictions, without contradicting himself afresh. For he absolutely denies, not only that he ever was unsettled in his principles, but that he was ever accused of being so, either by friends or foes.” (Pages 39, 40.) Either by friends or foes / I will rest the whole cause upon this.

I know not that I ever heard of it before, but only some imperfect fragments of it. The other story, of “a Preacher of perfection who said, the Holy Ghost visibly descended on all true converts,” may be true for aught I know; but I question much, whether that madman was a Preacher. It may likewise be true, that several wild expres sions were uttered at West-street chapel. Yet I think, all these put together will not prove, that I contradict myself. However, I am glad to read, “If I publish another edition of the Review, these instances shall all be omitted; and personal vilifications shall be left to the sole pen of Mr. W.” Then you will reduce your Farrago to a page, and your Review to a penny pamphlet. But still “personal vilification” will not suit my pen. I have better employment for it. 44. You say, “Let us now proceed to Mr. W.’s assertions on sinless perfection.” (Page 26.) As I observed before, I am not now to dispute whether they are right or wrong. I keep therefore to that single point, Do I herein contradict myself, or not? When I said, “If some of our hymns contradict others,” I did not allow they do. I meant only, if it were so, this would not prove that I contradict myself. “But still it proves, the people must sing contradictions.” Observe, that is, if--. In your account of perfection, blot out “no wandering thoughts.” None in the body are exempt from these. This we have declared over and over; particularly in the sermon wrote upon that subject. If in the sermon on Ephesians ii. 8, (not xi. 5, as your blunderer prints it,) the words which I had struck out in the preceding edition, are inserted again, what will this prove? Only that the printer, in my absence, printed, not from the last, but from an uncorrected, copy. However, you are hereby excused from unfairness, as to that quotation. But what excuse have you in the other instance, with regard to Enoch and Elijah? On which I asked, “Why is Mr. Hill so careful to name the first edition? Because in the second the mistake is corrected. Did he know this? And could he avail himself of a mistake which he knew was removed before he wrote?” (Remarks, p. 395.) It is now plain he could !

If indeed one or the other can be said to act at all. Properly speaking, it does not : It is purely passive: It is only acted upon by the Creator; and must move in this manner and no other, seeing it cannot resist His will. In like manner, St. Paul did much good: But it was no virtue, if he did not act from choice. And if he was in all things necessitated to think and act, he was not capable of moral goodness. Nero does much evil; murders thousands of men, and sets fire to the city: But it is no fault; he is not capable of moral badness, if he does not act from choice, but necessity. Nay, properly, the man does not act at all : He is only acted upon by the Creator, and must move thus, being irresistibly impelled. For who can resist his will? 2. Again: If all the actions, and passions, and tempers of men are quite independent on their own choice, are governed by a principle exterior to themselves; then none of them is either rewardable or punishable, is either praise or blame worthy. The consequence is undeniable: I cannot praise the sun forwarming, nor blame the stone for wounding me; because neither the sun nor the stone acts from choice, but from neces sity. Therefore, neither does the latter deserve blame, nor the former deserve praise. Neither is the one capable of reward, nor the other of punishment. And if a man does good as necessarily as the sun, he is no more praiseworthy than that; if he does evil as necessarily as the stone, he is no more blame worthy. The dying to save your country is noway rewardable, if you are compelled thereto; and the betraying your country is noway punishable, if you are necessitated to do it. 3. It follows, if there be no such thing as virtue or vice, as moral good or evil, if there be nothing rewardable or punish able in the actions or passions of men, then there can be no judgment to come, and no future rewards and punishments. For might not God as well judge the trees of the wood, or the stones of the field, as man, if man was as totally passive as they? as irresistibly determined to act thus or thus?

The fact (of the truth of which any who will be at the pains of inquiring may soon be satisficd) is this: On Tuesday, * Merchants who have lived in Portugal inform us, that the King had a large building filled with diamonds; and more gold stored up, coined and uncoined, than all the other princes of Europe together. + The title which the Inquisition of Portugal (if not in other countries also) takes to itself. March 25, last, (being the week before Easter) many persons heard a great noise near a ridge of mountains, called Black Hamilton, in Yorkshire. It was observed chiefly on the south-west side of the mountain, about a mile from the course where the Hamilton races are run, near a ledge of rocks, commonly called Whitson Cliffs, two miles from Sutton, and about five from Thirsk. The same noise was heard on Wednesday by all who went that way. On Thursday, about seven in the morning, Edward Abbot, weaver, and Adam Bosomworth, bleacher, both of Sutton, riding under Whitson Cliffs, heard a roaring (so they termed it) like many cannons, or loud and rolling thunder. It seemed to come from the cliffs; looking up to which, they saw a large body of stone, four or five yards broad, split and fly off from the very top of the rock. They thought it strange, but rode on. Between ten and eleven, a larger piece of the rock, about fifteen yards thick, thirty high, and between sixty and seventy broad, was torn off and thrown into the valley. About seven in the evening, one who was riding by observed the ground to shake exceedingly; and soon after several large stones or rocks, of some tons weight cach, rose out of the ground. Others were thrown on one side, others turned upside down, and many rolled over and over. Being a little surprised, and not very curious, he hasted on his way. On Friday and Saturday the ground continued to shake, and the rocks to roll over one another. The earth also clave asunder in very many places, and continued so to do till Sunday morning. Being at Osmotherley, seven miles from the Cliffs, on Monday, June 1, and finding Edward Abbot there, I desired him the next morning to show me the way thither. I walked, crept, and climbed round and over great part of the ruins.

Of these there is a vast number. That part of the cliff from which the rest is torn, lies so high and is now of so bright a colour, that it is plainly visible to all the country round, even at the distance of several miles. We saw it distinctly, not only from the street in Thirsk, but for five or six miles after, as we rode toward York. So we did likewise in the great North Road, between Sandhutton and Northallerton. But how may we account for this phenomenon? Was it effected by a merely natural cause? If so, that cause must either have been fire, water, or air. It could not be fire; for then some mark of it must have appeared, either at the time, or after it. But no such mark does appear, nor ever did; not so much as the least smoke, either when the first or second rock was removed, or in the whole space between Tuesday and Sunday. It could not be water; for no water issued out, when the one or the other rock was torn off. Nor had there been any rains for some time before. It was in that part of the country a remarkable dry season. Neither was there any cavity in that part of the rock, wherein a sufficient quantity of water might have lodged. On the contrary, it was one single, solid mass, which was evenly and smoothly cleft in sunder. There remains no other natural cause assignable, but imprisoned air. I say imprisoned; for as to the fashionable opinion, that the exterior air is the grand agent in earth quakes, it is so senseless, unmechanical, unphilosophical a dream, as deserves not to be named but to be exploded. But it is hard to conceive, how even imprisoned air could produce such an effect. It might indeed shake, tear, raise, or sink the earth; but how could it cleave a solid rock? Here was not room for a quantity of it sufficient to do anything of this nature; at least, unless it had been suddenly and violently expanded by fire, which was not the case. Could a small quantity of air, without that violent expansion, have torn so large a body of rock from the rest, to which it adhered in one solid mass?

Was such a thing ever known or heard of before? I know not, but it was spoken of once, near eighteen hundred years ago, in those remarkable words, “There shall be assauoi" (not only “earthquakes,” but various “concussions” or “shakings”) “in divers places.” And so there have been in Spain, in Portugal, in Italy, in Holland, in England, in Ireland; and not improbably in many other places too, which we are not yet informed of. Yet it does not seem that a concussion of this kind has ever been known before, since either the same or some other comet revolved so near the earth. For wc know of no other natural causc in the universe which is adequate to such an effect. And that this is the real cause, we may very possibly be convinced in a short time. but alas! why should we not be convinced sooner, while that conviction may avail, that it is not chance which governs the world? Why should we not now, before London is as Lisbon, Lima, or Catanea, acknowlcdge the hand of the Almighty, arising to maintain his own cause? Why, we have a general answer always ready, to screen us from any such conviction: “All these things are purely natural and accidental; the result of natural causes.” But there are two objections to this answer: First, it is untrue: Secondly, it is uncomfortable. First. If by affirming, “All this is purely natural,” you mean, it is not providential, or that God has nothing to do with it, this is not true, that is, supposing the Bible to be true. For supposing this, you may descant ever so long on the natural causes of murrain, winds, thunder, lightning, and yet you are altogether wide of the mark, you prove nothing at all, unless you can prove that God never works in or by natural causes. But this you cannot prove; may, none can doubt of his so working, who allows the Scripture to be of God.

Are you sure of this? And are your horses literally swifter than the lightning? Can they leave the panting storm behind? If not, what will you do when it overtakes you? Try your eloquence on the whirlwind. Will it hear your voice? Will it regard either your money, or prayers, or tears? Call upon the lightning. Cry aloud; see whether your voice will “divide the flames of fire.” O no ! it hath no ears to hear ! It devoureth and showeth no pity! But this is not all. IIere is a nearer enemy. The carth threatens to swallow you up. Where is your protection now? What defence do you find from thousands of gold and silver? You cannot fly; for you cannot quit the earth, unless you will leave your dear body behind you. And while you are on the earth, you know not where to flee to, neither where to flee from. You may buy intelligence, where the shock was yesterday, but not where it will be to-morrow, to-day. It comes I The roof trembles J The beams crack | The ground rocks to and fro! Hoarse thunder resounds from the bowels of the earth ! And all these are but the beginning of sorrows. Now, what help? What wisdom can prevent, what strength resist, the blow 7 What money can purchase, I will not say deliverance, but an hour's reprieve? Poor honourable fool, where are now thy titles? Wealthy fool, where is now thy golden god? If any thing can help, it must be prayer. But what wilt thou pray to? Not to the God of heaven; you suppose him to have nothing to do with earthquakes. No; they proceed in a merely natural way, either from the earth itself, or from included air, or from subterraneous fires or waters. If thou prayest, then, (which perhaps you never did before,) it must be to some of these. Begin: “O earth, earth, earth, hear the voice of thy children : Hear, O air, water, fire !” And will they hear? You know it cannot be. How deplorable, then, is his condition, who in such an hour has none else to flee to ! How uncom fortable the supposition, which implies this, by direct necessary consequence, namely, that all these things are the pure result of merely natural causes!

By the best information I can gain, I believe it stands just thus: About that time the mob had been very turbulent. On that day they were likely to be more insolent than ever. It was therefore judged proper *o send a party of soldiers to prevent or repress their violence. Their presence did not prevent it; the mob went so far as to throw stones at the soldiers themselves. One of them hit and wounded a soldier; two or three pursued him; and fired -at one whom, being in the same dress, they supposed to be the same man. But it was not; it was Mr. Allen. Now, "though this cannot be excused, yet, was it the most horrid villany that ever was perpetrated? Surely, no. Notwith standing all the tragical exclamations which have been made concerning it, what is this to the killing a man in cool blood? And was this never heard of in England? I do not defend the measures which have been taken relative to the Middlesex election. But let it be remembered, First, that there was full as much violence on the one side as on the other. Secondly, that a right of expulsion, of putting a member out of the House, manifestly implies a right of exclusion, of keeping him out; otherwise that right amounts to just nothing at all. Thirdly, that consequently, a member “expelled is incapable of being re-elected, at least during that session; as incapable as one that is disqualified any other way. It follows, Fourthly, that the votes given for this disqualified person are null and void, being, in effect, given for nobody. Therefore, Fifthly, if the other candidate had two hundred votes, he had a majority of two hundred. Let it be observed farther, if the electors had the liberty of choosing any qualified person, it is absolute nonsense to talk of their being deprived of the liberty of choosing, because they were not permitted to choose a person utterly unqualified. But suppose a single borough or county were deprived of this in a single instance; (which undoubtedly is the case, whenever a person duly elected does not sit in the House;) how is this depriving the good people of England, the nation, of their birthright? What an insult upon common sense is this wild way of talking !

In 1556, Sir John Hawkins sailed with two ships to Cape Verd, where he sent cighty men on shore to catch Negroes. But the natives flying, they fell farther down, and there set the men on shore, “to burn their towns and take the inhabitants.” But they met with such resist ance, that they had seven men killed, and took but ten Negroes. So they went still farther down, till, having taken enough, they proceeded to the West Indies and sold them. 2. It was some time before the Europeans found a more compendious way of procuring African slaves, by prevailing upon them to make war upon each other, and to sell their prisoners. Till then they seldom had any wars; but were in general quiet and peaceable. But the white men first taught them drunkenness and avarice, and then hired them to sell one another. Nay, by this means, even their Kings are induced to scll their own subjects. So Mr. Moore, factor of the African Company in 1730, informs us: “When the King of Barsalli wants goods or brandy, he sends to the English Governor at James's Fort, who immediately sends a sloop. Against the time it arrives, he plunders some of his neigh bours towns, selling the people for the goods he wants. At other times he falls upon one of his own towns, and makes bold to sell his own subjects.” So Monsieur Brue says, “I wrote to the King,” (not the same,) “if he had a sufficient number of slaves, I would treat with him. He seized three hundred of his own people, and sent word he was ready to deliver them for the goods.” He adds: “Some of the natives are always ready” (when well paid) “to surprise and carry off their own countrymen. They come at night without noise, and if they find any lone cottage, surround it and carry off all the people.” Barbot, another French factor, says, “Many of the slaves sold by the Negroes are prisoners of war, or taken in the incursions they make into their enemies’ territories. Others are stolen.

Then they are separated to the plantations of their several masters, to see each other no more. Here you may see mothers hanging over their daughters, bedewing their naked breasts with tears, and daughters clinging to their parents, till the whipper soon obliges them to part. And what can be more wretched than the condition they then enter upon? Banished from their country, from their friends and relations for ever, from every comfort of life, they are reduced to a state scarce anyway pre ferable to that of beasts of burden. In general, a few roots, not of the nicest kind, usually yams or potatoes, are their food; and two rags, that neither screen them from the heat of the day, nor the cold of the night, their covering. Their sleep is very short, their labour continual, and frequently above their strength; so that death sets many of them at liberty before they have lived out half their days. The time they work in the West Indies, is from day-break to noon, and from two o'clock till dark; during which time, they are attended by overseers, who, if they think them dilatory, or think anything not so well done as it should be, whip them most unmercifully, so that you may see their bodies long after wealed and scarred usually from the shoulders to the waist. And before they are suffered to go to their quarters, they have commonly something to do, as collecting herbage for the horses, or gathering fuel for the boilers; so that it is often past twelve before they can get home. Hence, if their food is not pre pared, they are sometimes called to labour again, before they can satisfy their hunger. And no excuse will avail. If they are not in the field immediately, they must expect to feel the lash. Did the Creator intend that the noblest creatures in the visible world should live such a life as this? Are these thy glorious work, Parent of Good P 8. As to the punishments inflicted on them, says Sir Hans Sloane, “they frequently geld them, or chop off half a foot: After they are whipped till they are raw all over, some put pepper and salt upon them; some drop melted wax upon their skin; others cut off their ears, and constrain them to broil and eat them.

The case of electors is little better. When they are near equally divided, in the choice of their delegates to represent them in the Parliament or National Assembly, almost half of them must be governed, not only without, but even against, their own consent. And how has any man consented to those laws which were made before he was born? Our consent to these, may, and to the laws now made even in England, is purely passive. And in every place, as all men are born the subjects of some state or other, so they are born, passively, as it were, consenting to the laws of that state. Any other than this kind of consent, the condition of civil life does not allow. 4. But you say, you “are entitled to life, liberty, and property by nature; and that you have never ceded to any sovereign power the right to dispose of these without your consent.” While you speak as the naked sons of nature, this is certainly true. But you presently declare, “Our ancestors, at the time they settled these colonies, were entitled to all the rights of natural-born subjects within the realm of England.” This likewise is true; but when this is granted, the boast of original rights is at an end. You are no longer in a state of nature, but sink down into colonists, governed by a charter. Tf your ancestors were subjects, they acknowledged a Sovereign; if they had a right to English privileges, they were accountable to English laws, and had ceded to the King and Parliament the power of disposing, without their consent, of both their lives, liberties, and properties. And did the Parliament cede to them a dispensation from the obedience which they owe as natural subjects? or any degree of inde Pendence, not enjoyed by other Englishmen? 5. “They did not” indeed, as you observe, “by emigra tion forfeit any of those privileges; but they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to all such as their circum stances enable them to enjoy.” That they who form a colony by a lawful charter, forfeit no privilege thereby, is certain. But what they do not forfeit by any judicial sentence, they may lose by natural effects. When a man voluntarily comes into America, he may lose what he had when in Europe.

No governments under heaven are so despotic as the republican; no subjects are governed in so arbitrary a manner as those of a commonwealth. If any one doubt of this, let him look at the subjects of Venice, of Genoa, or even of Holland. Should any man talk or write of the Dutch Government, as every cobbler does of the English, he would be laid in irons before he knew where he was. And then, woe be to him | Republics show no mercy. 13. “But if we submit to one tax, more will follow.” Perhaps so, and perhaps not. But if they did; if you were taxed (which is quite improbable) equal with Ireland or Scot land, still, were you to prevent this, by renouncing connexion with England, the remedy would be worse than the disease. For O ! what convulsions must poor America feel, before any other Government was settled? Innumerable mischiefs must ensue, before any general form could be established. And the grand mischief would ensue when it was established; when you had received a yoke which you could not shake off. 14. Brethren, open your eyes! Come to yourselves! Be no longer the dupes of designing men! I do not mean any of your countrymen in America; I doubt whether any of these are in the secret. The designing men, the Ahithophels, are in England; those who have laid their scheme so deep, and covered it so well, that thousands, who are ripening it, suspect nothing at all of the matter. These well-meaning men, sincerely believing that they are serving their country, exclaim against grievances, which either never existed, or are aggra wated above measure; and thereby inflame the people more and more, to the wish of those who are behind the scene. But be not you duped any longer; do not ruin yourselves for them that owe you no good-will, that now employ you only for their own purposes, and in the end will give you no thanks. They love neither England nor America, but play one against the other, in subserviency to their grand design of overturning the English Government. Be warned in time; stand and consider, before it is too late; before you have entailed confusion and misery on your latest posterity. Have pity upon your mother-country !

However, little as it was, they bore it not without huge indignation, and strong marks of resentment. And whenever a matter of this kind came before an American jury, (which could not but frequently be the case,) it was easy to foresee the event. The officer was sure to have his labour for his pains; for they were too good patriots to condemn their countrymen I By this means the customs of North-America, which ought to have brought in so considerable a sum as would have gone far toward defraying the expense of the government, were reduced to a very small pittance. 9. In consideration of this, the English Government a few years ago thought it equitable to lay a small duty upon the stamps in America, in order, if not to bear themselves harm less, yet to lessen their burden. Immediately a cry arose, as if all America was just going to be swallowed up. It was echoed across the Atlantic Ocean, from America to England. The patriots (so they styled themselves) in England eagerly joined the cry, and spared no labour and no expense to pro pagate it throughout the nation. Do you suppose they did this out of stark love and kindness to the poor, ruined Americans? No such matter. They understood the case too well; they knew they cried before they were hurt. But they laid hold on this as a fair occasion to throw an aspersion on those that were in power, being very willing, and supposing themselves very worthy, to supply their place. However, the Ministry finding the clamour increasing, and the storm spreading on both sides the ocean, were persuaded to give way to the torrent. They did so; and the Stamp Act was repealed. 10. The American leaders now apprehending that they had a sufficient number of fast friends in England, began to entertain higher designs; the New-England men in particular. They had no longer anything to fear from Canada, which the English had conquered for them. And they had nothing to fear from England, when they judged their allies were growing stronger and stronger. They therefore paved the way for the execution of their favourite scheme; first, by diligently cultivating the republican motions which they had received from their forefathers; and then by speaking and writing in the most contemptuous and reproachful manner of the English Government. 11.

20. I ask a second question: By what right do you exclude men who have not lived one-and-twenty years from that “unalienable privilege of human nature,” choosing their own Governors? Is not a man a free agent, though he has lived only twenty years, and ten or eleven months? Can you deny, that men from eighteen to twenty-one are “members of the state?” Can any one doubt, whether they are a part of “the individuals that compose it?” Why then are not these permitted to “choose their Governors, and to give their suffrages by their representatives?” Let any who say these rights are inseparable from the people, get over this difficulty, if they can; not by breaking an insipid jest on the occasion, but by giving a plain, sober, rational answer. If it be said, “O, women and striplings have not wisdom enough to choose their own Governors;” I answer, Whether they have or no, both the one and the other have all the rights which are “inseparable from human nature.” Either, therefore, this right is not inseparable from human nature, or both women and striplings are partakers of it. 21. I ask a third question: By what authority do you exclude a vast majority of adults from choosing their own Governors, and giving their votes by their representatives, merely because they have not such an income; because they have not forty shillings a year? What, if they have not? Have they not the rights which, you say, belong to man as man? And are they not included in the people? Have they not a will of their own 7 Are they not free agents? Who then can, with either justice or equity, debar them from the exercise of their natural rights? “O, but the laws of the land debar them from it.” Did they make those laws themselves? Did they consent to them, either in person or by their representatives, before they were enacted? “No; they were enacted by their forefathers long before they were born.” Then, what are they to them? You have assured us, that if men may give away their own liberty, they cannot give away the liberty of others, of their children or descendants. Nay, you have told us, that no man has a right to give away his own liberty; that it is unalienable from the nature of every child of man.

Now, who can insure another? Who can exempt himself in the time of general distress, from such an evil? Alas ! brethren, “we must let this alone for ever. We are of yesterday, and know nothing” of to-morrow. What then must we do to save (not to destroy) our kingdom, and to save (not to destroy) our American brethren? Do, my brethren | Why, what would we do, if either our own or our neighbour's house were on fire? We should bring, if in our senses, no combustible matter to increase the flame, but water and a helping hand to extinguish it. This we should certainly do, and our labour would not be in vain. Now, apply this to America and Great Britain. The former is like an house on fire; the devouring flames of an unnatural civil war are already kindled, and some hundreds of lives have fallen a prey to its insatiable violence. And how long before this may be our case here, God only knows! Stop here then, my brethren, and survey the desolation. Behold the weeping and disconsolate widow refusing to be comforted | Her beloved husband is fallen l is fallen l and is no more ! See the affectionate parent hanging down his head like the bulrush | Hear the broken language of his heart | “My son I my son I would God I had died in thy place I O my son I my son 1’’ This is far from the flight of imagination, or the colouring of fancy. It is the real and actual condition of many amongst that unhappy people, and ..a part only of their manifold distress. In a word, they and we appear to be a people infatuated like the Jews of old, and ripening for destruction; and no marvel if, while we are biting and devouring one another, some stronger beasts of prey step in and divide the spoil!

A Serious Address to the People of England Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 11 (Zondervan) Author: John Wesley --- I would fain lay a few plain considerations before you, before all men of candour and common sense, who are not so totally swallowed up of prejudice as to be incapable of hearing reason. I beg you to weigh the matter calmly; not to be overborne by noisy or wordy men, but to use your own senses, your own eyes and ears, and your own understanding. Do not run away (as many do) with part of a story; but hear the whole, and then judge. Have patience to lay all circumstances together, and then you may form a just judgment. A solemn inquiry was lately made concerning the state of the nation. If such an inquiry were properly made, so that the real state of the nation might be clearly and distinctly shown, it might be attended with excellent consequences. It might enable the legislative power to redress or prevent numerous evils. And it might lead those who conduct public affairs to take the most effectual measures for promoting the solid and lasting welfare of all their fellow-subjects. On the other hand, if such an inquiry were improperly made, and consequently the state of the nation misrepre sented,--if it were represented as far worse than it really is, --exceeding bad consequences might follow. It would naturally tend to disturb, to frighten, to discourage the people. It would tend to depress and sour their spirits, to embitter them against others, and to make them disaffected to His Majesty, and all that act under him. It would make them utterly unthankful to God, for all the blessings that surround them; the ready way to weaken our hands and strengthen the hands of our common enemies. Should not then an inquiry of so important a nature be made with the greatest accuracy? And in order to this, should not the question be stated with all possible exactness? But in a late inquiry, I cannot find that the question was stated at all. The inquirers jumped into the middle of it at once, in defiance of all logic and common sense.

For if the nation is now (as has been clearly shown) very considerably richer, then it is better able to bear an equal or a greater load of national debt, than it was at that juncture. “To illustrate this by a familiar instance: A private trader, who has but an hundred pounds in the world, is greatly in debt if he owes but twenty pounds; and is in danger of stopping payment for want of cash, or of being crushed by some wealthy rival. But if he has a thousand pounds in stock, and owes two hundred, he is in far less danger. And if he has ten thousand pounds stock, and owes two thousand, he is in no danger; nay, he is a rich man. “Not that I would encourage the running any farther in debt. I only intend to show that our distresses, which raise such tragical exclamations, are more imaginary than real.” Thus far the Dean of Gloucester. And what can be more fair and candid than these reasonings? What can be more satisfactory to you who are of no party, but an honest inquirer after truth? Perhaps you lately heard a strange, broken, maimed account all on one side of the question, of debts without any credits to balance ! And what could you learn from this? Now you hear both sides, and thence may easily see what is the real state of the nation. And how much better is it, in all the preceding respects, than it was eighteen years ago ! What becomes then of all those passionate outcries concerning the “dreadful condition we are in,” when it undeniably appears, to every candid inquirer, that we have not been in so good a condition these fifty years! On how totally insufficient grounds is the contrary supposition built ! “We have lost--near as many ships as we have taken | We have been disturbed on the banks of Newfoundland; and we can no longer sell our brethren like sheep, and pour out their blood like water; therefore the nation is in a desperate state; therefore we are on the brink of ruin l’’ And are these the best arguments that can be found to support the lamentable conclusion | Now, my friends, give me leave to sum up briefly what has been offered on the other side.

A Compassionate Address to the Inhabitants of Ireland Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 11 (Zondervan) Author: John Wesley --- 1. BEFoRE I left London (two or three months ago) a general panic prevailed there. Some vehemently affirmed, and others potently believed, that the nation was in a most desperate state; that it was upon the very brink of ruin, past all hopes of recovery. Soon after, I found that the same panic had spread throughout the city of Bristol. I traced it likewise wherever I went, in Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, Staffordshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire. When I crossed the Channel, I was surprised to find it had got before me to Ireland; and that it was not only spread through Dublin first, and thence to every part of Leinster, but had found its way into Munster too, into Cork, Bandon, and Limerick: In all which places people were terrifying themselves and their neighbours, just as they did in London. 2. “How is it possible,” say they, “that we should contend with so many enemies together? If General Washington has (as Mr. Franklin of Limerick computes) sixty-five thousand men; if the powerful fleet and numerous armies of France are added to these; if Spain, in consequence of the family compact, declares war at the same time; and if Portugal join in confederacy with them, what will become of us? Add to these the enemies of our own household, ready to start up on every side; and when France invades us from without, and these from within, what can follow but ruin and destruction ?” 3. I would fain speak a word of comfort to my poor neigh bours, that they may not be frightened to death. Perhaps, my friends, things are not in altogether so desperate a situa tion as you imagine. When I was at Cork last week, I con versed largely with some persons who were just landed from Philadelphia. I could thoroughly depend upon the account they gave, as they had had full means of information, and. had no possible interest to serve by misrepresenting anything. The substance of their account was this: “In December, General Washington had seventeen or eighteen thousand men in his army. From that time thirty, forty, sometimes fifty of them died in a day by a pestilential fever; and in two months’ time, upwards of fifteen hundred deserted to General Howe.

But still the King is wounded through their sides; the blame glances from them to him. Yet if we say a word in defence of them, (which is in effect defending him,) this also is preaching politics. 6. It is always difficult and frequently impossible for private men to judge of the measures taken by men in public offices. We do not see many of the grounds which determine them to act in this or the contrary manner. Generally, therefore, it behoves us to be silent, as we may suppose they know their own business best; but when they are censured without any colour of reason, and when an odium is cast on the King by that means, we ought to preach politics in this sense also; we ought publicly to confute those unjust censures: Only remem bering still, that this is rarely to be done, and only when fit occasion offers; it being our main business to preach “repent ance towards God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ.” LEw Isua M, January 9, 1782. 1. SoME years ago an ingenious man published a treatise with this title. According to him, the characteristics of the English at present are sloth and luxury. And thus much we may allow, that neither the one nor the other ever abounded in England as they do at this day. With regard to sloth, it was the constant custom of our ancestors to rise at four in the morning. This was the stated hour, summer and winter, for all that werc in health. The two Houses of Parliament met “at five;” hord quintá antemeridianá, says their Journal. But how is it with people of fashion now? They can hardly huddle on their clothes before eight or nine o'clock in the morning; perhaps some of them not before twelve. And when they are risen, what do they do? They waste away In gentle inactivity the day. How many are so far from working with their hands, that they can scarce set a foot to the ground ! How many, even young, healthy men, are too lazy either to walk or ride : They must loll in their carriages day by day; and these can scarce be made easy enough ! And must not the minor Gentry have their coaches too? Yea, if they only ride on the outside.

For they will then “find no place for repentance, though they should seek it carefully with tears.” O my friend, know the privilege you enjoy. Now, “remem ber the Sabbath-day, to keep it holy.” Your day of life and of grace is far spent. The night of death is at hand. Make haste to use the time you have; improve the last hours of your day. Now provide “the things which make for your peace,” that you may stand before the face of God for ever.

Of this he expected to make a vast advantage. But they refused him roughly: Unmoved by this, he determined to go without it, as soon as the ship sailed. But in the morning, the maid, waiting on him at breakfast, let the tea-kettle fall, and so scalded his leg that he kept his bed for a considerable time after. During that time, the ship sailed for Brazil. But it was observed, that the ship was heard of no more. 9. But how is this reconcilable with the account which has been given of his piety when he was a child? Very easily: It only shows, that his piety declined while he was at the University. (And this is too often the case of other youths in our own Universities.) But it pleased God at or before his journey to England to lift up his head again. 10. His desire of being an Officer in the army continued after he returned from Lisbon. And when he was informed, that his uncle, then a Colonel in the Dutch service, had procured a commission for him, he joyfully set out for Flanders. But just at that time the peace was concluded; and his uncle dying quickly after, his hopes were blasted, and he gave up all thoughts of going into the army; and, being disengaged from all business, he thought it would not be amiss to spend a little time in England. 11. Coming to the Custom-House in London, with some other young gentlemen, none of whom could speak any English, they were treated with the utmost surliness and ill manners by some brutish Custom-House Officers. These not only took out and jumbled together all the things that were in their portmanteaus, but took away their letters of recommend ation; telling them, “All letters must be sent by the post.” They are such saucy and ill-mannered wretches as these that bring up an evil report on our nation. Britons might well be styled, hospitibus feri,” if they were all like these vermin. 12. From hence they went to an inn; but here they were under another difficulty. As they spoke no English, they could not tell how to exchange their foreign into English money; till Mr. Fletcher, going to the door, heard a well-dressed Jew talking French. He told him the difficulty they were under, with regard to the exchange of money.

His Lordship carried it to the Lord Chancellor, and the Lord Chancellor handed it to the King.” One was immediately commissioned to ask Mr. Fletcher, whether any preferment in the Church would be acceptable; or whether he (the Chancellor) could do him any service. He answered, ‘I want nothing, but more grace.” 9. “In 1776, he deposited with me a bill of one hundred and five pounds, being (as I understood) the yearly produce of his estate in Switzerland. This was his fund for charitable uses; but it lasted only a few months before he drew upon me for the balance, which was twenty-four pounds, to complete the preaching-house in Madeley-Wood.” 10. In the same year, his health being more than ever impaired by a violent cough, accompanied with spitting of blood, of which I had had large experience myself; having frequently seen the surprising effects of constant exercise, together with change of air; I told him, nothing was so likely to restore his health as a long journey. I therefore proposed his taking a journey of some months with me, through various parts of England and Scotland; telling him, “When you are tired, or like it best, you may come into my carriage; but remember, that riding on horseback is the best of all exercises for you, so far as your strength will permit.” He looked upon this as a call from Providence, and very willingly accepted of the proposal. We set out (as I am accustomed to do) early in the spring, and travelled, by moderate journeys, suited to his strength, which gradually increased, eleven or twelve hundred miles. When we returned to London, in the latter end of the year, he was considerably better. And I verily believe, if he had travelled with me, partly in the chaise and partly on horseback, only a few months longer, he would have quite recovered his health. But this those about him would not permit; so, being detained in London, by his kind but injudicious friends, while I pursued my journeys, his spitting of blood, with all the other symptoms, returned, and rapidly increased, till the Physicians pronounced him to be far advanced in a true, pulmonary consumption. 11. It being judged quite improper for him to remain in London, on December 16, 1776, he retired to the house of a friend, Mr.

In the beginning of December, he set out with Mr. Ireland and his family, beside some other company. A little account of the former part of his journey is given by Mr. Ireland, in a letter to a friend:-- “We left Calais, December 12. The north wind was very high, and penetrated us even in the chaise. We put up at Bretzul, and the next day got to Abbeville; whence we were forced, by the miserable accommodations we met with, to set out, though it was Sunday. Mr. Fletcher and I used to lead the way; but now the other chaises got before us. Nine miles from Abbeville our axletree gave way through the hard frost, and we were both left to the piercing cold, on the side of a hill, without any shelter. After waiting an hour and half, we sent the axletree and wheels back to be repaired; and, leaving the body of the chaise under a guard, procured another to carry us to the next town. On the 15th our chaise arrived in good repair. Travelling steadily forward, (though the country was all covered with snow,) on the 27th we reached Dijon. During the whole journey, Mr. Fletcher showed visible marks of a recovery. He bore both the fatigue and piercing cold as well as the best of us. On the 31st we put up at Lyons, and solemnly closed the year; bowing our knees before the Throne, which indeed we did not fail to do, all together, every day. January 4, 1778, we left Lyons, and came on the 9th to Aix. Here we rest; the weather being exceeding fine and warm. Mr. Fletcher walks out daily. He is now able to read, and to pray with us, every morning and evening. He has no remains of his cough, or of the weakness in his breast. His natural colour is restored, and the sallowness quite gone. His appetite is good, and he takes a little wine.” 11. In another letter Mr. Ireland writes thus: “Soon after our arrival here, I rode out most days with my dear and valuable friend. He now and then complained of the uneasi ness of the horse, and there were some remains of soreness in his breast. But this soon went off. The beginning of February was warm, which, when he walked in the fields, relaxed him too much.

About this time a letter was wrote to that venerable old man, Mr. Perronet, Vicar of Shoreham, informing him, that there was a valuable estate at his native place, which properly belonged to him, and which might easily be recovered, if he sent one of his sons to claim it. All his friends whom he consulted on the occasion judged this information was not to be slighted; and his youngest son, Mr. William Perronet, was willing to undertake the journey. But before he set out, he wrote to Mr. Fletcher, desiring his advice. Part of his answer was as follows: “NYoN, June 2, 1778. “WHILE I write to you to make your title clear to a precarious estate on earth, permit me to remind you of the heavenly inheritance entailed upon believers. The Will (the New Testament) by which we can recover it is proved; the Court is equitable, the Judge loving and gracious. To enter on the possession of part of the estate here, and of the whole here after, weneed only to believe, and prove evangelically that we are believers. Let us set about it now with earnestness, with perse verance, and with full assurance that through grace we shall carry our point. Alas, what are estates or crowns, to grace and glory? The Lord grant we may all choose the better part ! “Since I wrote last, in order to shorten my journey, I ventured to cross the mountains, which separate France from this country. But on the third day, I found an unexpected trial; a hill, which we were to ascend by a winding road, but so steep, that the horses were hardly able to draw the empty chaise. This obliged me to walk, in the steepest places, for several hours together. The sun was hot. I perspired violently, and the next day I spat blood again. But having kept to asses’ milk ever since, I am (blessed be God) much better. “This country is delightful. I invite you to come and see it, and share a delightful apartment. I design to try this fine air some months longer. We have a fine shady wood near the lake, where I can ride in the cool all the day, and enjoy the singing of a multitude of birds. But this, though sweet, does not come up to the singing of my dear friends in England.

When the Officer came to the door of the house where he lodged, Mr. Ireland stepped out, and said, “Sir, have you a warrant for me?” He (supposing him to be Mr. Fletcher) answered, “I have; you must come with me.” Mr. Ireland went very quietly with him. But when they came before the Magistrate, the accuser said, “This is not the man; I know nothing of this gentleman.” Another messenger was then sent; but before he came to the house, Mr. Fletcher was too far off to be overtaken. 21. While he was at Nyon, he wrote (among many other letters) to good old Mr. Perronet as follows:- * * “February 8, 1779. “HoNoURED AND DEAR FATHER IN CHRIST, “I HAvE had the pleasure of accompanying your son to your father’s birth-place. It is a charming country for those who have a taste for highland prospects. But what is it to our heavenly Father's hill of Sion? Thither may we all itravel, summer and winter, and there may we all have a happy meeting, and an eternal inheritance 1” 22. September 7. Mr. William Perronet wrote a little farther account of him: “Mr. Fletcher,” says he, “has preached here” *(at Nyon) “in the church, and might have preached much oftener, if his health would have permitted; for his friendly and prudent behaviour has won upon all the three Ministers, so that they are now on the best terms with him. But a inew difficulty has lately arisen. He has been summoned before the Seigneur Bailiff, who sharply reprehended him -(noble Bailiff indeed; worthy of his office ) for preaching against Sabbath-breaking, which, he said, implied a censure of the Magistrates, as if they neglected their duty. He repri manded him also for preaching against stage-plays, which he considered as a reflection on himself, as he had just then sent for a company of French comedians to Nyon. In conse quence of this, he forbid his exercising the function of a Minister in this country. A blessed instance of Republican liberty | Who would not wish for the same in England? However, one of the Ministers has ventured to give him a room in his own house. Here he preaches two or three times a week, to a few serious persons and abundance of children. His Lordship has not yet thought proper to interfere, although the thing is no secret.

These meetings he attended, with the utmost diligence, to the very Thursday before his illness. In order to encourage the children, his method was to give them little Hymn-Books, pointing them to some friend or neighbour, who would teach them the hymns, and instruct them to sing. The little creatures were greatly taken with this new employment; insomuch that many of them would scarce allow themselves time to eat or sleep, for the desire they had of learning their lessons. At every meeting, after inquiring who had made the greatest proficiency, he distinguished them by some little reward. 3. In the instructing of children, one great difficulty is, to draw and fix their attention. He had a singular gift for doing this, by making advantage of any incident that offered. One day, while he had a considerable number of children before him in the preaching-house, as he was persuading them to mind what they were about, and to remember the text which he was going to mention, just then a robin flew into the house, and their eyes were presently turned after him. “Now,” said he, “I see you can attend to that robin. Well, I will take that robin for my text.” He then gave them an useful lecture on the harmlessness of that little creature, and the tender care of its Creator. 4. When he observed that the number of children, instead of falling off, as was expected, increased continually, he wrote some proposals to the parish, which were received with the greatest unanimity. Many of the rich, as well as the trading people, lent their helping hand, not only to defray the expense of teachers, but also to raise a convenient house in Coalbrook-Dale for the instruction of the numerous children that were on that side of the parish. 5. The proposal was as follows:-"Our national depravity turns greatly on these two hinges, the profanation of the Lord’s day, and the neglect of the education of children. Till some way is found of stopping up these two great inlets of wickedness, we must expect to see our workhouses filled with aged parents forsaken by their prodigal children, with wives forsaken by their faithless husbands, and with the wretched offspring of lewd women and drunken men.

They have attempted to remedy these evils by setting up. Sunday-schools, which, by keeping children from corrupting one another, by promoting their attendance on divine worship, and by planting the first principles of useful knowledge in their minds and of piety in their hearts, bid fair for a public reformation of manners, and for nipping in the bud the ignorance and impiety which is everywhere so common among the lower and more numerous classes of people.” 8. The proposals concerning Sunday-schools in the parish of Madeley, were as follows: “I. It is proposed, that Sunday-schools be set up in this parish, for such children as are employed all the week, and for those whose education has been hitherto totally neglected. “II. That the children admitted into these be taught reading, writing, and the principles of religion. “III. That there be a school for boys and another for girls, in Madeley, Madeley-Wood, and Coalbrook-Dale, six in all. “IV. That a subscription be opened, to pay each Teacher one shilling per Sunday, and to buy tables, forms, books, pens, and ink. “V. That two Treasurers be appointed to ask and receive the contributions of the subscribers. “VI. That whoever subscribes one guinea a year shall be a Governor. “VII. That three or four Inspectors be appointed, who are to visit the schools once a week, to see that the children attend regularly, and the Masters do their duty. “VIII. That a book be provided, for setting down all receipts and expenses; and another for the names of the Teachers and the scholars. “IX. That the schools be solemnly visited once or twice a year; and a premium given to the children that have made the greatest improvement.” 9. As to the success of his unwearied labours, although he was much discouraged when he first returned from abroad, find ing so many of those who had once run well, grown weary and faint in their mind; yet it was not long before he found fresh cause to rejoice, and to know that God was with him of a truth. It was not long before he observed that a general reformation had taken place in the parish.

Not that he was so by nature, but of a fiery, passionate spirit. But so thoroughly had grace subdued nature, so fully was he renewed in the spirit of his mind, that, for many years before his death, I believe he was never observed by any one, friend or foe, to be out of temper. And yet he did not want provocation, and that sometimes in a high degree; especially from those whose religious sentiments he thought it his duty to oppose. One of these, who once loved him so well, as to be ready to pull out his eyes for him, was so exasperated on reading his Second Check, that he wrote to him in the most bitter terms. But none of these things moved him; no, not in the least degree. The keenest word he used upon the occasion was, ‘What a world, what a religious world we live in l’ “Hence arose his readiness to bear with the weaknesses, and forgive the faults, of others; the more remarkable, considering his flaming zeal against sin, and deep concern for the glory of God. Such hatred to sin, and such love to the sinner, I never saw joined together before. This very circumstance con vinced me of the height of his grace, bearing so much of his Master’s image, whose hatred to sin and love to sinners are equally infinite. He took all possible pains to detect what was evil in any of those that were under his care; pursuing it through all its turnings and windings, and stripping it of all its disguises. Yet none so ready to excuse when it was confessed, and to conceal it even from his most intimate friends. “He never mentioned the faults of an absent person, unless absolute duty required it: And then he spoke with the utmost tenderness, extenuating, rather than aggravating. None could draw his picture more exactly than St. Paul has done, in the thirteenth of the first Epistle to the Corinthians. Every feature in that masterly piece of apostolic painting was found in him.

29.)” Our Second Conference began August 1, 1745. The next morning we spoke of sanctification as follows:- “Q. When does inward sanctification begin? “A. In the moment a man is justified. (Yet sin remains in him, yea, the seed of all sin, till he is sanctified through out.) From that time a believer gradually dies to sin, and grows in grace. “Q. Is this ordinarily given till a little before death? “A. It is not, to those who expect it no sooner. “Q. But may we expect it sooner? “A. Why not? For, although we grant, (1.) That the generality of believers, whom we have hitherto known, were not so sanctified till near death; (2.) That few of those to whom St. Paul wrote his Epistles were so at that time; nor, (3.) He himself at the time of writing his former Epistles; yet all this does not prove, that we may not be so to-day. “Q. In what manner should we preach sanctification? “A. Scarce at all to those who are not pressing forward: To those who are, always by way of promise; always drawing, rather than driving.” Our Third Conference began Tuesday, May 13, 1746. In this we carefully read over the Minutes of the two preceding Conferences, to observe whether anything con tained therein might be retrenched or altered on more mature consideration. But we did not see cause to alter in any respect what we had agreed upon before. Our Fourth Conference began on Tuesday, June the 16th, 1747. As several persons were present, who did not believe the doctrine of perfection, we agreed to examine it from the foundation. In order to this, it was asked, “How much is allowed by our brethren who differ from us with regard to entire sanctification ? “A. They grant, (1.) That every one must be entirely sanctified in the article of death. (2.) That till then a believer daily grows in grace, comes nearer and nearer to: perfection. (3.) That we ought to be continually pressing: after it, and to exhort all others so to do. “Q. What do we allow them ? “A. We grant, (1.) That many of those who have died in the faith, yea, the greater part of those we have known, were not perfected in love till a little before their death. (2.) That the term sanctified is continually applied by St.

“A. According as that displeasure is: If they are angry, it is a proof against them; if they are grieved, it is not. They ought to be grieved, if we disbelieve a real work of God, and thereby deprive ourselves of the advantage we might have received from it. And we may easily mistake this grief for anger, as the outward expressions of both are much alike. “Q. But is it not well to find out those who fancy they have attained when they have not? “A. It is well to do it by mild, loving examination. But it is not well to triumph even over these. It is extremely wrong, if we find such an instance, to rejoice as if we had found great spoils. Ought we not rather to grieve, to be deeply concerned, to let our eyes run down with tears? Here is one who seemed to be a living proof of God’s power to save to the uttermost; but, alas, it is not as we hoped. He is weighed in the balance, and found wanting ! And is this matter of joy? Ought we not to rejoice a thousand times more, if we can find nothing but pure love? “‘But he is deceived.” What then? It is a harmless smistake, while he feels nothing but love in his heart. It is a mistake which generally argues great grace, an high degree both of holiness and happiness. This should be a matter of real joy to all that are simple of heart; not the mistake itself, but the height of grace which for a time occasions it. I rejoice that this soul is always happy in Christ, always full of prayer and thanksgiving. I rejoice that he feels no unholy temper, but the pure love of God continually. And I will rejoice, if sin is suspended till it is totally destroyed. “Q. Is there no danger then in a man’s being thus deceived ? “A. Not at the time that he feels no sin. There was danger before, and there will be again when he comes into fresh trials.

A Letter to the Rev. Mr. Thomas Maxfield Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 11 (Zondervan) Year: 1778 Author: John Wesley --- I was a little surprised to read, in a late publication of yours, the following assertions : 1. Thomas Maxfield was “some of the first-fruits of Mr. Whitefield's ministry.” (Page 18.) 2. “When he went abroad, he delivered me, and many thousands more, into the hands of those he thought he could have trusted them with, and who would have given them back to him again at his return. But, alas! it was not so.” (Ibid.) “I heard Mr. Whitefield say, at the Tabernacle, in the presence of five or six Ministers, to Mr. -- a little before he left England for the last time, ‘I delivered thirty thou sand people into the hands of your brother and you, when I went abroad. And by the time I came back, you had so turned their hearts against me, that not three hundred of them would come to hear me.” I knew this was true.” (Ibid.) 3. “I heard Mr. Whitefield say, ‘When I came back from Georgia, there was no speaking evil of each other. O what would I not give, or suffer, or do, to see such times again But O that division I that division ? What slaughter jt has made l’ “It was doctrine that caused the difference; or, at least, it was so pretended.” (Ibid.) “He preached a few times in connexion with his old friends. But, ah! how soon was the sword of contention drawn l’’ (Page 19.) 4. “Where can you now find any loving ones, of either party? They have no more love to each other than Turks.” (Ibid.) “Read their vile contentions, and the evil characters they give of each other, raking the filthiest ashes, to find some black story against their fellow-Preachers.” (Page 20.) They “slay with the sword of bitterness, wrath, and envy. Still more their shame is what they have sent out into the world against each other, on both sides, about five or six years ago, and till this very day.” (Page 21.) To satisfy both friends and foes, I propose a few queries on each of these four heads. I.

I. As to the first, I read a remarkable passage in the third Journal, (vol.I., page 196,) the truth of which may be still attested by Mr. Durbin, Mr. Westell, and several others then present, who are yet alive:-" A young man who stood behind, sunk down, as one dead; but soon began to roar out, and beat himself against the ground, so that six men could scarce hold him. This was Thomas Maxfield.” Was this you? If it was, how are you “the first-fruits of Mr. Whitefield's ministry?” And how is it, that neither I, nor your fellow-labourers, ever heard one word of this during all those years wherein you laboured in connexion with us? II. “When he went abroad again, he delivered me, and many thousands, into the hands of Mr. -.” When? where? in what manner? This is quite new to me! I never heard one word of it before ! But stay! here is something more curious still ! “I heard Mr. Whitefield say, at the Tabernacle, in the presence of five or six Ministers, a little before he left England the last time, ‘I delivered thirty thousand people into the hands of you and your brother when I went abroad.’” Mr. Whitefield’s going abroad, which is here referred to, was in the year 1741. Did he then deliver you into my hands? Was you not in my hands before? Had you not then, for above a year, been a member of the society under my care? Nay, was you not, at the very time, one of my Preachers? Did you not then serve me as a son in the Gospel? Did you not eat my bread, and lodge in my house? Is not this then a total misrepresentation? Would to God it be not a wilful one ! “I heard,” you say, “Mr. Whitefield say, at the Taber macle, in the presence of five or six Ministers, a little before he left England the last time:”--Who then can doubt the truth of what follows? For here is chapter and verse! Here both the time, the place, and the persons present, are specified. And they ought to be; seeing the crime alleged is one of a very heinous mature. Many a man has been justly sentenced to death for sins which, in the sight of God, were not equal to this.

After more and more persons are convinced of sin, we may mix more and more of the gospel, in order to “beget faith,” to raise into spiritual life those whom the law hath slain; but this is not to be done too hastily neither. There fore, it is not expedient wholly to omit the law; not only because we may well suppose that many of our hearers are still unconvinced; but because otherwise there is danger, that many who are convinced will heal their own wounds slightly; therefore, it is only in private converse with a thoroughly convinced sinner, that we should preach nothing but the gospel. If, indeed, we could suppose a whole congregation to be thus convinced, we should need to preach only the gospel: And the same we might do, if our whole congregation were supposed to be newly justified. But when these grow in grace, and in the knowledge of Christ, a wise builder would c preach the law to them again; only taking particular care to" place every part of it in a gospel light, as not only a com mand, but a privilege also, as a branch of the glorious liberty of the sons of God. He would take equal care to remind them, that this is not the cause, but the fruit, of their acceptance with God; that other cause, “other foundation can no man lay, than that which is laid, even Jesus Christ;” that we are still forgiven and accepted, only for the sake of what he hath done and suffered for us; and that all true obedience springs from love to him, grounded on his first loving us. He would labour, therefore, in preaching any part of the law, to keep the love of Christ continually before their eyes; that thence they might draw fresh life, vigour, and strength, to run the way of his commandments. Thus would he preach the law even to those who were pressing on to the mark. But to those who were careless, or drawing back, he would preach it in another manner, nearly as he did before they were convinced of sin. To those, meanwhile, who were earnest, but feeble-minded, he would preach the gospel chiefly; yet variously intermixing more or less of the law, according to their various necessities.

A Providential Event Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 11 (Zondervan) Author: John Wesley --- TIE forty King's Scholars at Westminster-School lodge in one room, which is called the dormitory. While my eldest brother was at school, the head boy cried out vehemently one morning, “Lads, lads! you oversleep yourselves! you lie too late: It is time to be at school.” They all started up, dressed as quick as they could, and ran down with him. When they came into the cloisters, one who was a little before the rest saw something white, and cried out, “What have we got here?” They went up to it, and found a man stark naked, and so benumbed that he could not speak. Just then the clock struck two. They took him up, carried him into the dormitory, and put him into a warm bed After some rest, he recovered his senses and speech; and *=~~~- Wheing asked how he came into that condition, he told them, as he was coming over Chelsea-Fields, he was robbed by two footpads, who then stripped him stark maked, tied him neck and heels, and threw him into a ditch. There he must have perished, but that some young women, coming to market very early in the morning, heard him groan, and, going to the ditch, untied him, and then ran away. He made toward the town as well as he could, till, being unable to walk any farther, he crept into the cloisters upon his hands and feet, where he lay till the King’s Scholars came. Probably in an hour or two he would have expired. After Jhe had slept some hours, they gave him something warm to drink; then one gave him a shirt, another a coat or waist coat, others what they could spare, till they had clothed him from head to foot. They then collected for him among themselves about forty shillings, and wished him well home. See the wisdom of God, making the sport of a boy the smeans of saving a poor man’s life!

A Question Concerning Dew on Coach-Glasses Source: The Works of John Wesley, Volume 11 (Zondervan) Author: John Wesley --- WHEN two or three persons are in a coach, and draw up the glasses, it is observed they become so covered with dew, that we can scarce see through them; but when that is once wiped off, there is no more dew gathered upon the glass, but it continues transparent. You will oblige your readers with the reason of this phenomenon. THE ANswer. THE reason is, that in comparison of the moist vapours that come from the persons in the coach, the glass is cold, and condenses them, remaining cold longer than any other part of the coach; as we find in damp weather, that marble will become wet by condensing the moisture of the air. Then by degrees, the glass, partaking of the warmth of the persons in the coach, is no longer able to condense the floating vapours into water. The proof of this is plain by letting down the glass into its place, because there it cools, and then being brought up it again condenses the vapour and gathers a dew; without which it would not condense the vapour, though in many hours’ travelling.

Hymn III Source: Hymns on God's Everlasting Love (1742) Author: Charles Wesley --- O take away the stone, Jesu, the bar remove, Th' accursed thing to me unknown, That stops thy streaming love: Thy grace is always free, Thou waitest to be good, And still thy Spirit grieves for me, And speaks thy sprinkled blood. Ah! Do not let me trust In gifts and graces past, But lay my spirit in the dust, And stop my mouth at last. What thou for me hast done, I can no longer plead; Thy truth and faithfulness I own, If now thou strike me dead. Surely I once believ'd, And felt my sins forgiven, Thy faithful record I receiv'd, That thou hast purchas'd heaven For me, and all mankind, Who from their sins would part; The peace of God I once could find, The witness in my heart. But soon the subtle fiend Beguil'd my simple mind, Darkness with light he knew to blend, Falshood and truth he join'd; Pride (he remember'd well) Had cast him from the skies: By pride the first transgressor fell, And lost his paradise. Arm'd with this fiery dart The enemy drew nigh, And preach'd to my unsettled heart His bold presumptuous lie; "You are secure of heaven," (The tempter softly says) "You are elect, and once forgiven Can never fall from grace. "You never can receive The grace of God in vain: The gift, be sure, he did not give To take it back again; He cannot take it back, Whether you use, or no His grace; you cannot shipwreck make Of faith, or let it go. "You never can forget Your God, or leave him now, Or once look back, if you have set Your hand unto the plow: You never can deny The Lord who you hath bought, Nor can your God his own pass by, Tho' you receive him not. "God is unchangeable, And therefore so are you; And therefore they can never fail Who once his goodness knew; In part perhaps you may, You cannot wholly fall, Cannot become a castaway Like non-elected Paul. "Tho' you continue not, Yet God remains the same, Out of his book he cannot blot Your everlasting name: Cut off you shall not be, You never shall remove, Secure from all eternity In his electing love. "If God the seed did sow, He sow'd it not in vain, It cannot to perfection grow, But it must still remain: Nor cares, nor sins can choak, Or make the grace depart, Nor can it be by Satan took Out of your careless heart. "You must for ever live, If of the chosen race; If God did but one talent give Of special, saving grace, You cannot bury it; He never can reprove, Or cast you out into the pit For trampling on his love. "God sees in you no sin; On his decree depend; You who did in the Sp'rit begin, In flesh can never end: You never can reject His mercies, or abuse, His great salvation none neglect, And death and evil chuse. "If once the sp'rit unclean Out of his house is gone, He never more can enter in, Or seize you for his own; You need not dread the fate Of reprobates accurst, Or tremble lest your last estate Be worser than the first. "Surely the righteous man Can never more draw back, He his own mercies never can With his good works forsake; That he should sink to hell In his iniquity, God may suppose it possible, But it can never be. "His threatnings all are vain, You fancy him sincere, But spare yourself the needless pain, And cast away your fear. He speaks with this intent To frighten you from ill With sufferings, which he only meant The reprobate should feel. "He only meant to warn The damn'd, devoted race, Back from his ways lest they should turn Who never knew his ways; He only cautions all Who never came to God Not to depart from God, or fall From grace, who never stood. "His threatnings are a jest, Or not design'd for you; He only means them for the rest, And they shall find them true, Who slight his mercy's call, Which they could ne'er embrace: He warns th' apostates not to fall From common (damning) grace. "'Gainst those that faithless prove He shuts his mercy's door, And whom he never once did love Threatens to love no more; From them he doth revoke The grace they did not share, And blot the names out of his book That ne'er were written there. "But you may rest secure, And safely take your ease, If you are once in grace, be sure You always are in grace: Cast all your fears away, My son, be of good chear, Nor mind what Paul or Peter say, For you must persevere. "And did they fright the child, And tell it, it might fall? Might be of its reward beguil'd, And sin, and forfeit all: Might to its vomit turn, And wallow in the mire, And perish in its sins, and burn In everlasting fire! "What naughty men be they To take the children's bread, Their carnal confidence to slay, And force them to take heed! With humble useless doubt The fearful babes they fill, Compell'd with trembling to work out Their own salvation still. "Ah poor misguided soul! And did they make it weep! Come, let me in my bosom lull, Thy sorrows all to sleep: Thine eyes in safety close, Secure from all alarms, And take thine undisturb'd repose, And rest within my arms. "They shall not vex it so, By bidding it take heed; You need not as a bulrush go, Still bowing down your head: Your griefs and fears reject, My other gospel own, Only believe yourself elect, And all the work is done."

Hymn III Source: Hymns on God's Everlasting Love (1742) Author: Charles Wesley --- O take away the stone, Jesu, the bar remove, Th' accursed thing to me unknown, That stops thy streaming love: Thy grace is always free, Thou waitest to be good, And still thy Spirit grieves for me, And speaks thy sprinkled blood. Ah! Do not let me trust In gifts and graces past, But lay my spirit in the dust, And stop my mouth at last. What thou for me hast done, I can no longer plead; Thy truth and faithfulness I own, If now thou strike me dead. Surely I once believ'd, And felt my sins forgiven, Thy faithful record I receiv'd, That thou hast purchas'd heaven For me, and all mankind, Who from their sins would part; The peace of God I once could find, The witness in my heart. But soon the subtle fiend Beguil'd my simple mind, Darkness with light he knew to blend, Falshood and truth he join'd; Pride (he remember'd well) Had cast him from the skies: By pride the first transgressor fell, And lost his paradise. Arm'd with this fiery dart The enemy drew nigh, And preach'd to my unsettled heart His bold presumptuous lie; "You are secure of heaven," (The tempter softly says) "You are elect, and once forgiven Can never fall from grace. "You never can receive The grace of God in vain: The gift, be sure, he did not give To take it back again; He cannot take it back, Whether you use, or no His grace; you cannot shipwreck make Of faith, or let it go. "You never can forget Your God, or leave him now, Or once look back, if you have set Your hand unto the plow: You never can deny The Lord who you hath bought, Nor can your God his own pass by, Tho' you receive him not. "God is unchangeable, And therefore so are you; And therefore they can never fail Who once his goodness knew; In part perhaps you may, You cannot wholly fall, Cannot become a castaway Like non-elected Paul. "Tho' you continue not, Yet God remains the same, Out of his book he cannot blot Your everlasting name: Cut off you shall not be, You never shall remove, Secure from all eternity In his electing love. "If God the seed did sow, He sow'd it not in vain, It cannot to perfection grow, But it must still remain: Nor cares, nor sins can choak, Or make the grace depart, Nor can it be by Satan took Out of your careless heart. "You must for ever live, If of the chosen race; If God did but one talent give Of special, saving grace, You cannot bury it; He never can reprove, Or cast you out into the pit For trampling on his love. "God sees in you no sin; On his decree depend; You who did in the Sp'rit begin, In flesh can never end: You never can reject His mercies, or abuse, His great salvation none neglect, And death and evil chuse. "If once the sp'rit unclean Out of his house is gone, He never more can enter in, Or seize you for his own; You need not dread the fate Of reprobates accurst, Or tremble lest your last estate Be worser than the first. "Surely the righteous man Can never more draw back, He his own mercies never can With his good works forsake; That he should sink to hell In his iniquity, God may suppose it possible, But it can never be. "His threatnings all are vain, You fancy him sincere, But spare yourself the needless pain, And cast away your fear. He speaks with this intent To frighten you from ill With sufferings, which he only meant The reprobate should feel. "He only meant to warn The damn'd, devoted race, Back from his ways lest they should turn Who never knew his ways; He only cautions all Who never came to God Not to depart from God, or fall From grace, who never stood. "His threatnings are a jest, Or not design'd for you; He only means them for the rest, And they shall find them true, Who slight his mercy's call, Which they could ne'er embrace: He warns th' apostates not to fall From common (damning) grace. "'Gainst those that faithless prove He shuts his mercy's door, And whom he never once did love Threatens to love no more; From them he doth revoke The grace they did not share, And blot the names out of his book That ne'er were written there. "But you may rest secure, And safely take your ease, If you are once in grace, be sure You always are in grace: Cast all your fears away, My son, be of good chear, Nor mind what Paul or Peter say, For you must persevere. "And did they fright the child, And tell it, it might fall? Might be of its reward beguil'd, And sin, and forfeit all: Might to its vomit turn, And wallow in the mire, And perish in its sins, and burn In everlasting fire! "What naughty men be they To take the children's bread, Their carnal confidence to slay, And force them to take heed! With humble useless doubt The fearful babes they fill, Compell'd with trembling to work out Their own salvation still. "Ah poor misguided soul! And did they make it weep! Come, let me in my bosom lull, Thy sorrows all to sleep: Thine eyes in safety close, Secure from all alarms, And take thine undisturb'd repose, And rest within my arms. "They shall not vex it so, By bidding it take heed; You need not as a bulrush go, Still bowing down your head: Your griefs and fears reject, My other gospel own, Only believe yourself elect, And all the work is done."

Hymn XVII: Free-Grace Source: Hymns on God's Everlasting Love (1742) Author: Charles Wesley --- Come, let us join our friends above, The God of our salvation praise, The God of everlasting love, The God of universal grace. 'Tis not by works that we have done, 'Twas grace alone his heart inclin'd, 'Twas grace that gave his only Son To taste of death for all mankind. For every man he tasted death; And hence we in his sight appear, Not lifting up our eyes beneath, But publishing his mercy here. This is the ground of all our hope, The fountain this of all our good, Jesus for all was lifted up, And shed for all his precious blood. His blood for all a ransom given, Has wash'd away the general sin, He clos'd his eyes to open heaven, And all, who will, may enter in. He worketh once to will in all, Or mercy we could ne'er embrace, He calls with an effectual call, And bids us all receive his grace. Thou drawest all men unto thee, Grace doth to ev'ry soul appear, Preventing grace for all is free, And brings to all salvation near. Had not thy grace salvation brought, Thyself we never could desire; Thy grace suggests our first good thought, Thy only grace doth all inspire. By nature only free to ill, We never had one motion known Of good, hadst thou not given the will, And wrought it by thy grace alone. 'Twas grace, when we in sin were dead, Us from the death of sin did raise, Grace only hath the difference made, Whate'er we are, we are by grace. When on thy love we turn'd our back, Thou wouldst not shut thy mercy's door, The forfeiture thou wouldst not take, Thy grace did still our souls restore. When twice ten thousand times we fell, Thou gav'st us still a longer space, Didst freely our backslidings heal, And shew'dst thy more abundant grace. 'Twas grace from hell that brought us up, Lo! To thy sovereign grace we bow, Thro' sovereign grace we still have hope, Thy sovereign grace supports us now. Grace only doth from sin restrain, From which our nature cannot cease, By grace we still thy grace retain, And wait to feel thy perfect peace. Kept by the mercy of our God, Thro' faith to full salvation's hour, Jesu, we spread thy name abroad, And glorify thy gracious power. The constant miracle we own By which we ev'ry moment live, To grace, to thy free-grace alone The whole of our salvation give. Strongly upheld by thy right-hand Thy all-redeeming love we praise, The monuments of thy grace we stand, Thy free, thine universal grace. By grace we draw our ev'ry breath, By grace we live, and move, and are, By grace we 'scape the second death, By grace we now thy grace declare. From the first feeble thought of good To when the perfect grace is given, 'Tis all of grace; by grace renew'd From hell we pass thro' earth to heaven. We need no reprobates to prove That grace, free-grace is truly free, Who cannot see that God is love, Open your eyes, and look on me, On us, whom Jesus hath call'd forth, T' assert that all his grace may have, To vindicate his passion's worth Enough ten thousand worlds to save. He made it possible for all His gift of righteousness t' embrace, We all may answer to his call, May all be freely sav'd by grace. He promis'd all mankind to draw; We feel him draw us from above; And preach with him the gracious law, And publish the DECREE OF LOVE. Behold the all-atoning Lamb, Come, sinners, at the gospel-call, Look, and be sav'd thro' Jesu's name, We witness he hath died for all. We join with all our friends above, The God of our salvation praise, The God of everlasting love, The God of universal grace.

Hymn XVII: Free-Grace Source: Hymns on God's Everlasting Love (1742) Author: Charles Wesley --- Come, let us join our friends above, The God of our salvation praise, The God of everlasting love, The God of universal grace. 'Tis not by works that we have done, 'Twas grace alone his heart inclin'd, 'Twas grace that gave his only Son To taste of death for all mankind. For every man he tasted death; And hence we in his sight appear, Not lifting up our eyes beneath, But publishing his mercy here. This is the ground of all our hope, The fountain this of all our good, Jesus for all was lifted up, And shed for all his precious blood. His blood for all a ransom given, Has wash'd away the general sin, He clos'd his eyes to open heaven, And all, who will, may enter in. He worketh once to will in all, Or mercy we could ne'er embrace, He calls with an effectual call, And bids us all receive his grace. Thou drawest all men unto thee, Grace doth to ev'ry soul appear, Preventing grace for all is free, And brings to all salvation near. Had not thy grace salvation brought, Thyself we never could desire; Thy grace suggests our first good thought, Thy only grace doth all inspire. By nature only free to ill, We never had one motion known Of good, hadst thou not given the will, And wrought it by thy grace alone. 'Twas grace, when we in sin were dead, Us from the death of sin did raise, Grace only hath the difference made, Whate'er we are, we are by grace. When on thy love we turn'd our back, Thou wouldst not shut thy mercy's door, The forfeiture thou wouldst not take, Thy grace did still our souls restore. When twice ten thousand times we fell, Thou gav'st us still a longer space, Didst freely our backslidings heal, And shew'dst thy more abundant grace. 'Twas grace from hell that brought us up, Lo! To thy sovereign grace we bow, Thro' sovereign grace we still have hope, Thy sovereign grace supports us now. Grace only doth from sin restrain, From which our nature cannot cease, By grace we still thy grace retain, And wait to feel thy perfect peace. Kept by the mercy of our God, Thro' faith to full salvation's hour, Jesu, we spread thy name abroad, And glorify thy gracious power. The constant miracle we own By which we ev'ry moment live, To grace, to thy free-grace alone The whole of our salvation give. Strongly upheld by thy right-hand Thy all-redeeming love we praise, The monuments of thy grace we stand, Thy free, thine universal grace. By grace we draw our ev'ry breath, By grace we live, and move, and are, By grace we 'scape the second death, By grace we now thy grace declare. From the first feeble thought of good To when the perfect grace is given, 'Tis all of grace; by grace renew'd From hell we pass thro' earth to heaven. We need no reprobates to prove That grace, free-grace is truly free, Who cannot see that God is love, Open your eyes, and look on me, On us, whom Jesus hath call'd forth, T' assert that all his grace may have, To vindicate his passion's worth Enough ten thousand worlds to save. He made it possible for all His gift of righteousness t' embrace, We all may answer to his call, May all be freely sav'd by grace. He promis'd all mankind to draw; We feel him draw us from above; And preach with him the gracious law, And publish the DECREE OF LOVE. Behold the all-atoning Lamb, Come, sinners, at the gospel-call, Look, and be sav'd thro' Jesu's name, We witness he hath died for all. We join with all our friends above, The God of our salvation praise, The God of everlasting love, The God of universal grace.

A slender chain the virgin cast. As Juno near her throne above Her spangled bird delights to see, As Venus has her fav'rite dove, Cloe shall have her fav'rite flea. Pleased at his chains, with nimble steps He o'er her snowy bosom strutted: Now on her panting breast he leaps, Now hides between his little head. Leaving at length his old abode, He found, by thirst or fortune led, Her swelling lips, that brighter glowed Than roses in their native bed. Cloe, your artful bands undo, Nor for your captive's safety fear; No artful bands are needful now To keep the willing vagrant here. Whilst on that heav'n 'tis given to stay, (Who would not wish to be so blest ) No force can draw him once away, Till Death shall seize his destined breast. If you will excuse my pen and my haste, I shall be once more, Yours. This is my birthday. [New Style, June 28.] To his Mother OXON, November 1, 1724. DEAR MOTHER,--We are most of us now very healthy at Oxford, as I hope you are, which may be in some measure owing to the frosty weather we have lately had, preceded by a very cool summer. [See letter of Sept. 23, 1723.] All kind of fruit is so very cheap that apples may be had almost for fetching, and other things are both as plentiful and as good as has been known in a long time. We have, indeed, something bad as well as good; for a great many rogues are about the town, insomuch that it is very unsafe to be out late. A gentleman of my acquaintance, only standing at a coffee-house door about seven in the evening, had no sooner turned about but his cap and wig were snatched off, which he could not recover, though he pursued the thief a great way. However, I am pretty safe from such gentlemen; for unless they carried me away, carcass and all, they would have but a poor purchase.

The chief piece of news with us is concerning the famous Sheppard's [Jack Sheppard was a carpenter and locksmith. He used a nail to loosen his chains and force the locks. He was taken a few days later and was hanged at Tyburn. The public interest in his exploits was extraordinary. His autobiography was published in 1724 with a True Representation of his escape from the Condemned Hold . . . engraved on copper. Sir James Thornhill painted his portrait, which was reproduced in a mezzotint; he finds a place in all the serials and in Old and New London, ii. 460. Harrison Ainsworth in 1839 made him the hero of a novel.] escape from Newgate, which is indeed as surprising as most stories I have heard.. It seems he had broke out twice before, besides once out of the condemned hold, which, together with his having got his chains off again when the keeper came in, made them still more apprehensive of him. However, that he might be secure if art could make him so, he was fettered, manacled, and chained down to the ground, by one chain round his waist and another round his neck in the strongest part of the Castle. Notwithstanding which he found means to force open his chains and fetters, break through the ceiling there, and then, sliding to the leads of an adjoining house, to pass six several locked doors, and get clear off without discovery; all which was done between six and eleven at night. I suppose you have heard that Brigadier Mackintosh [William Mackintosh (1662-1743). of Borlum, Inverness-shire was Brigadier in the Old Pretender's service took a prominent part in the Jacobite Rising 1714, escaped to France 1716, returned to Scotland probably in 1719, and was imprisoned for life in Edinburgh Castle. See Dic. Nat. Biog.] was once more taken, but made his escape from a messenger and six dragoons after an obstinate fight.

Three gentlemen of our College were in September last walking in the fields near Oxford about half an hour after six, of whom the foremost was named Barnesley, [Two .Barnesleys (or Barnsleys) were at Christ Church. John Barnesley, son of John of St. Luke's, Dublin, matriculated on Oct. 21, 1724, age 16. William Barnesley of London matriculated May 17, I723, age 19. It was probably the latter to whom Wesley refers. See Foster's Alumni Oxonienses.] who, going to cross the path, of a sudden started back and turned as white as ashes, but being asked by the others what ailed him, answered, Nothing. The second man coming up to the same place seemed presently more frighted than he, and bawled that he saw one in white shoot across the path as swift as an arrow. Mr. Barnesley, hearing that, told him he had seen it just before; and both of them describe it to have been like a man or woman in light gray, but of so thin a substance that they could plainly see through it. They had likewise another accident the same evening, though not quite so remarkable, both which made Barnesley so curious as to write down the day of the month, which was the 26th of September. We thought no more of it afterwards till last week, when Barnesley was informed by a letter from his father in Ireland that his mother died the 26th of September between six and seven in the evening.

I have not lately heard from Westminster; but Mr. Sherman, who did, assured me that my brothers and sister there were very well. He has given me one or two books lately, of which one is Godfrey of Bulloigne. [A translation (probably by Edward Fairfax) of Tasso's Jerusalem Delivered, of which an octavo edition was published in 1687.] We have still very warm weather at Oxford; and a gentleman, now in the room with me, says that several of the flowers in his father's garden, who lives in town, are blown as if it were spring. The story of which I said something in my last [See letter of Sept. 23, 1723] was, as I believe I told you before, transacted a little before King James's abdication. The Bishop of Raphoe, one of the principal actors in it, was then pretty old, but never reckoned superstitious or easy to be imposed upon. From him it came to Mr. Span, Vicar-General of Ireland, and was by him related to Mr. Harrison, a clergyman, in the hearing of his son, who told it me.

He was not then soon prevailed upon to discover anything, but at last confessed that he was beat by the same persons worse than before; that they threatened him with death if he told again; and that as for the Bishop--a person whom they all honored as a king and termed, as he thought, Awly Pawly -- said that he might bluster as he would and build himself houses, but that he should never live to lie in the new one he had built already. The Bishop on this sent for several of his friends, whom he acquainted with the whole matter, and then desired them, that he might prove the devil a liar, to go him immediately to his new house, in which, though not finished, he said he would, God willing, both sup and lie that very night. Accordingly provisions and necessaries were sent thither, which were followed by the Bishop and his friends; but while they were at supper a very large stone was whirled with an incredible force through the window, and passed the sight of the whole company close to the Bishop, to the side of the room. This the Bishop said was in his opinion the work of the devil, who was willing to keep his word, though it pleased God not to suffer him to accomplish his design. However, the Bishop lay there that night; but it was the last which he spent in it, for the wars breaking out immediately after obliged him to fly his country, and the boy, as far as could learn, suffered in the same manner to his death, which soon followed. This puts me in mind of an odd circumstance, which I know not yet what to make of. I was last week walking two or three mile from Oxford, and seeing a fair house stand by itself which I never observed before, I asked who lived in it of a countryman; who informed me that it had long stood empty, by reason of its being so much haunted that no family could ever stay long in it. I design to go thither the first opportunity, and see if it be true; which I shall hardly believe till I am an eye- or ear-witness of it.

About a fortnight before Easter, upon my visiting Mr. Leyborn, [Robert Leyborne (or Leyborn), son of Antony Leyborne of London, was educated at Westminster School, and matriculated at Brasenose College in 1711, age 17. He became a student of Christ Church in 1712, Fellow of Brasenose and M.A. 1717, Junior Proctor 1723-4, B.D. and D.D. 1731; Rector of St. Dunstan's, Stepney, 1729, of St. Anne's, Limehouse, 1730, till his death; Principal of St. Alban Hall i736--59. He died at Bath May 12, 1759, and was buried .in the Abbey there in the grave of his second wife. He inherited, with Mr. Leyborne of the British Factory in Lisbon, property of William Shippen, his mother's brother.] he informed me that my brother [Samuel Wesley and his wife seem to have been in Oxford about March before their visit to Wroot.] had writ to him to provide a lodging. Mr. Leyborn immediately made him proffer of Dr. Shippen's,[ Robert Shippen, Principal of Brasenose College 1710-45.] then out of town. But a second letter of my brother's in which he accepted the proffer being answered in three days (Mr. Leyborn says because did not receive it), a third comes from my brother, which indeed was a very strange one, if he had met with no other provocation. It began with words to this purpose: ‘That he well hoped Mr. Leyborn had been wiser than to express his: anger against his humble servant though but by silence, since he knew it would be to no purpose; and that now he need not fear his troubling him, for lodgings would be taken for his wife and him elsewhere.’ How the matter was made up I don't know; but he was with them the day after they came to town, and almost every one of the succeeding. We were several times entertained by him, and I thought very handsomely, nor was there the least show of dislike on either side. But what I heard my sister say once, on our parting with Mr. Leyborn, made the former proceedings a little clearer, ‘Thus should we have been troubled with that girl's attendance everywhere, if we had gone to lodge at Dr. Shippen's.’

1726 To his Brother Samuel [March 21, 1726] DEAR BROTHER,--I should of certainly have writ you word my success on Friday (all Thursday I was detained at Lincoln [The day of his election as Fellow of Lincoln College. On 'Lincoln College and its Fellows,' see John Wesley, by J. H. Overton (Rector of Lincoln), pp. 16-19. 'There would be at least a tradition of learning and piety about the College when Wesley was elected. Wesley's own incidental remarks fully bear out this theory.... He "seems to have made an equally good impression upon his brother Fellows."' A letter from one of them, Lewis Fenton, shows how he was welcomed (Whitehead's Life of Wesley, i. 414).]), but that I thought it more advisable, since I had promised to send some verses in a. few days, to do both in the same letter. I am at the same time to ask pardon for letting anything prevent my doing the first sooner; and to return you my sincere and hearty thanks, as well for your past kindness, as for the fresh instance of it you now give me, in the pains you take to qualify me for the enjoyment of that success, which I owe chiefly, not to say wholly, to your interest. I am the more ready to profess my gratitude now, because I may do so with less appearance of design than formerly; -- of any other design, I hope, than of showing myself sensible of the obligation; and that, in this respect at least, I am not unworthy of it. I have not yet been able to meet with one or two gentlemen, from whom I am in hopes of getting two or three copies of verses. The most tolerable of my own, if any such there were, you probably received already from Mr. Leyborn. [See letters of June 18, 1725, and April 4, 1725.] Some of those that I had besides I have sent here, and shall be very glad if they are capable of being so corrected as to be of any service to you. The cruel Queen of fierce des'tres, While youth and wine assistants prove, Renews my long-neglected fires And melts again my mind to love. On blooming Glycera I gaze, By too resistless force opprest; With fond delight my eye surveys The spotless marble of her breast. In vain I strive to break my chain;

In vain I heave with anxious sighs: Her pleasing coyness feeds my pain And keeps the conquests of her eyes. Impetuous tides of joy and pain By turns my lab'ring bosom tear; The Queen of Love, with all her train Of hopes and fears, inhabits there. No more the wand'ring Scythian's might From softer themes my lyre shall move; No more the Parthian's wily flight: My lyre shall sing of naught but Love. Haste, grassy altars let us rear; Haste, wreaths of fragrant myrtle twine; With Arab sweets perfume the air, And crown the whole with gen'rous wine. While we the sacred rites prepare, The cruel Queen of fierce desires Will pierce, propitious to my prayer, The obdurate maid with equal fires. Integrity needs no defense; The man who trusts to Innocence, Nor wants the darts Numidians throw, Nor arrows of the Parthian bow. Secure o'er Libya's sandy seas Or hoary Caucasus he strays; O'er regions scarcely known to Fame, Washed by Hydaspes' fabled stream. While void of cares, of naught afraid, Late in the Sabine woods I strayed; On Sylvia's lips, while pleased I sung, How Love and soft Persuasion hung ! A ravenous wolf, intent on food, Rushed from the covert of the wood; Yet dared not violate the grove Secured by Innocence and Love: Nor Mauritania's sultry plain So large a savage does contain; Nor e'er so huge a monster treads Warlike Apulia's beechen shades. Place me where no revolving sun Does e'er h.is radiant circle run, Where clouds and damps alone appear And poison the unwholesome year: Place me in that effulgent day Beneath the sun's directer ray; No change from its fixed place shall move The basis of my lasting love. In imitation of' Quis desiderio sit pugor.' [Horace's Odes, I. xxiv.] What shame shall stop our flowing tears What end shall our just sorrows know Since Fate, relentless to our prayers, Has given the long destructive blow! Ye Muses, strike the sounding string, In plaintive strains his loss deplore, And teach an artless voice to sing The great, the bounteous, now no more For him the Wise and Good shall mourn, While late records his fame declare; And, oft as rolling years return, Shall pay his tomb a grateful tear. Ah I what avail their plaints to thee Ah I what avails his fame declared Thou blam'st, alas I the just decree

My father's words and your reflection upon them were both perfectly unintelligible to me till I read the Canon he mentions. I should then have been exactly as much at a loss as before, but that my brother Charles accidentally, while we were in the country, repeated to me part of a conversation he had with my father in their return from my brother Ellison's. The substance of it, as near as I remember, was this: ‘My father last night was telling me of your disrespect to him; he said you had him at open defiance. I was surprised, and asked him how or when. He said, "Every day, you hear how he contradicts me, and takes your sister's part before my face. Nay, he disputes with me, preach --” And then he stopped short as if he wanted to recall his word, and talked of other things.’ I said I wondered what he meant; till recollecting with my brother that my father, mother, sister Emly, and I had several times been speaking of the treatment we should show ill men; and that my brother having likewise had many disputes with me about it, I told him ‘I had for near a twelvemonth intended writing on Universal Charity, having read over Dr. Clarke and Bishop Atterbury's Sermons for that purpose; that I would set about it immediately, and there he should hear at once, and so would be better able to judge of my arguments.' I wrote it accordingly, and after my mother's perusal and approbation, she making one alteration in the expression, preached it, on Sunday, August 28. I had the same day the pleasure of observing that my father the same day, when one Will. Atkins was mentioned, did not speak so warmly nor largely against him as usual.

The 53rd Canon runs thus: 'If any preacher in the pulpit particularly or narrowly of purpose impugn or confute any doctrine delivered by any other preacher in the same church -- or in any church near adjoining, because upon such public dissenting and contradicting there may grow much offence and disquietness to the people the churchwardens or -party grieved shall forthwith signify the same to the Bishop, and not suffer, &c.' Against this I have offended, if I have in the pulpit particularly or of purpose impugned any doctrine there delivered before. But this plainly supposes the impugner to know that the doctrine he opposes was preached there before; otherwise he can't possibly be said to impugn it particularly or on purpose. Now, it is not possible he should know it was there delivered, unless he either heard it preached himself or was informed of it by others. The disputed point between my father and me was the particular measure of charity due to wicked men; but neither have I heard him, neither did he himself or any other person inform me, that he ever preached at all in Wroot Church on that subject. So that I am in no wise guilty of breaking the Canon, unless it obliges every preacher to inquire what particular tenets have ever been maintained (for the time is not limited) both in his own and the adjoining churches: if he is to inquire of the former, he must inquire of the latter too; the Canon equally speaking of both. If there be any objection made to the sermon itself, I have it by me, and, for the matter of it, am not ashamed or afraid to show it anybody.

I have another piece of news to acquaint you with, which, as it is more strange, will, I hope, be equally agreeable. A little while ago Bob Kirkham [Son of the Rev. Lionel Kirkham. See Journal, i. 23-7; Telford's, Life of Wesley, pp. 232-3.] took a fancy into his head that he would lose no more time and waste no more money; in pursuance of which he first resolved to breakfast no longer on tea, next to drink no more ale in an evening, or however but enough to quench his thirst, then to read Greek or Latin from prayers in the morning till noon and from dinner till five at night. And how much may one imagine he executed of these resolutions Why, he has left off tea, struck off his drinking acquaintance to a man, given the hours above specified to Greek Testament and Hugo Grotius, [The Dutch jurist and theologian (1583-1645). His Annotations on the Old and New Testaments appeared in 1641 -- 6.] and spent the evenings either by himself or with my brother and me.--I am, dear mother, Your dutiful and affectionate Son. I don't despair of spending two days with you before Whitsuntide is over. To Mrs. Wesley, At Epworth. To be left at the Post-house in Gainsborough. Mrs. Pendarves replies [2] GLOUCESTER, August 28, 1730. SIR,--I think myself extremely obliged to you for the favor of the sermon, and those letters that alone were worthy of the correspondence they maintained. I received them safe last week, and should sooner have made my acknowledgements for them but that I have been engaged with so much company since my return from dear, delightful Stanton, that till this moment I have not had time to express my gratitude for the elegant entertainment I have had, not only from the manuscripts, but in recollecting and repeating the conversation you and your brother made so agreeable, which I hope will soon be renewed. If you have any affairs that call you to Gloucester, don't forget you have two pupils who are desirous of improving their understanding and that friendship which has already taught them to be, sir, Your most sincere, humble servants. My companion joins with me in all I have said, as well as in service to Araspes. To Ann Granville [3] LINCOLN COLLEGE, September 27 [1730].

I would fain imitate, too, that generous ardor which, in spite of all the hindrances that surround you, so strongly inspires you to burst through all and redeem time to the noblest purposes. I am afraid of nothing more than of growing old too soon, of having my body worn out before my soul is past childhood. Would it not be terrible to have the wheels of life stand still, when we had scarce started for the goal; before the work of the day was half done, to have the night come, wherein no one can work I shiver at the thought of losing my strength before I have found [it]; to have my senses fail ere I have a stock of rational pleasures, my blood cold ere my heart is warmed with virtue! Strange, to look back on a train of years that have passed, ' as an arrow through the air,' without leaving any mark behind them, without our being able to trace them in our improvement! How glad am I that this can't be the case of Selima! The hours you have already given to that best of studies, divinity, forbid that, as sufficiently appears by your resolution to pursue it still. That, among the multitude of books writ on this subject, you prefer those that are clear and elegant, is surely right; 'tis doubly prudent to choose those writers before others who excel in speaking as well as thinking.

Araspes (whose great esteem, as well as mine, ever attends Aspasia and Selima) was extremely delighted as well as me with a letter we received some time since, acquainting us with a resolution dear Varanese had lately entered into. Why it is that I am not allowed a stricter intercourse with such a friend is a question I could never fully answer but by another, Why is any intercourse with such a friend as Aspasia or Selima allowed Their most obliged CYRUS. On Monday we are to set out upon a pretty long journey, which will keep us out about three weeks. [This was their journey to Lincolnshire. They stayed three weeks at Epworth, and then walked back to Oxford. Wesley's Diary shows that during this visit to Lincolnshire he was twice at Scotton, where the Rector of his College was lying ill. See letter of June 17.] We should be exceedingly grieved if Selima should be obliged to begin hers before that time, which would prevent our having that pleasure the very expectation of which gives us many agreeable moments. Adieu. From Ann Granville GLOUCESTER, May 8, 1731.

Perhaps it may not be long before I have it in my power at once to return my thanks for that favor (which I shall wait for with some impatience) and to hear your sentiments more fully on some of these subjects. I extremely desire to see one of my sisters who is lately come to town [His uncle Matthew Wesley, a surgeon, who lived near Temple Bar, visited Epworth in 1731, and offered to take Martha Wesley to live with him in London.]; which, with the hopes of waiting upon Aspasia, makes me greatly wish to spend a few days there. If your journey [In a letter of May 27, ~73~, to her sister, Mrs. Pendarves (Auto. and Corr. i. 272) speaks of a proposed visit to Ireland with Mr. and Mrs. Wesley of Dangan, of whom she had seen much in London. See next letter.] begins before I can have that happiness, yet it will be some satisfaction to me to reflect that you are with those who are equally willing as well as far more able to entertain you than Your most obliged, obedient CYRUS. Araspes joins with me in wishing all happiness to Aspasia. Adieu. To Mrs. Pendarves July 14 [1731]. You have, indeed, done me wrong in this, Aspasia., in thinking I could give way to any suspicion to your disadvantage;. and yourself too, in doubting the power of that letter to remove it, if any such there were. Other wrong I confess you have done me none; since I must ever acknowledge that delightful means of improvement which it has not been in your power to give me lately, a pure effect of your goodness, not justice. I can never pretend any right to that favor; unless this should seem so to generous Aspasia, -- that I endeavor to esteem it as it deserves, and not to let it be given in vain; and that when I feel something of your spirit transfused into mine, then my heart remembers and blesses you. I am extremely happy in having your approbation there, where I am most careful to be approved; and though I am sensible how small a part of it I deserve, yet I can't help experiencing How sweet applause is from an honest tongue.

The method of or shortest way to knowledge seems to be this: (1) to consider what knowledge you desire to attain to; (2) to read no book which does not some way tend to the attainment of that knowledge; {3) to read no book which does tend to the attainment of it, unless it be the best in its kind; (4) to finish one before you begin another; and (5) to read them all in such an order that every subsequent book may illustrate and confirm the preceding. The knowledge which you would probably desire to attain to is a knowledge of divinity, philosophy, history, and poetry. If you will be so good as to direct me how I can be of use to you in any of these, it will give me a very particular pleasure. [See letters of June 17 and Dec. 1.] I am glad you passed your time so agreeably in the country, [Mrs. Pendarves writes to her sister on Sept. 10: ' I suppose by this time you are returned from Stanton.] and doubt not but Sappho would have made it yet more agreeable. Surely you are very just in observing that a country life is in many respects preferable to any other; particularly in its abounding with those beauties of nature that so easily raise our thoughts to the Author of them. Methinks, whenever about us round we see Hill, dale, and shady wood and sunny plain, And liquid lapse of murm'ring stream, [Paradise Lost, viii. 261-3, v. 153.] 'tis scarce possible to stop that obvious reflection: These are Thy glorious works, Parent of good. [Paradise Lost, viii. 261-3, v. 153.] Nor is it hard here, where the busy varieties of a great town do not flutter about us and break our attention, to fix that reflection so deep upon our souls that it may not pass away, like the objects that occasioned it.

Now give me leave to say that I can't find out the advantage of losing the conversation of particular sensible and virtuous friends. Their words, their example excite us on to goodness; they blow up and keep alive those sparks of religion which are too apt (with sorrow I speak it) to grow faint and languid. I can recollect many instances where they have been of advantage to me. At church their attention has increased mine. At home they have begun good conversations that I have been the better for; as we were often together, we used to assist each other in bearing a multitude of impertinence that I am now forced to support singly. Now, have I not more reason to imagine 'twas rather for their good than mine that they were removed Now, I fear I show great arrogance to deny anything you say, but I only make this objection in order to be more fully convinced. No one can do it so soon as Cyrus. His arguments are so plain and sensible, and withal so well expressed, they please the fancy while they inform the understanding; which is what I very seldom have met with before, most instructive things being dry and tedious--at least to me, who cannot, like my dear Sappho, search for through all her obscure recesses. I am now reading a book I want your opinion of. 'Tis Mr. Burkitt's Explanation of the New Testament; he calls it Expository Notes with Practical Observations. Sure Cyrus cannot sit without a fire this weather. I hope the good Society prospers; one way I'm sure they do. I often think of them, especially when the cold makes me shrink. They are those that are chosen of peculiar grace; the influence of it will, I hope, extend to their weaker brethren. The last letter I had from Aspasia she said she was very much concerned she had not writ to you, and desired me to assure the good brothers of her friendship and good wishes, as does my mother, who is very much out of order with a cold. The last time I heard from Sappho she was well. Is not Araspes' hymn quite charming You have not sent your poetic herd so far but you can call them in whenever you please.

In November 1729, at which time I came to reside at Oxford, your son, my brother and myself, and one more agreed to spend three or four evenings in a week together. Our design was to read over the classics, which we had before read in private, on common nights, and on Sunday some book in divinity. In the summer following, Mr. Morgan told me he had called at the jail, to see a man that was condemned for killing his wife; and that, from the talk he had with one of the debtors, he verily believed that it would do much good if any one would be at the pains now and then of speaking with them. This he so frequently repeated, that on the 24th of August, 1730, my brother and I walked down with him to the Castle. We were so well satisfied with our conversation there, that we agreed to go thither once or twice a week; which we had not done long, before he desired me, August 31, to go with him to see a poor woman in the town who was sick. In this employment too, when we came to reflect upon it, we believed that it would be worth while to spend an hour or two in a week; provided the minister of the parish in which any such person was were not against it. But that we might not depend wholly on our own judgments, I wrote an account to my father of our whole design; withal begging that he, who had lived seventy years in the world, and seen as much of it as most private men have ever done, would advise us whether we had yet gone too far, and whether we should now stand still or go forward. Part of his answer, dated September 28, 1730, was this:

In pursuance of these directions, I immediately went to Mr. Gerard, the Bishop of Oxford's chaplain, who was likewise the person that took care of the prisoners when any were condemned to die (at other times they were left to their own care): I proposed to him our design of serving them as far as we could, and my own intention to preach there once a month, if the Bishop approved of it. He much commended our design, and said he would answer for the Bishop's approbation, to whom he would take the first opportunity of mentioning it. It was not long before he informed me he had done so, and that his lordship not only gave his permission, but was greatly pleased with the undertaking, and hoped it would have the desired success. Soon after, a gentleman of Merton College, who was one of our little company, which now consisted of five persons, acquainted us that he had been rallied the day before for being a member of The Holy Club; and that it was become a common topic of mirth at his college, where they had found out several of our customs, to which we were ourselves utter strangers. Upon this I consulted my father again, in whose answer were these words: December I.

Your son was now at Holt: however, we continued to meet at our usual times, though our little affairs went on but heavily without him. But at our return from Lincolnshire in September we had the pleasure of seeing him again; when, though he could not be so active with us as formerly, yet we were exceeding glad to spend what time we could in talking and reading with him. It was a little before this time my brother and I were at London, when going into a bookseller's shop (Mr. Rivington, in St. Paul's Churchyard [Charles Rivington published The Christian's Pattern (Wesley's translation of Kempis) in 1735. See letter of May 28, 1725,n.]), after some other conversation, he asked us whether we lived in town; and upon our answering, ‘No; at Oxford,’ - ‘Then, gentlemen,’ said he, ‘let me earnestly recommend to your acquaintance a friend I have there, Mr. Clayton, of Brazen-nose.’ [John Clayton, son of a Manchester bookseller, was born in 1709, entered Brasenose in 1726, and was Hulme's exhibitioner in 1729. He was college tutor. He returned to Manchester in 1733, and became Chaplain of the Collegiate Church. Wesley visited him there on his return from Georgia; but after Wesley's evangelical conversion Clayton held aloof from him. See Tyerman's Oxford Methodists, pp. 24-56.] Of this, having small leisure for contracting new acquaintance, we took no notice for the present. But in the spring following (April 20), Mr. Clayton meeting me in the street, and giving Mr. Rivington's service, I desired his company to my room, and then commenced our acquaintance. At the first opportunity I acquainted him with our whole design, which he immediately and heartily closed with; and not long after, Mr. Morgan having then left Oxford, we fixed two evenings in a week to meet on, partly to talk upon that subject, and partly to read something in practical divinity.

The two points whereunto, by the blessing of God and your son's help, we had before attained, we still endeavor to hold fast: I mean, the doing what good we can; and, in order thereto, communicating as oft as we have an opportunity. To these, by the advice of Mr. Clayton, we have added a third -- the observing the fasts of the Church, the general neglect of which we can by no means apprehend to be a lawful excuse for neglecting them. And in the resolution to adhere to these and all things else which we are convinced God requires at our hands, we trust that we shall persevere till He calls us too to give an account of our stewardship. As for the names of Methodists, Supererogation Men, and so on, with which some of our neighbors are pleased to compliment us, we do not conceive ourselves under any obligation to regard them, much less to take them for arguments. To the law and to the testimony we appeal, whereby we ought to be judged. If by these it can be proved that we are in an error, we will immediately' and gladly retract it; if not, we have not so learned Christ as to renounce any part of His service, though men should say all manner of evil against us, with more judgment and as little truth as hitherto. We do, indeed, use all the lawful means we know to prevent the good which is in us from being evil spoken of: but if the neglect of known duties be the one condition of securing our reputation -- why, fare it well; we know whom we have believed, and what we thus lay out He will pay us again. Your son already stands before the judgment-seat of Him who judges righteous judgment; at the brightness of whose presence the clouds remove: his eyes are open, and he sees clearly whether it was 'blind zeal and a thorough mistake of true religion that hurried him on in the error of his way'; or whether he acted like a faithful and wise servant, who, from a just sense that his time was short, made haste to finish his work before his Lord's coming, that when laid in the balance he might not be found wanting.

I have now largely and plainly laid before you the real ground of all the strange outcry you have heard; and am not without hope that by this fairer representation of it than you probably ever received before, both you and the clergyman you formerly mentioned may have a more favorable opinion of a good cause, though under an ill name. Whether you have or no, I shall ever acknowledge my best services to be due to yourself and your family, both for the generous assistance you have given my father, [Richard Morgan subscribed for five copies of Samuel Wesley’s Dissertation on Job; his son also was a subscriber. See letter of Oct. 15 1735.] and for the invaluable advantages your son has (under God) bestowed on, sir, Your ever obliged and most obedient servant.

As strange as it may appear that one present upon the spot should so far vary from the truth in his relation, I can easily account, not only for his mistake, but for his designed misrepresentation too. The company he is almost daily with (from whom, indeed, I should soon have divided him, had not your letter's coming in the article of time tied my hands) abundantly accounts for the former; as his desire to lessen your regard for me, and thereby obviate the force of any future complaint, which he foresaw I might some time have occasion to make to you, does for the latter. And, indeed, I am not without apprehension that some such occasion may shortly come. I need not describe that apprehension to you. Be pleased to reflect what were the sentiments of your own heart when the ship that took your son from you loosed from shore; and such (allowing for the superior tenderness of a parent) are mine. Such were my father's before he parted from us; when, taking him by the hand, he said, 'Mr. Morgan between this and Easter is your trial for life: I even tremble when I consider the danger you are in; and the more because you do not yourself perceive it.' Impute not, sir, this fear either to the error of my youth or to the coldness of his age. Is there not a cause Is he not surrounded, even in this recess, with those who are often more pernicious than open libertines -- men who retain something of outward decency, and nothing else; who seriously idle away the whole day, and reputably revel till midnight, and ff not drunken themselves, yet encouraging and applauding those that are so; who have no more of the form than of the power of godliness, and though they do pretty often drop in at public prayers, coming after the most solemn part of them is over, yet expressly disown any obligation to attend them. 'Tis true they have not yet laughed your son out of all his diligence; but how long it will be before they have, God knows.

'Tis true they have not yet laughed your son out of all his diligence; but how long it will be before they have, God knows. They zealously endeavor it at all convenient opportunities; and temporal views are as unable to support him under such an attack as his slender notions of religion are; of which, he often says, he thinks he shall have enough if he constantly says his prayers at home and in the chapel. As to my advice on this or any other head, they had secured him pretty wall before; and your authority added to theirs has supplied him with armor of proof against it. I now beg to know what you would have me do. Shall I sit still, and let him swim down the stream Or shall I plunge in, bound as I am hand and foot, and oppose myself to his company, his inclinations, and his father

Is there any fear, is there any possibility, that any son of Adam, of whatever age or degree, should too faithfully do the will of his Creator or too exactly tread in the steps of his Redeemer Suppose the time now come when you feel within yourself that the silver cord of life is loosed, that the dust is returning to the earth as it was, and the spirit unto God who gave it. The snares of death overtake you. Nothing but pain is on the one hand, eternity on the other. The tears of the friends that surround your bed bear witness with the pangs of your own heart that it has few pulses more to beat before you launch out into the sea without a shore, before the soul shall part from your quivering lips and stand naked before the judgment-seat of God. Will you then be content with having served God according to the custom of the place you was in Will you regret your having been, even from your youth, ' more pure and holy than the rest of mankind' Will you complain to the ministering spirits who receive your new-born soul that you have been 'over-zealous in the love of your Master' Ask not me, a poor, fallible, sinful mortal, never safe either from the snares of ill example or the treachery of my own heart; but ask them, ask Him who died to make you and me and your son zealous of good works, whether you may be excused for your solicitude, your too successful solicitude, to prevent his falling into this extreme! How needless has he made that solicitude already ! But I spare you. The good God be merciful to us both!

Think not, sir, that interest occasions the concern I show. I despise and abhor the thought. From the moment my brother told me, 'Mr. Morgan will be safer with you than me; I have desired he may be sent to you,' I determined (though I have never mentioned it to him) to restore to him whatsoever is paid me upon Mr. Morgan's account. It is, with regard to me, an accursed thing. There shall no such cleave unto me. I have sufficient motives without this to assist your son, so long as he will accept of my assistance. He is the brother of my dear friend, the son of one that was my friend till great names warped him from his purpose; and, what is infinitely more, the creature of my God, and the redeemed and fellow heir of my Savior. That neither the cares of the world, nor the fair speeches and venerable titles of any who set up their rest therein, may prevent our attaining our better inheritance, is the earnest prayer of, sir, Your most obliged and most obedient servant., I beg, if you favor me with another letter, it may not be enclosed in Mr. Morgan's. To Richard Morgan [2] March 15, 1734. SIR, -- A journey which I was obliged to begin very soon after the receipt of yours was the occasion of my delaying so long to answer it, which I should otherwise have done immediately. I am satisfied you never designed to give me any uneasiness, either by your last or any of your preceding letters, and am very sensible that the freedom you used therein proceeded from a much kinder intention. And should you ever say anything which I could not approve of, I should as soon as possible mention it to you as the only sure way either to prevent any misunderstanding between us, or at least to hinder its long continuance.

REVEREND SIR, -- I must earnestly beg your immediate advice in a case of the greatest importance. Above two years since, I was entrusted with a young gentleman of good sense, an even generous temper, and pretty good learning. [See letter of June 11, 1731, to his father. Wesley's anxiety about this student and also concerning Richard Morgan shows how faithfully he watched over them. At the end of July Charles Wesley tells his brother Samuel that John had spent the last week 'at London, chiefly in consulting Mr. Law about one of his pupils; but he found time, notwithstanding, to dispatch three sheets of Job while there, and still goes on with much more expedition than my father did while upon the spot.' This letter to Law evidently led to a personal consultation.] Religion he had heard little of; but Mr. Jackson's Practice of Devotion, [Lawrence Jackson (1691-1772), Fellow of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, 1716; Prebendary of Lincoln 1747.] your two treatises, and Thomas Kempis, by the blessing of God, awakened him by degrees to a true notion and serious practice of it. In this he continued sensibly improving till last Lent; at the beginning of which I advised him to do as he had done the year before--viz. to obey the order of the Church, by using such a sort and measure of abstinence as his health permitted and his spiritual wants required. He said ' he did not think his health would permit to use that abstinence which he did the year before.' And, notwithstanding my reply, ' that his athletic habit could be in no danger by only abstaining from flesh and using moderately some less pleasing food,' he persisted in his resolution of not altering his food at all. A little before Easter, perceiving he had much contracted the time he had till then set apart for religious reading, I asked him whether he was not himself convinced that he spent too much time in reading secular authors. He answered he was convinced any time was too much, and that he should be a better Christian if he never read them at all. I then pressed him earnestly to pray for strength, according to that conviction; and he resolved to try for a week.

3. Another can supply my place at Epworth better than at Oxford, and the good done here is of a far more diffusive nature. It is a more extensive benefit to sweeten the fountain than to do the same to particular streams. 4. To the objection, You are despised at Oxford, therefore you can do no good there, I answer: (1) A Christian will be despised anywhere. (2) No one is a Christian till he is despised. (3) His being .despised will not hinder his doing good, but much further it by making him a better Christian. Without contradicting any of these propositions, I allow that every one to whom you do good directly must esteem you, first or last. -- N.B. A man may despise you for one thing, hate you for a second, and envy you for a third. 5. God may suffer Epworth to be worse than before. But I may not attempt to prevent it, with so great hazard to my own soul. Your last argument is either ignoratio elenchi, or implies these two propositions: (1) 'You resolve against any parochial cure of souls.' (2) 'The priest who does not undertake the first parochial cure that offers is perjured.' Let us add a third: ' The tutor who, being in Orders, never accepts of a parish is perjured.' [That was Samuel Wcsley's own case.] And then I deny all three. --I am, dear brother, Your obliged and affectionate Brother. To his Brother Samuel Oxon, March 4, 1735. DEAR BROTHER, -- I had rather dispute, if I must dispute, with you than with any man living, because it may be done with so little expense of time and words. The question is now brought to one point, and the whole of the argument will be in a single syllogism: Neither hope of doing greater good nor fear of any evil ought to deter you from what you have engaged yourself to. But you have engaged yourself to undertake the cure of a parish: Therefore neither that hope nor that fear ought to deter you from it. The only doubt is whether I have engaged myself or not. You think I did at my ordination, ' before God and His high-priest.' I think I did not.

Our general method is this: A young gentleman, who came with me, teaches between thirty and forty children to read, write, and cast accounts. Before school in the morning, and after school in the afternoon, he catechizes the lowest class, and endeavors to fix something of what was said in their understandings as well as their memories. In the evening he instructs the larger children. On Saturday, in the afternoon, I catechize them all. The same I do on Sunday before the evening service. And in the church, immediately after the Second Lesson, a select number of them having repeated the Catechism and been examined in some part of it, I endeavor to explain at large, and enforce that part, both on them and the congregation. Some time after the evening service, as many of my parishioners as desire it meet at my house (as they do also on Wednesday evening), and spend about an hour in prayer, singing, and mutual exhortation. A smaller number (mostly those who design to communicate the next day) meet here on Saturday evening; and a few of these come to me on the other evenings, and pass half an hour in the same employment. To the Georgia Trustees [4] SAVANNAH, March 4, 1737.

I thought, gentlemen, before I left England, that from the little knowledge you had of my manner of conversation, you would not easily believe me capable of embezzling yours, any more than my own goods. But since it is otherwise, since you have sent orders to limit my expenses to the Society's 50 a year, be it so: I accept it, and (during my stay here) desire to have neither less nor more. One thing farther I desire, that whenever I am accused to you, on this or any other head (and it is necessary that offences should come), you would allow me the justice due to a common criminal, the knowing my accuser (which I must insist upon before God and man), and the being heard before I am condemned. I can't but acknowledge the readiness of the Magistrates here, Mr. Causton in particular, in assisting me, so far as pertains to their office, both to repress open vice and immorality, and to promote the glory of God by establishing peace and mutual goodwill among men. And I trust their labors have not been quite in vain. Many ill practices seem to lose ground daily, and a general face of decency and order prevails, beyond what I have seen anywhere else in America. Gentlemen, my prayer to God for you is, that you may with one heart and one mind glorify God our Savior in all things, that neither open nor covert opposition may ever be able to disjoin your hearts or weaken your hands; but that you may calmly and steadily pursue His work, even though men should therefore cast out your names as evil. And the God of glory shall accept your service, and reward every one of you sevenfold into his bosom. -- I am, gentlemen, Your most obedient servant. To William Wogan [5] SAVANNAH, March 28, 1737.

GENTLEMEN, -- Robert Hows, a freeholder of this place, has officiated here as parish clerk, not only ever since I came, but, as I am informed, for above two years before. He constantly attends both the morning and evening service (a little before sunrise and after sunset) on other days as well as Sundays, and is in the whole of his behavior a sober, industrious man. But sickness in his family had reduced him to straitness of circumstances even before the 24th instant, on which (while he was employed in the public work) his house was burnt to the ground, and all that was in it (except two saws) consumed. I therefore, gentlemen, take the liberty to recommend him to your favor and assistance: as to the manner of which (whether by way of salary or otherwise) you are the proper judges. I recommend you and all your labors to Him in whose steps you tread, the great Helper of the friendless; and am, gentlemen, Your most obedient servant. To James Hutton [8] SAVANNAH, June 16, I737.

DEAR BROTHER, -- If this reaches you at London, I wish you would pay Mrs. Hutton [Mrs. Hutton, of College Street, Westminster, with whom he often stayed.] (with many thanks) what she has paid for my letters and washing. And buy for Mr. Kinchin [Charles Kinchin, Fellow of Corpus Christi College, Rector of Dummer, and one of the Oxford Methodists. See Journal, i. 443-8; and letters of Sept. 10, 1736 (heading), and Dec. 1, 1738.] a pair of leathern bags .as like yours as possible. I wanted much to have seen you before I set out, and therefore stayed to the utmost extent of my time. [Charles had been at Bexley with Henry Piers, and returned to London on the 27th. See letter of May 17, 1742.] My sister is much better. Could not you bring with you a few of Mr. Corbet's Thoughts If so, call at the little hut [About eighteen miles from Oxford, on the London Road. On April 27, 1738, on his way from London to Oxford, his Diary states: ‘11 At the hut, conversed' (Journal, i. 457); Oct. 10, 1738, at 10.30, he was at the hut, where he conversed (ibid. ii. 84).] where the coach usually stops to let the passengers walk, on the brow of Stokenchurch Hill, and give one to the old man. I promised him a little book when I called there in my last walk to town. Adieu! To James Hutton [5] OXON, April 28, 1738. MY DEAR FRIEND, -- This thing I do; I still follow after, if haply I may attain faith. I preach it to all, that at length I may feel it. [According to Bhler's counsel on March 5: ‘Preach faith till you have it’ (Journal, i. 442).] Only may I never be content with any other portion!

DEAR MOTHER,--I stayed at Stanton Harcourt till Sunday (the 11th instant) in the afternoon. Thence returning to Oxford, I learned that Mr. Ingham was expected to set out on Monday or Tuesday. Therefore I left Oxford on Monday morning, and in the evening met with him and Mr. Tltschig, who were to embark the next morning. On Tuesday (the 13th) we took ship and fell down to Gravesend; many of our acquaintance bearing us company thither, two of whom were determined to go on with us, whithersoever it should please God to call us. We set sail from Gravesend on Wednesday, lost sight of England about four in the afternoon, and before seven the next morning saw the coast of Holland. About eight we entered the Meuse, and, sailing by Brill, [Brielle. See Journal, vi. 417n.] between ten and eleven came to Rotterdam. Never did common fame more grossly vary from the truth than in the English accounts of Holland. They tell us of a dirty, slovenly, unpolished people, without good nature, good manners, or common decency; whereas the very first thing that must strike every one that has eyes, and that before he has gone an hundred yards from Rotterdam Haven, is that this is the cleanest place he ever saw in his life, there being scarce a speck of dirt to be seen either on the doors or steps of any of the houses or on the stones of the street. And all the natives he meets, whether men, women, or children, are of a piece with the place they live in; being so nicely dean from head to foot, both in their persons and clothes, as I have seen very few in my life even of the gentry in England. There is likewise a remarkable mildness and lovingness in their behavior. All you meet on the road salute you. Every one is ready to show the way, or to answer any questions, without anything of the English surliness. And the carriage as well as dress of all the women we have yet seen is exactly modest and altogether natural and unaffected.

I do very exceedingly disapprove of the excluding women when we meet to pray, sing, and read the Scriptures. I wish it might not be done before we have talked together; at least, unless you first fix a night for them to come by themselves -- which I firmly believe will give more offence. Send us word how the word of God prospers among you, and how the fierceness of men turns to His praise, that we may rejoice together. You will show Mr. Fox what is on the other side. Are not your own flocks and herds enough, but must you have our little ewe lamb also To James Hutton [21] OXON, November 26, 1738. MY DEAR FRIEND, -- If the time for the women's meeting apart be fixed before they are excluded from the general meeting, I have no more to say on that head. I gave our brother Shaw the names of six female bands settled already. Why do you speak of the settling some as a thing still to be begun Have you suffered those to fall in pieces again Or has no thought at all been taken about them Doubtless too much caution cannot be used in the admission of strangers. What is proposed as to casting lots concerning a president seems liable to no exception. But you seem to design him (if there should be one) just nothing to do. Would not that [require] more particular consideration

At six I expounded at Mrs. Ford's; as I designed to do at Mrs. Compton's at seven. But Mr. Washington was got thither before me, and just beginning to read Bishop Bull against the Witness of the Spirit. He told me he was authorized by the minister of the parish so to do. I advised all that valued their souls to go away; and, perceiving it to be the less evil of the two, that they who remained might not be. perverted, I entered directly into the controversy, touching both the cause and the fruits of justification. In the midst of the dispute James Mears's wife began to be in pain. I prayed with her a little when Mr. Washington was gone; and then (having comforted the rest as I was enabled) we went down to Sister Thomas's. In the way Mrs. Mears's pains so increased that she could not avoid crying out aloud in the street. With much difficulty we got her to Mrs. Shrieve's (where also Mr. Washington had been before us). We made our request known to God, and He heard us and sent her deliverance in the same hour. There was great power among us, and her husband also was set at liberty. Soon after, I felt such a damp strike into my soul (and so did Mrs. Compton and several others) as I do not remember to have ever found before. I believed the enemy was near us. We immediately cried to our Lord to stir up His power and come and help us. Presently Mrs. Shrieve fell into a strange agony both of body and mind; her teeth gnashed together; her knees smote each other; and her whole body trembled exceedingly. We prayed on, and within an hour the storm ceased. She now enjoys a sweet calm, having remission of sins, and knowing that her Redeemer liveth.

Esther Deschamps, J. Panou, M. Page, Eliz. Davis (then proposed and admitted), and Eliz. Grevil. At five in the evening, Anne Williams, Mary Reynolds, Eliz. Ryan, Esther Highham, Frances Wilds, and Rachel England met together and agreed to meet every Sunday; Anne Williams was chose their leader. The Assizes prevented my preaching at Newgate this week, except only on Monday and Tuesday. On Monday at four I preached to three or four thousand people at the Brickyard on ‘I came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance.’ On Tuesday about one, having sent our brethren Easy and Purdy before, I set out for Bath. Soon after I came in, the person who rented the ground, where many people were met, sent me word ‘I should not preach on his ground. If I did, he would arrest me.’ Presently after, a good woman sent to tell me I was welcome to preach on hers. Thither we went at five. It is a meadow on the side of the hill, close to the town, so that they could see us from Lady Cox's [See letter of March 7, 1738.] in the square plainly. Here I offered God's free grace to about two thousand souls. At eight in the evening I preached remission of sins to many casual hearers, from some steps at the end of an house in Gracious Street. Griffith Jones [Griffith Jones, Rector of Llandowror, instituted the circulating Welsh Free Schools, to teach the poor to read Welsh and to give religious instruction. He maintained these schools by subscriptions for twenty-four years, and when he died in 1761 they numbered more than 3,000, and had 158,000 scholars, some of whom were sixty years old. See Tyerman's Whitefield, i. 189-90n.] was one of them, who afterwards refreshed us with his company about an hour at our inn.

MY DEAR BRETHERN, -- Monday, the 23rd, about twenty-four of us walked to Pensford, a little town five or six miles off, where a Society is begun, five of whose members were with us at Baldwin Street the Tuesday before. We sent to the minister to desire the use of the church; and after waiting some time and receiving no answer, being neither able to get into the church nor the churchyard, we began singing praise to God in the street. Many people gathered about us, with whom we removed to the market-place, where from the top of a wall I called to them in the name of our Master, ‘If any man thirst, let him come unto Me and drink.’ At four in the afternoon we met about four thousand people in another brickyard, a little nearer the city. To these I declared, ' The hour is coming, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of Man, and they that hear shall live.’ The rain on Tuesday morning made them not expect me at Bath; so that we had not above a thousand or twelve hundred in the meadow. After preaching, we read over the rules and fixed two bands, one of men and one of women. The men are Joseph Feachem (a man full of the Holy Ghost), Mr. Bush, Mr. Cotton, and Mr. Richards (of Oxford). The women are Rebecca Thomas (one of Lady Cox's servants), Sarah Bush, Grace Bond, Mary Spenser (mourning, and refusing to be comforted), and Margaret Dolling. Their general meeting is on Tuesday, their particular meeting on Monday evening, at five o'clock.

A gray-headed old man, one Dibble, a silversmith, at eleven gladly received me into his house, where I preached on the righteousness of the Scribes and Pharisees, at the window of an upper room, to those in the yard and street as well as the house. At four in the afternoon I met the colliers by appointment at a place about the middle of Kingswood called Two-Mile-Hill. After preaching to two or three thousand, we went to the stone our brother Whitefield laid. [See letter of April 9,n, to his brother Charles.] I think it cannot be better placed. ‘Tis just in the middle of the wood, two mile every way from either church or school. I wish he would write to me, positively and decisively, that 'for this reason he would have the first school there, or as near it as possible.’ In the evening, at Baldwin Street, John Bush received remission of sins. I was now in some doubt how to proceed. Our dear brethren, before I left London, and our brother Whitefield here, and our brother Chapman since, had conjured me to enter into no disputes, least of all concerning Predestination, because this people was so deeply prejudiced for it. The same was my own inclination. But this evening I received a long letter (almost a month after date) charging me roundly with ' resisting and perverting the truth as it is in Jesus' by preaching against God's decree of predestination. I had not done so yet; but I questioned whether I ought not now to declare the whole counsel of God: especially since that letter had been long handed about in Bristol before it was sealed and brought to me, together with another, wherein also the writer exhorts his friends to avoid me as a false teacher. However, I thought it best to walk gently, and so said nothing this day.

Friday, 27th, all Newgate was in an uproar again, and two women received the Spirit of adoption, to the utter astonishment of all and the entire conviction of some who before doubted. At four on Saturday five-and-twenty hundred (I suppose) were at the Poorhouse. My spirit was enlarged to pray for the rich that were there, especially ‘that our Lord would show them they were poor sinners.’ At night many were convinced of sin and one received remission of sins at Weavers' Hall. On Sunday morning (being so directed again by lot) I declared openly for the first hour against ‘the horrible decree’ before about four thousand persons at the Bowling Green. I then went to Clifton (a little mile off), and thence to a little plain near Hanham Mount, being desired by some of the neigh-hours to remove thither. About three thousand or three thousand five hundred were present. Thence I went to Clifton again. The church was more than full at the prayers and sermon, as was the churchyard at the burial that followed. From Clifton we went straight to Rose Green, where were upwards of seven thousand; and thence to the Society at Gloucester Lane, where also were many that have this world's goods. Two very fine young women, who came in a chariot, stood close to the table on which I was, and patiently heard me expound on the desire of the flesh, the desire of the eye, and the pride of life. And one or two were seized with strong pangs, which, I hope, has before now ended in true comfort. Thence we went to our lovefeast in Baldwin Street, where the spirit of love was present with us. Praise ye the Lord, who reneweth my bodily strength. May I feel in my soul that He is my strength and my salvation! Your affectionate brother. To James Hutton BRISTOL, May 7, 1739.

Saturday, 23rd, I spoke severally with those which had been so troubled the night before; some of whom I found were only awakened, others had peace in the blood of Christ. At four I preached to about two thousand at the Bowling Green on ‘Do all to the glory of God’; at seven, in the morning, to four or five thousand, and at ten to about three thousand at Hanham. As I was riding afterwards to Rose Green in a smooth plain road, my horse pitched upon his head and rolled over and over. I received no other hurt than a little bruise on the side I fell, which made me lame for two or three days; for the present I felt nothing, but preached there on the same words to six or seven thousand people, and in the evening explained the 12th of the Acts to twelve or fifteen hundred at the New Room. On Saturday evening Ann Allin (a young woman) was seized with strong pangs at Weavers’ Hall; they did not continue long before the snare was broken and her soul delivered. Sara Murray (aged thirteen) and four or five other persons (some of whom had felt the power of God before) were as deeply convinced on Sunday evening; and with most of the same symptoms groaned for deliverance. At Weavers’ Hall on Monday, 25th, a young woman named Mary Pritchard was cut to the heart and soon after comforted; as was Mary Greenwood at four in the afternoon. At Gloucester Lane in the evening one Mary Conway (who, as she was sitting at work at ten in the morning, was suddenly seized with strong trembling and bitter agonies of soul, in which she had continued all the afternoon) was restored to peace; as were four or five others who were there cut to the heart. On Tuesday, 26th, I preached the first time under the sycamore-tree near the school at Kingswood, during a violent rain, on those words of Isaiah, ‘As the rain cometh down from heaven, and returneth not thither, but watereth the earth and maketh it bring forth and bud: . . . so shall My word be that goeth forth out of My mouth: it shall not return unto Me void; but it shall accomplish that which I please, and it shall prosper in the thing whereto I sent it.’

Fri. 6. -- Between ten and twelve the main shock began. I can but give a faint account of this, not for want of memory, but of words. I felt in my body nothing but storm and tempest, hail-stones and coals of fire. But I do not remember that I felt any fear (such was the mercy of God!) nor any murmuring. And yet I found but a dull, heavy kind of patience, which I knew was not what it ought to be. The fever came rushing upon me as a lion, ready to break all my bones in pieces. My body grew weaker every moment; but I did not feel my soul put on strength. Then it came into my mind, ‘Be still, and see the salvation of the Lord. I will not stir hand or foot; but let Him do with me what is good in His own eyes.’ At once my heart was at ease. ‘My mouth was filled with laughter, and my tongue with joy.’ My eyes overflowed with tears, and I began to sing aloud. One who stood by said, ‘Now he is light-headed.’ I told her, ‘Oh no; I am not light-headed, but I am praising God. God is come to my help, and pain is nothing; glory be to God on high!’ I now found why it was not expedient for me to recover my health sooner: because then I should have lost this experimental proof, how little everything is which can befall the body so long as God carries the soul aloft, as it were on the wings of an eagle. An hour after, I had one more grapple with the enemy, who then seemed to collect all his strength. I essayed to shake myself, and praise God as before, but I was not able; the power was departed from me. I was shorn of my strength, and became weak and like another man. Then I said, ‘Yet here I hold; lo, I come to bear Thy will, O God.’ Immediately He returned to my soul, and lifted up the light of His countenance. And I felt, ‘He rideth easily enough whom the grace of God carrieth.’

That Mr. Wesley's answer is so indirect and full of evasion as to be a justification rather than confutation of your charge; that his leaving any doubt as to your great and well-known improvements plainly shows his malice and insincerity; and that Mr. Christie has still farther mementoes to convince the world what a base and jesuitical man he is, -- these, being mere rhetorical flowers fit to embellish the discourse, need no particular reply. But the fact (says your friend) with regard to the indictments stands in a different light than he tells it, and, as to his relation of persons dissenting on the Grand Jury, must be a story of his own making. That is easily known. The original paper is lodged at the Trustees’ Office at Palace Yard. And Mr. Fallowfield, one of those dissenters, you know succeeded Mr. Causton when Mr. Christie and he were displaced from their offices. ’Tis great pity that your friend, too, did not make affidavit of the extraordinary particulars following: that Mr. Wesley continued to disturb the public peace; that he endeavored to make an insurrection in the public Court while sitting; that the Magistrates received several petitions, laying fresh accusations to his charge, and declaring his design of leaving the colony privately (an extremely private design, of which five days before I had given notice by an advertisement set up in the market-place!); that several persons took an opportunity of going off with him with several sums of money; that they gave out that they would oppose with violence any person that should attempt to seize any of them; and that, immediately after, a great reward was affixed publicly for apprehending of Mr. Wesley. You can't but own these are a great improvement upon your design, and would sound as well as your own affidavit itself.

But would it not be needful first for Mr. Christie and you to confer together and agree upon your story else he may again blunder out more than you desire and confute you instead of me. This it is undeniable he has done now, and that in the most material parts of your evidence. For, first, you aver that Mr. Wesley, being bailed for the appearance at the then next Sessions, a little before the Sessions came on, deferred his bail and went away. No, says Mr. Christie, Mr. Wesley, after he was bailed, did appear at the next Court. I desired his trial might be brought on, or his recognizance estreated. Again, Mr. Christie flatly affirms that Mr. John Coats, who was one of his bail, went off with Mr. Wesley and never returned; whereas you aver upon oath that the Justices threatened to prosecute and imprison his bail, who were in the utmost confusion. But by the interposition of this deponent and several others, on behalf of the said bail, and to prevent destruction to their respective families, the Justices respited their recognizances during pleasure. Now, sir, feeling these accounts are utterly inconsistent, feeling it is impossible ever to reconcile them, give me leave to ask you one plain question, which I would beg you seriously to consider. Is Thomas Christie, Esq., a gross, notorious liar, one who neither fears God nor regards man Or is Robert Williams, merchant, a vain, weak man, who, having causelessly and willfully forsworn himself, neither knows how to get backward or forward, how to retract his perjury or how to defend it -- I am, sir, Your friend. To a Gentleman [5] NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, November 16, 1742 My father’s method was to visit all his parishioners, sick or well, from house to house, to talk with each of them on the things of God and observe severally the state of their souls. What he then observed he minuted down in a book kept for that purpose. In this manner he went through his parish (which was near three miles long) three times. He was visiting it the fourth time round when he fell into his last sickness. To Mrs. Hall (Martha Wesley) [6] NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, November 17, 1742.

Do you hold that principle, ‘that we ought to be just (i.e. pay our debts) before we are merciful’ If I held it, I should not give one shilling for these two years either to you or any other. And, indeed, I have for some time stayed my hand; so that I give next to nothing, except what I give to my relations. And I am often in doubt with regard to that, not whether natural affection be not a sin, but whether it ought to supersede common justice. You know nothing of my temporal circumstances and the straits I am in almost continually; so that, were it not for the reputation of my great riches, I could not stand one week. I have now done with myself, and have only a few words concerning you. You are of all creatures the most unthankful to God and man. I stand amazed at you. How little have you profited under such means of improvement! Surely, whenever your eyes are opened, whenever you see your own tempers, with the advantages you have enjoyed, you will make no scruple to pronounce yourself (whores and murderers not excepted) the very chief of sinners. -- I am, &c. To the Mayor of Newcastle-upon-Tyne [2] NEWCASTLE, July 12 1743. MR. MAYOR, -- A message was delivered to me yesterday in the street by one at the head of a crowd of people, to this effect: ‘Mr. Mayor, being informed of the tumult you raised on Sunday, discharges you from preaching at the Sand Hill any more.’

9. On the second proposition you remark (1) that I ‘ought to havesaid, the merits of Christ are (not the sole cause, but) the sole meritorious cause of this our justification.’ (page 41); (2) That ‘St. Paul and the Church, by justifying faith, mean, faith in the gospel and merits of Christ.’ The very thing; so I contend, in flatopposition to those who say they mean only the object of this faith. Upon the third proposition, ‘By our being justified by faith only,both St. Paul and the Church mean, that the condition of ourjustification is faith alone, and not good works;’ you say, ‘Neither of them mean any such thing. You greatly wrong them, inascribing so mischievous a sentiment to them.’ (Ibid.) Let me begyou, Sir, to have patience, and calmly to consider, (1.) What I meanby this proposition. Why should you any longer run as uncertainly, and fight as one that beateth the air (2.) What is advancedtouching the sentiments of the Church, in the tract referred to above. Till you have done this, it would be mere loss of time todispute with you on this head. I waive, therefore, for the present, the consideration of some of your following pages. Only I cannot quite pass over that (I believe, new) assertion, ‘that the Thirteenth Article, entitled, “Of Works done before Justification,” does not speak of works done before justification, but of works before grace, which is a very different thing!’ (page 45). I beseech you, Sir, to consider the Eleventh, Twelfth, and Thirteenth Articles, just as they lie, in one view: And you cannot but see that it is as absolutely impossible to maintain that proposition, as it is to prove that the Eleventh and Twelfth Articles speak not of justification, but of some very different thing. 10. Against that part of the fourth proposition, ‘Faith is a sure trust which a man hath, that Christ loved him and died for him,’ you object, ‘This definition is absurd; as it supposes that such a sure trust can be in one who does not repent of his sins.’ (page 48). I suppose quite the contrary, as I have declared over and over; nor, therefore, is there any such danger as you apprehend.

13. Another consequence which you charge on my preaching justification by faith, is, the introducing the errors of the Moravians. ‘Had the people,’ say you, ‘gone on in a quiet and regular practice of their duty, as most of them did before you deluded them, it would have been impossible for the Moravian tenets to have prevailed among them. But when they had been long and often used to hear good works undervalued, I cannot wonder that they should plunge into new errors, and wax worse and worse.’ (Page 12.) This is one string of mistakes. ‘Had the people gone on in a quiet and regular practice of their duty, as most of them did before you deluded them.’ Deluded them! Into what Into the love of God and all mankind, and a zealous care to keep his commandments. I would to God this delusion (if such it is accounted) may spread to the four corners of the earth! But how did most of them go on before they were thus deluded Four in five, by a moderate computation, even as other baptized Heathens, in the works of the devil, in all the ‘wretchlessness of most unclean living.’ ‘In a quiet and regular practice of their duty!’ What duty the duty of cursing and swearing; the duty of gluttony and drunkenness; the duty of whoredom and adultery; or of beating one another, and any that came in their way In this (not very ‘quiet or regular’) practice did most of those go on before they heard us, who have now ‘put off the old man with his deeds,’ and are ‘holy in all manner of conversation.’ Have these, think you, ‘been long and often used to hear good works undervalued’ Or are they prepared for receiving the Moravian errors, by the knowledge and love of God O Sir, the Moravians know, if you do not, that there is no such barrier under heaven against their tenets as those very people whom you suppose just prepared for receiving them.

First. ‘With regard to the denying degrees in faith, you mentioned“that the Moravian Church was cleared from this mistake.” But did you not mention this as one of the tenets of the Moravians' No; not of the Moravians in general. ‘Do you not say that you “could not agree with Mr. Spangenberg that none has any faith so long as he is liable to any doubt or fear”’ I do say so still. But Spangenberg is not the Moravian Church. ‘Do you not represent Mr. Molther and other Moravians in England as teaching the same’ I do; three or four in all. But neither are these the Moravian Church. ‘In short, I have not charged the Moravian Church with anything, but only repeat after you.’ Indeed you have, in the very case before us. You charge them with denying degrees in faith. I do not charge them herewith. I openly cleared them from any such charge near six years ago. ‘If, therefore, you have accused them when you knew them to be guiltless, you must bear the blame.’ In this case I must entreat you to bear it in my stead; for I have not accused them -- the Moravian Church. It is you that have accused them. I have again and again declared they are not guilty.

8. ‘In a note at the bottom of page 8 you observe, “The band society in London began May 1, some time before I set out for Germany.” Would you insinuate here that you did not set it up in imitation of the Moravians’ Sir, I will tell you the naked truth. You had remarked thus: ‘You took the trouble of a journey to Germany to them; and were so much in love with their methods that, at your return hither, you set up their bands among your disciples’ (page 17). This was an entire mistake; for that society was set up, not only before I returned, but before I set out. And I designed that note to insinuate this to you without telling your mistake to all the world. ‘I imagined that, supposing your account of the Moravians true, it would be impossible for any serious Christian to doubt of their being very wicked people.’ I know many serious Christians who suppose it true, and yet believe they are in the main good men. ‘A much worse character, take the whole body together, cannot be given of a body of men.’ Let us try: ‘Here is a body of men who have not one spark of either justice, mercy, or truth among them; who are lost to all sense of right and wrong; who have neither sobriety, temperance, nor chastity; who are, in general, liars, drunkards, gluttons, thieves, adulterers, murderers.’ I cannot but think that this is a much worse character than that of the Moravians, take it how you will. 'Let the reader judge how far you are now able to defend them.' Just as far as I did at first. Still I dare not condemn what is good among them; and I will not excuse what is evil.

You proceed: ‘You distinguish between the English brethren and the Moravians. These English brethren, I presume, were your followers. Afterwards you represent them as perverted by the Moravians. “Before they had spoke these wicked things,” you say, “they had joined these men and acted under their direction.” If they did not learn them from these new teachers, from whom did they learn them Not, sure, from yourself or any other Methodists. You cannot, therefore, bring off the Moravians without condemning your own people. Here, therefore, you have certainly overshot yourself.’ (Page 85.) Perhaps not. ‘These English brethren were, I presume, your followers.’ No; this is your first mistake. I was but a single, private member of that Society. ‘Afterwards you represent them as perverted by the Moravians.’ I do; but not yet connected with them. ‘Before they spoke these wicked things, they had joined these men and acted under their direction.’ This is another mistake. They did not join these men nor act by their direction till long after. ‘If they did not learn them from these new teachers, from whom did they learn them You cannot bring off the Moravians without condemning your own people.’ They learned them from Mr. Molther chiefly, whom I am not at all concerned to bring off. Now let all men judge which of us two has overshot himself. 11. ‘In answer to my objections against the inconsistent accounts you have given of the Moravians, you say, “They are, I believe, the most self-inconsistent people under the sun.” Would not one imagine that you here speak of the same persons, or of the whole body of them in general’ I do, thus far: I ascribe the good to the body of them in general; the evil to part only of that body, to some of those same persons. ‘Your method of getting over the contradictions I had charged upon you is much the same, -- to distinguish either between the Moravians and the English brethren, though these had been their disciples’ (this has been abundantly answered), ‘or between some of the Moravians and others’ (page 86). I think a very good method; for propositions are not contradictory unless they both speak of the same persons.

However, since you persist to affirm that I am guilty of the contradictions you charged upon me (page 87), I think there cannot be a sufficient reply without reciting the several instances. 12. (1) ‘You commend them (the Moravians) for loving one another; and yet charge them with biting and devouring one another.’ I answered, ‘Them! Whom Not the Moravians, but the English brethren of Fetter Lane before their union with the Moravians. Herein, then, is no shadow of contradiction; for the two sentences do not relate to the same persons.’ You reply, 'Would you, then, have us to think that so much anger and contradiction reigned among your Methodists' I 'would have you think' this is nothing to the purpose. Prove the contradiction, and you speak to the point. 'It is plain they had before this been perverted by the Moravians, and that they were unwilling to be taught by any others.' They--that is, nearly half of the Society. But here is no proof of the contradiction still. (2) ‘You say, “They had wellnigh destroyed brotherly love from among us, partly by cautions against natural love, partly by occasioning almost continual disputes.”’ So they had; but we had then no connection with them. Neither, therefore, does this contradict their loving one another. You reply, ‘As if they can truly love each other who teach you not to do it and stir up divisions and disturbances among you.’ You should say, if you would repeat after me, ‘Who caution you against natural love and occasion many disputes among you.’ Well; allowing they do this (which is utterly wrong), yet where is the contradiction Yet they may love one another. (3) ‘You praise them for using no diversions but such as become saints; and yet say’ (I recite the whole sentence), '"I have heard some of you affirm that Christian salvation implies liberty to conform to the world, by joining in worldly diversions in order to do good."' And both these are true. The Moravians in general 'use no diversions but such as become saints'; and yet I have heard some of them affirm, in contradiction to their own practice, that 'one then mentioned did well when he joined in playing at tennis in order to do good.' To this you make no reply. Silence, then, consents that there is no contradiction here.

You say, ‘When I read this first, I was amazed, and impatient to look again into your Journal. But I had no sooner done this, but I was still more astonished. For you have very grievously misrepresented the case.’ If I have, then I will bear the blame; but if not, it will light on your head. ‘It is not this account which you had thus introduced, but another, and a very different one, of what happened a day or two before. Sunday, you mention her as being guilty of gross presumption, which you attribute to the power of the devil. But on Monday and Tuesday the opposite revelations happened, which you relate without the least mark of diffidence or blame.’ (Page 131.) I am grieved that you constrain me to say any more. In the sixty-sixth and sixty-seventh pages of the last Journal, [Journal, ii. 415-16.] I gave account of Mrs. Jones, which I term ‘a surprising instance of the power of the devil.’ It includes the occurrences of three days. This you brought as a proof of my enthusiasm. I answer: ‘The very words that introduce this account’ prove it is no instance of enthusiasm; meaning by ‘this account’ (as I suppose is plain to every reader) the following account of Mrs. Jones. You reply: ‘It is not this account which you had thus introduced, but another, and a very different one, of what happened a day or two before.’ Sir, it is the whole account of Mrs. Jones which I thus introduce; and not another, not a very different one. And I attribute the agony which she (Mrs. Jones) was in, and most of the words which she spoke, both on Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, not to the Spirit of God, but to the power of the devil.

8. You remarked, ‘It will be difficult to persuade any sober person that there is anything supernatural in these disorders’ (Remarks, pp. 68-9). The remainder of that paragraph I abridged thus: You attempt to account for those fits, by ‘obstructions or irregularities of the blood and spirits; hysterical disorders; watchings, fastings, closeness of rooms, great crowds, violent heat’; and lastly by ‘terrors, perplexities, and doubts in weak and well meaning men; which’ you think, ‘in many of the cases before us, have quite overset their understandings’ (page 69). I answered, ‘As to each of the rest, let it go as far as it can go.’ (Let it be supposed to have some influence in some cases; perhaps fully to account for one in a thousand.) ‘But I require proof of the last way whereby you would account for these disorders.’ Why, ‘the instances,’ you say, ‘of religious madness have much increased since you began to disturb the world.’ I doubt the fact. You reply, ‘This no way disproves it’ (Second Letter, p. 137). Yes, it does, till you produce some proof. For a bare negation is the proper and sufficient answer to a bare affirmation. I add, ‘If these instances had increased daily, it is easy to account for them another way,’ as is done in the First Part of the Farther Appeal. [See Works, viii. 130-4.] You say, ‘Most have heard of or known several of the Methodists thus driven to distraction.’ I answered, ‘You may have heard of five hundred; but how many have you known Be pleased to name eight or ten of them. I cannot find them -- no, not one of them to this day, either man, woman, or child.’ [See letter of Feb. 2, 1745, sect. III. 10.] You reply, ‘This’ (the naming them) ‘would be very improper and unnecessary’ (Second Letter, p. 138). However, sir, it is extremely necessary that you should name them to me in private. I will then, if required, excuse you to the public; which till then I cannot do. The person I mentioned, whom you threw into much doubt and perplexity, then lived in the parish of St. Ann, Westminster. I related the case just as she related it to me. But she is able and ready to answer for herself.

7. However, with regard to the fruits of our teaching, you say, ‘It is to be feared the numbers of serious men who have been perplexed and deluded are much greater than the numbers of notorious sinners who have been brought to repentance and good life’ ( page 113). ‘Indeed, if you could prove that the Methodists were in general very wicked people before they followed you, and that all you have been teaching them is the love of God and their neighbor, and a care to keep His commandments, which accordingly they have done since, you would stop the mouths of all adversaries at once. But we have great reason to believe that the generality of the Methodists, before they became so, were serious, regular, and well-disposed people.’ (Page 103.) If the question were proposed, ‘Which are greater, the numbers of serious men who have been perplexed and deluded, or of notorious sinners who have been brought to repentance and good life, by these preachers throughout England within seven years’ it might be difficult for you to fix the conclusion. For England is a place of wide dimensions; nor is it easy to make a satisfactory computation, unless you confine yourself within a smaller compass. Suppose, then, we were to contract the question, in order to make it a little less unwieldy. We will bound our inquiry for the present within a square of three or four miles. It may be certainly known by candid men, both what has been and what is now done within this distance; and from hence they may judge of those fruits elsewhere, which they cannot be so particularly informed of.

Sir, I willingly put the whole cause on this issue: What are the general consequences of this preaching Are there more tares or wheat more ‘good men destroyed’ (that is the proper question) or ‘wicked men saved’ The last place where we began constant preaching is a part of Wiltshire and Somersetshire, near Bath. Now, let any man inquire at Road, Bradford, Wrexal, [Wraxhill Green, five miles south of Shepton Mallet.] or among the colliers at Coleford, (1) what kind of people were those ‘before they followed these men’ (2) what are the main doctrines they have been teaching for this twelvemonth (3) what effect have these doctrines upon their followers what manner of lives do they lead now And if you do not find (1) that three in four of these were two years ago notoriously wicked men; (2) that the main doctrines they have heard since were, ‘Love God and your neighbor, and carefully keep His commandments’; and (3) that they have since exercised themselves herein, and continue so to do; -- I say, if you, or any reasonable man, who will be at the pains to inquire, does not find this to be an unquestionable fact, I will openly acknowledge myself an enthusiast or whatsoever else you shall please to style me. Only one caution I would give to such an inquirer. Let him not ask the colliers of Coleford: ‘Were not the generality of you, before you followed these men, serious, regular, well-disposed people’ Were you not ‘offended at the profaneness and debauchery of the age’ and ‘Was it not this disposition which at first made you liable to receive these impressions’ (Page 103.) Because, if he talk thus to some of those who do not yet ‘follow these men,’ perhaps he will not live to bring back their answer.

I said in the Farther Appeal, p. 48, 'Who dares repel one of the greatest men in his parish from the Lord's Table, even though he openly deny the Lord that bought him Mr. Stonehouse [George Stonehouse, Vicar of Islington. See Journal, i. 460;Works, viii. 175.] did this once. But what was the event The gentleman brought an action against him.' And who was able and willing to espouse his cause He alone who took it into His own hands; and, before the day when it should have been tried here, caused the plaintiff to answer at an higher bar. You (1) blame me for supposing that gentleman to be one who openly denied the Lord that bought him; I mean, openly denied the supreme Godhead of Christ. If he did not, I retract the charge. You say (2) that gentleman brought no action nor commenced any suit against Mr. Stonehouse. Upon stricter inquiry, I find he did not; it was another gentleman, Mr. C--p--r. You (3) observe it was not the death of the plaintiff which stopped the action; but, before it proceeded to a trial, Mr. Stonehouse thought fit to request it as a favour that the action might be stopped, promising not to do the like any more. Mr. Stonehouse himself gives a different account; but whether his or yours be the more just is not material, since the substance of what you observe is true--namely, 'that it was not the plaintiff's death which stopped the action.' You add, 'I would willingly hope that you did not deliberately design to impose upon the world.' I did not; and do therefore acknowledge the truth in as public a manner as I am able, being willing as far as in me lies to make amends for whatever injury I have done.--I am, sir, Yours. To Mrs.Hutton [4] June 19, 1746. DEAR MADAM,--I cannot but return you my hearty thanks (which I had designed to do last week) for the information you give me concerning Nicholas Mason. We could never before now come to the true state of his case: though he was suspected three or four years ago; and, partly upon that suspicion, partly for idleness, was excluded from our Society about two years since. Jonathan Woodward, I believe, never belonged to the Moravians. I hope he is lunatic.

But you say, ‘Strict order once set aside, confusion rushes in like a torrent.’ It has been so far from rushing in where we have preached most, that the very reverse is true. Surely never was ‘confusion worse confounded’ than it was a few years since in the forest of Kingswood. But how has it been since the word of God was preached there, even in this disorderly manner Confusion heard his voice, and wild uproar Stood ruled, ... and order from disorder sprung. [Paradise Lost, iii. 710-14.] O sir, be not carried away with the torrent, the clamour either of the great vulgar or the small! Re-examine your very first notions of these things; and then review that sentence, ‘The devil makes use of your honest zeal to his dishonest and diabolical purposes. He well knows you do him more service by breach of order than disservice by all your laborious industry.’ I hope not: (1) because I bring the very order you contend for into places where it never was before; and (2) because I bring--yet not I, but the grace of God--that knowledge and love of God also, in conjunction wherewith order is of great price, but without them a worthless shadow. I commend you to God, and to the word of His grace, which is able to build you up, and to give you an inheritance among all them which are sanctified, by faith that is in Him. To Mrs. Jones, of Fonmon Castle [5] BRISTOL, August 4, 1746 The first thing which it is absolutely necessary for me to do is to finish a volume of Sermons for the press. This is of more extensive use than the visiting any particular place; upon which consideration my brother [Charles was in Cornwall, and met John at Bristol on Aug. 28.] has undertaken to go the Round this autumn in my place. I had intended to go to Neath, if not to Cardigan; and hope he will do the same. I am not sure of returning hither in the beginning of September, as I now propose to do. If nothing prevent this, I hope to see you in Wales still, before the end of autumn. Be perfect, be of one mind. Live in peace, and the God of peace and love shall be with you. -- I am You ever affectionate brother and servant.

You begin: ‘Will you ask what I mean by “order” Was it not manifest I meant to speak against lay-preaching’ It was; but not against that alone. Therefore, before I entered upon the question, I defined the term in a wider sense, so as to include both this and every irregularity you had objected. You go on: ‘How could you give so strange an answer, “I bring this order you contend for into places where it never was before”’ I reply: This is not my whole answer; it is but one, and that the most inconsiderable, part of it: but it is strictly true. ‘Do you, then, bring in the ministry of regularly ordained ministers, where, before, people were used to the preaching of lay brethren’ Yes; them who were before used to no preaching at all, or to that of those whom you would term lay brethren, I bring to attend on the ministry of those regular preachers who have the charge of their several parishes. But very ‘ill consequences’ of our irregular preaching, you say, have ‘actually happened: a number of unsent persons going about the kingdom, and preaching the worst of heresies.’ ‘A number’! Where Within these nine years past, I have heard of two, and no more (besides that lunatic clergyman [See letter of June 25, 1746, sect. 10.]), who have gone about thus, though I doubt sent neither of God nor man. But I have heard of no heresy which they preached; only a little smooth, undigested nonsense. Nor can the ill done by these balance the thousandth part of the good already done by the preaching of other laymen -- namely, the turning so many bold, barefaced servants of the devil into humble, holy servants of God. However, evil ‘will happen if any State faction shall join the irregulars.’ If they shall! Yea, if they shall attempt it (which is far enough off), the irregulars will not join them. We bless God that the Government is at present very fully convinced of this. ‘But if unsent well-meaning laymen may preach, unsent ill-meaning laymen will, upon the first opportunity, spread sedition like wild-fire.’ Yea, and clergymen as well as laymen, sent as well as unsent. Thus it ever was, and I presume ever will be.

My Lord, this is an accusation of the highest nature. If we are guilty, we are not so much as moral heathens. We are monsters, not only unworthy of the Christian name, but unfit for human society. It tears up all presences to the love of God and man, to justice, mercy, or truth. But how is it proved Or does your Lordship read the heart, and so pass sentence without any proof at all O my Lord, ought an accusation of the lowest kind to be thus received, even against the lowest of the people How much less can this be reconciled with the apostolical advice to the Bishop of Ephesus! -- ‘Against a presbyter receive not an accusation, but before two or three witnesses’; and those face to face. When it is thus proved, ‘them that sin, rebuke before all.’ Your Lordship doubtless remembers the words that follow (how worthy to be written in your heart!): ‘I charge thee, before God, and the Lord Jesus Christ, and the elect angels, that thou observe these things without preferring one before another, doing nothing by partiality’ (I Tim. v. 19-21). IV. 16. ‘They mislead the people into an opinion of the high merit of punctual attendance on their performances, to the neglect of the business of their stations’ (page 26). My Lord, this is not so. You yourself in this very Charge have cleared us from one part of this accusation. You have borne us witness (page 10) that we disclaim all merit, even in (really) good works; how much more in such works as we continually declare are not good, but very evil! such as the attending sermons, or any public offices whatever, ‘to the neglect of the business of our station.’

22. But I must draw to a conclusion. Your Lordship has without doubt had some success in opposing this doctrine. Very many have, by your Lordship's unwearied endeavors, been deterred from hearing at all; and have thereby probably escaped the being seduced into holiness, have lived and died in their sins. My Lord, the time is short. I am past the noon of life, and my remaining years flee away as a shadow. Your Lordship is old and full of days, having past the usual age of man. It cannot, therefore, be long before we shall both drop this house of earth and stand naked before God; no, nor before we shall see the great white throne coming down from heaven, and Him that sitteth thereon. On His left hand shall be those who are shortly to dwell in everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels. In that number will be all who died in their sins, and, among the rest, those whom you preserved from repentance. Will you then rejoice in your success The Lord God grant it may not be said in that hour, 'These have perished in their iniquity; but their blood I require at thy hands’! - I am Your Lordship's dutiful son and servant. To ‘John Smith’ ST. IVES, July 10, 1747. SIR, -- 1. You put me in mind of an eminent man who, preaching at St. James’s, said, ‘If you do not repent, you will go to a place which I shall not name before this audience.’ I cannot promise so much, either in preaching or writing, before any audience or to any person whatever. Yet I am not conscious of doing this very often -- of ‘profusely flinging about everlasting fire’; though it is true I mentioned it in my last letter to you, as I have done now a second time; and perhaps I may mention it yet again. For, to say the truth, I desire to have both heaven and hell ever in my eye, while I stand on this isthmus of life, between these two boundless oceans; and I verily think the daily consideration of both highly becomes all men of reason and religion.

Neither do I want miracles in order to determine my judgment with regard to scriptures variously interpreted. I would not say in this case, ‘Show me a sign,’ but ‘Bring forth your strong reasons’; and according to these, weighed in an even, impartial scale, would I incline to one side or the other. 13. From the beginning of our correspondence I did not expect you to alter your judgment touching those points wherein we differed. But I was willing (and am so still) to hear and consider whatever you should advance concerning them: and so much the rather, because in the greatest points we do agree already; and in the smaller, we can bear with each other, and speak what we apprehend to be the truth in love. Let us bless God for this, and press on to the mark. It cannot be long before we shall be quite of one mind, before the veil of flesh shall drop off, and we shall both see pure light in the unclouded face of God. To the Clergyman at Tredinny [4] TREDINNY, July 14, 1747. REVEREND SIR,--I was exceedingly surprised when I was informed yesterday of your affirming publicly in the church, in the face of a whole congregation, 'Now Wesley has sent down for an hundred pounds; and it must be raised directly. Nay, it is true.' O sir, is this possible Can it be that you should be so totally void, I will not say of conscience, of religion, but of good nature as to credit such a tale and of good manners and common sense as thus to repeat it I must beg that you would either justify or retract this (for it is a point of no small concern), and that I may know what you propose to do, before I set out for London.--I am, reverend sir, Your brother and servant for Christ's sake. To the Clergyman at Tredinny, In Buryan Parish, Cornwall. To Ebenezer Blackwell [5] ST. IVES, July 18, 1747.

CORK STREET, March 26, 1748. MY DEAR BROTHER,--Has Mr. Cennick left any orders with you concerning the house in Skinner's Alley If he has, if he is of the same mind, I am ready to do as I said to-day. If he has altered his mind, I design to preach there myself next week.--I am Your loving brother. I expected to have heard from him before he left Ireland. To Brother Toltschig To John Toltschig [9] CORK STREET March 29, 1748. MY DEAR BROTHER,--I don't think Mr. Cennick has used me well. He ought to have let me hear from him before he left the kingdom. It would have been only common civility, to say nothing of brotherly love. Since he has left all things undetermined (whether on purpose or no I leave to the Searcher of Hearts) my conscience is satisfied, and I think it would not be right to let the house lie empty any longer. I therefore design to preach there tomorrow. But whenever Mr. Cennick will indemnify me as to the bonds and covenants I am under, I will relinquish it to him at a month's warning.--I am Your affectionate brother. To Mr. Toltschig. To his Brother Charles [10] DUBLIN, Saturday, April 16, 1748. DEAR BROTHER,--We returned hither last night. But I must (as you observe) make another journey into the country. Our Societies there already consist of 350 members. But they are most of them raw, undisciplined soldiers, and, without great care, will desert to their old master. The Conference must be in London this year, in order to the meeting of the Stewards from all the Societies. I hope to be there about Wednesday in Whitsun week. Skinner's Alley house is now, as it ever was, a millstone about my neck. I shall shake it off as soon as possible, and do as I would be done to. I can never get over 'We laid out so much money and have not had a penny returned.'[See letter of March 14.] T. Alsop is not equal to Reading, nor can John Jones ride long journeys.[John Jones was a medical man who became one of Wesley's trusted preachers. He was a master at Kingswood. See Journal, iii. 530; and letter of Sept. 3, 1756, to Nicholas Norton.] I am glad you are returned. To William Mondet CORK STREET, April 16, 1748.

SIR,--A warm letter, subscribed by Mr. Binns and you, was given me the evening before I left Dublin. The most material part of it ran thus: 'Why did you not settle that affair with Mr. Cennick before you preached in the house, which you could not preach in a fortnight ago for conscience' sake' Have patience: I will tell you why. I did not settle that affair with Mr. Cennick before he went away because I heard not one word of his going till he was agone. Otherwise it was my full design to have settled it then, which might have been done in a few hours' time. I did not preach in the house a fortnight before because I was determined not to preach there till I should have made Mr. Cennick one more offer, as I thought brotherly love required; but after I had done this and he appeared to me (comparing his behaviour to me with his words to others) to trifle and put me off, I could not in conscience delay preaching there any longer. The fault lay at his door, and I now conceived myself to be clear in the sight of God and man, even though I should never have made him another offer of the place at all. You go on: 'How can you venture to take God's name in your mouth, and to call upon God in an house, at which time your own conscience must tell you that you have taken the house over people's heads It is our opinion, if you had the least feeling of God's love in your heart, you could not do it.' I suppose it is your opinion. But I stand before an higher Judge. You entirely mistake my motive of acting. I never looked upon the taking this house as 'the taking it over people's heads.' For it was advertised; and you positively refused to take it. This was not the ground of my scruple. But I desired to do as I would be done to. And I have done so to the best of my knowledge. Lord, what I know not teach Thou me! That I added after all, I 'am still ready, if it shall be required, to relinquish it at a month's warning,' you ought to have acknowledged as a fresh and signal proof both of uprightness and brotherly kindness.

Between twelve and one o'clock, when I was speaking to some quiet people without any noise or tumult, a drunken rabble came with clubs and staves in a tumultuous and riotous manner; the captain of whom, Richard Bocock by name, said he was a deputy constable, and that he was come to bring me to you. I made no resistance (though he had no warrant to show, and consequently all he did was utterly illegal), but went with him. I had scarce gone ten yards, when a man of his company struck me with his fist in the face with all his might! I told him it was not well, and went on quickly after another threw his stick at my head. I then made a stand, having little encouragement to go forward. But another of the champions, cursing and swearing in the most shocking manner, and flourishing his club over his head, cried out, 'Bring him away!' So, perceiving there was no remedy, I walked on to Barrowford (where they informed me you was); their drummer going before, to draw all the rabble together and encourage them in their work. I must just stop to inform you (if you know it not) that this whole action of carrying me along against my will was an assault upon the King's highway, contrary to his peace, crown, and dignity.

When your deputy had brought me prisoner into the house, he permitted Mr. Grimshaw, the minister of Haworth, Mr. Colbeck [Thomas Colbeck was steward of the Haworth Round, and a devoted class-leader and local preacher. See Laycock's Great Haworth Round, pp. 139-42; and letter of Nov. 25.] of Keighley, and one more [William Batty, one of Ingham's preachers. See Journal, ii. 294n.] to be with me, promising none should hurt them. Soon after, you and your friends came in and required me to promise 'I would come to Roughlee no more.' I told you 'I would cut off my hand rather than make any such promise.' Neither would I promise that none of my friends should come. After abundance of rambling discourse (for I could keep none of you long to one point) from about one o'clock till between three and four, in which one of you justly said, 'No, we will not be like Gamaliel, we will proceed like the Jews,' you seemed a little satisfied with my saying, 'I will not preach at Roughlee this time, nor shall I be here again till August next; then I will show you the authority by which I preach.' You then undertook to quiet the mob; to whom you went and spoke a few words, and their noise immediately ceased, while I walked out with you at the back door. I should have mentioned that I had desired you to let me go several times before, but could not prevail; and that, when I attempted to go with Richard Bocock, the mob came immediately to me, cursing and swearing and throwing whatever came to hand. One of them beat me down to the ground; and when I rose again, the rest came about me like lions and forced me back into the house.

But, before I take any farther step herein, I think myself obliged to make you a fair proposal. If you will promise me under your hand to suppress all mobs at Roughlee and the parts adjacent (as your duty both to God and the King require you to do, even at the hazard of your life); if you will promise to proceed only by law against those you apprehend to act contrary to law (which, indeed, I absolutely deny you to do), nor can it be supposed that none of the lawyers in Leeds, Newcastle, Bristol, or London should find it out (if it were so), but only the Solomons in Pendle Forest;--if I accordingly find a letter from you to this effect when I come to London, directed to the Foundery, near Moorfields, I shall be satisfied and proceed no farther. If not, I shall try another course. Only one piece of advice permit me to give. Do not consult herein with some petty attorney (who will certainly say your cause is good), but with some able barrister-at-law. This is the course I take. The counsel to whom I applied on this very Act of Parliament before I left London were Counsellor Glanville, a barrister of Gray's Inn, [See the next two letters.] and Sir Dudley Rider, the King's Attorney-General.--I am Your real friend. To James Hargrave, Near Colne, In Lancashire. To William Grimshaw [21] LONDON, November 2, 1748. So far as I can judge, the whole costs of information in the King's Bench will be between thirty and forty pounds: part of which should be speedily advanced; because, from the time the cause is first moved here, the counsellors should have their fees paid regularly. 'Tis miserable bad husbandry to starve a cause. Indeed, Mr. Glanville (I apprehend) will return his fees. However, they must be paid (for the present) as duly as those of Sir John Strange. In the end 'tis probable all the costs of suit will fall upon the rioters. The affidavits should be taken and sent without losing one day. The Judges often put off a cause which comes before them at the latter end of a term. Therefore you should not delay; near a fortnight of the term is gone already. To John Bennet LONDON, November 17, 1748.

I answer: (1) This is no plea at all for your drinking tea at home. Therefore touch it not there, whatever you do abroad. (2) Where is the trouble given, even when you are abroad, if they drink tea, and you fill your cup with milk and water (3) Whatever trouble is taken is not for 'insignificant me,' but for that poor man who is half starved with cold and hunger; for that miserable woman who, while she is poisoning herself, wipes her mouth and says she does no evil--who will not believe the poison will hurt her, because it does not (sensibly at least) hurt you. O throw it away! Let her have one plea less for destroying her body, if not her soul, before the time! 25. You object farther, 'It is my desire to be unknown for any particularity, unless a peculiar love to the souls of those who are present.' And, I hope, to the souls of the absent too; yea, and to their bodies also, in a due proportion, that they may be healthy, and fed, and clothed, and warm, and may praise God for the consolation. 26. You subjoin: 'When I had left it off for some months, I was continually puzzled with, Why, What, &c.; and I have seen no good effects, but impertinent questions and answers and unedifying conversation about eating and drinking.'

II. 1. But as much as we endeavoured to watch over each other, we soon found some who did not live the gospel. I do not know that any hypocrites were crept in; for, indeed, there was no temptation: but several grew cold and gave way to the sins which had long easily beset them. We quickly perceived there were many ill consequences of suffering these to remain among us. It was dangerous to others; inasmuch as all sin is of an infectious nature. It brought such a scandal on their brethren as exposed them to what was not properly the reproach of Christ. It laid a stumbling-block in the way of others, and caused the truth to be evil spoken of. 2. We groaned under these inconveniences long before a remedy could be found. The people were scattered so wide in all parts of the town, from Wapping to Westminster, that I could not easily see what the behaviour of each person in his own neighbourhood was: so that several disorderly walkers did much hurt before I was apprised of it.

12. If, then, the end of those miraculous powers was 'to overcome inveterate prejudices and to enable the Christians to bear up against the shocks of persecution,' how can you possibly conceive that those powers should cease while some of the Apostles were living With what colour can you assert that they were less wanted for these ends in the second and third than in the apostolic age With what shadow of reason can you maintain that (if they ever subsisted at all) they were finally withdrawn before Christianity was established by the civil power Then, indeed, these ends did manifestly cease, persecution was at an end, and the inveterate prejudices which had so long obtained were in great measure rooted up--another plain reason why the powers which were to balance these should remain in the Church so long, and no longer. 13. You go on to acquaint us with the excellences of your performance. 'The reader,' you say, 'will find in these sheets none of those arts which are commonly employed by disputants to perplex a good cause or to palliate a bad one; no subtile refinements, forced constructions, or evasive distinctions; but plain reasoning, grounded on plain facts, and published with an honest and disinterested view to free the minds of men from an inveterate imposture. I have shown that the ancient Fathers, by whom that delusion was imposed, were extremely credulous and superstitious, possessed with strong prejudices, and scrupling no art or means by which they might propagate the same.' (Page 31.) Surely, sir, you add the latter part of this paragraph on purpose to confute the former; for just here you use one of the unfairest arts which the most dishonest disputant can employ, in endeavouring to forestall the judgement of the reader, and to prejudice him against those men on whom he ought not to pass any sentence before he has heard the evidence.

I answer: (1) It is allowed that before the end of the third century the Church was greatly degenerated from its first purity. Yet I doubt not (2) But abundantly more rank heresies have been publicly professed in many later ages; but they were not publicly protested against, and therefore historians did not record them. (3) You cannot but know it has always been the judgement of learned men (which you are at liberty to refute if you are able) that the far greater part of those spurious books have been forged by heretics, and that many more were compiled by weak, well meaning men from what had been orally delivered down from the Apostles. But (4) There have been in the Church from the beginning men who had only the name of Christians. And these doubtless were capable of pious frauds (so called). But this ought not to be charged upon the whole body. Add to this (5) What is observed by Mr. Daille,--'I impute a great part of this mischief to those men who before the invention of printing were the transcribers and copiers out of manuscripts. We may well presume that these men took the same liberty in forging as St. Jerome complains they did in corrupting books, especially since this course was beneficial to them, which the other was not.'Much more to the same effect we have in his treatise Of the Right Use of the Fathers, Part I. chap. iii. N.B. These transcribers were not all Christians--no, not in name; perhaps few, if any of them, in the first century. (6) By what evidences do you prove that these spurious books 'are frequently cited by the most eminent Fathers as not only genuine but of equal authority with the Scriptures themselves' Or, lastly, that they either forged these books themselves or made use of what they knew to be forged These things also you are not to take for granted but to prove before your argument can be of force. 12. We are come at last to your general conclusion: 'There is no sufficient reason to believe that any miraculous powers subsisted in any age of the Church after the times of the Apostles' (page 91).

3. You aim, indeed, at a proof, which would be home to the point if you were but able to make it out. 'These Fathers themselves seem to disclaim all gifts of a more extraordinary kind. Thus Polycarp in his Epistle to the Philippians says, " Neither I, nor any other such as I am, can come up to the wisdom of the blessed Paul." And in the same Epistle he declares, " It was not granted to him to practice that' Be ye angry, and sin not.' " St. Ignatius also in his Epistle to the Ephesians says, "These things I prescribe to you, not as if I were somebody extraordinary; for though I am bound for His name, I am not yet perfect in Christ Jesus."' (Pages 7-8.) I think verily these extraordinary proofs may stand without any reply. 4. Yet you courteously add: 'If from the passages referred to above or any other it should appear probable to any that they were favoured on some occasions with some extraordinary illuminations, visions, or divine impressions, I shall not dispute that point; but remind them only that these gifts were granted for their particular comfort, and do not therefore in any manner affect or relate to the question now before us' (page 10). I ask pardon, sir. These do so deeply affect, so nearly relate to, the question now before us, even as stated by yourself (Preface, p. 28), that, in allowing these, you give up the substance of the question. You yourself have declared that one great end of the extraordinary gifts conferred on the Apostles was 'to enable them to bear up against the shocks of popular rage and persecution.' Now, were not 'extraordinary illuminations, visions, and impressions,' if given at all, given for this very end--'for their particular comfort,' as you now word it Therefore, in allowing these to the apostolic Fathers, you allow extraordinary gifts, which had been formerly granted to the Apostles, to have subsisted in the Church after the days of the Apostles, and for the same end as they did before.

10. 'These things,' you add, 'are so strange, as to give just reason to suspect that there was some original fraud in the case, and that those strolling wonder-workers by a dexterity of juggling imposed upon the pious Fathers, whose strong prejudices and ardent zeal for the interest of Christianity would dispose them to embrace without examination whatever seemed to promote so good a cause' (page 25). You now speak tolerably plain, and would be much disappointed if those who have no 'strong prejudices for Christianity' did not apply what you say of these 'strolling wonder-workers' to the Apostles as well as their successors. 11. A very short answer will suffice: 'These things are so strange.' They are more strange than true. You have not proved one jot or tittle of them yet; therefore the consequences you draw must fall to the ground till you find them some better support. 12. Nay, but 'it is certain and notorious,' you say, 'that this was really the case in some instances'--that is, that 'strolling, juggling wonder-workers imposed upon the pious Fathers' (page 26). Sir, I must come in again with my cuckoo's note,--The proof! where is the proof Till this is produced, I cannot allow that 'this is certain and notorious' even in one individual instance. 13. Let us now stand still and observe what it is you have made out under this second head. What you proposed was 'to throw together all which the primitive Fathers had delivered concerning the persons said to be then endued with the extraordinary gifts of the Spirit.' And how have you executed what you proposed You have thrown together a quotation from a Jew, two from heathens, three-quarters of a line from Origen, and three lines from Tertullian! Nothing at all, it is true, to the point in question. But that you could not help. 14. And this, it seems, is 'all you have been able to draw from any of the primitive writers concerning the persons who were endued with the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost'! (Page 21.) Permit me, sir, to apply to you what was spoken on another occasion: 'Sir, the well is deep, and thou hast nothing to draw with'--neither sufficient skill, nor industry and application. Besides, you are resolved to draw out of the well what was never in it, and must of course lose all your labour.

I doubt much whether you can produce one single apologist for any 'ridiculous comment on sacred writ,' who anywhere 'alleges that the second or third century could not relish or endure any better.' But if they were all to say this with one voice, yet no reasonable man could believe them; for it is notoriously contrary to matter of fact. It may be allowed that some of these Fathers, being afraid of too literal a way of expounding the Scriptures, leaned sometimes to the other extreme. Yet nothing can be more unjust than to infer from hence 'that the age in which they lived could not relish or endure any but senseless, extravagant, enthusiastic, ridiculous comments on sacred writ.' Will you say that all the comments on Scripture still to be found in the writings of Ignatius, Polycarp, Athenagoras, or even of Origen and Clemens Alexandrinus, are senseless and extravagant If not, this charge must fall to the ground; it being manifest that even 'the age in which they lived' could both 'endure and relish' sound, sensible, rational (and yet spiritual) comments on holy writ. Yet this extravagant charge you have repeated over and over in various parts of your work, thrusting it upon your reader in season and out of season: how fairly, let all candid men judge. 3. Touching the miraculous gift of expounding Scripture, you say, 'Justin Martyr affirms it was conferred on him by the special grace of God' (page 117). I cannot find where he affirms this. Not in the words you cite, which, literally translated (as was observed before), runs thus: 'He hath revealed to us whatsoever things we have understood by His grace from the Scriptures also.' You seem conscious these words do not prove the point, and therefore eke them out with those of Monsieur Tillemont.[Louis Sebastien de Tillemont (1637-98),the ecclesiastical historian; Ordained priest 1676. He took his name from Tillemont, near Paris where he settled.] But his own words, and no other, will satisfy me. I cannot believe it, unless from his own mouth.

6. Perhaps this may obtain in the very case before us. Many may have spoken with new tongues of whom this is not recorded--at least, the records are lost in a course of so many years. Nay, it is not only possible that it may be so, but it is absolutely certain that it is so: and you yourself must acknowledge it; for you acknowledge that the Apostles when in strange countries spoke with strange tongues--that St. John, for instance, when in Asia Minor, St. Peter when in Italy (if he was really there), and the other Apostles when in other countries, in Parthia, Media Phrygia, Pamphylia, spoke each to the natives of each in their own tongues the wonderful works of God. And yet there is no authentic record of this: there is not in all history one well-attested instance of any particular Apostle's exercising this gift in any country whatsoever. Now, sir, if your axiom were allowed, what would be the ,consequence Even that the Apostles themselves no more spoke with tongues than any of their successors. 7. I need, therefore, take no trouble about your subsequent reasonings, seeing they are built on such a foundation. Only I must observe an historical mistake which occurs toward the bottom of your next page. Since the Reformation, you say, 'this gift has never once been heard of or pretended to by the Romanists themselves' (page 122). But has it been pretended to (whether justly or not) by no others, though not by the Romanists Has it 'never once been heard of' since that time Sir, your memory fails you again: it has undoubtedly been pretended to, and that at no great distance either from our time or country. It has been heard of more than once no farther off than the valleys of Dauphiny. Nor is it yet fifty years ago since the Protestant inhabitants of those valleys so loudly pretended to this and other miraculous powers as to give much disturbance to Paris itself. And how did the King of France confute that presence and prevent its being heard any more Not by the pen of his scholars, but by (a truly heathen way) the swords and bayonets of his dragoons.

10. From page 127 to page 158 you relate miracles said to be wrought in the fourth century. I have no concern with these; but I must weigh an argument which you intermix therewith again and again. It is in substance this: 'If we cannot believe the miracles attested by the later Fathers, then we ought not to believe those which are attested by the earliest writers of the Church.' I answer: The consequence is not good, because the case is not the same with the one and with the other. Several objections which do not hold with regard to the earlier may lie against the later miracles,--drawn either from the improbability of the facts themselves, such as we have no precedent of in holy writ; from the incompetency of the instruments said to perform them, such as bones, relics, or departed saints; or from the gross 'credulity of a prejudiced or the dishonesty of an interested relater' (page 145). 11. One or other of these objections holds against most of the later though not the earlier miracles. And if only one holds, it is enough; it is ground sufficient for making the difference. If, therefore, it was true that there was not a single Father of the fourth age who was not equally pious with the best of the more ancient, still we might consistently reject most of the miracles of the fourth while we allowed those of the preceding ages, both because of the far greater improbability of the facts themselves and because of the incompetency of the instruments. (Page 159.) But it is not true that 'the Fathers of the fourth age' whom you mention were equally pious with the best of the preceding ages. Nay, according to your account (which I shall not now contest), they were not pious at all; for you say, 'They were wilful, habitual liars.' And if so, they had not a grain of piety. Now, that the earlier Fathers were not such has been shown at large; though, indeed, you complimented them with the same character. Consequently, whether these later Fathers are to be believed or no, we may safely believe the former, who dared not to do evil that good might come or to lie either for God or man.

There ties before me a transcript from a letter of yours sent lately to John Haughton in Ireland. Some of the words are: ‘I was married to Grace Murray on Tuesday by the advice of Mr. C. Wesley and G. Whitefield. But when Mr. Wesley came to hear it and saw us, he was so enraged as if he had been mad, for he himself was inflamed with love and lust unto her.’ I saw you first at William Shents. [In Leeds on Oct. 6, 1749, three days after the marriage, when he kissed him and uttered no word of reproach. See letter of Nov. 3, 1749.] Was I then so enraged as if I had been mad Or was it when I saw her and you together in the chamber at Mr. Towers [See Journal, iii. 330.] How came you to know that I ‘was inflamed with lust’ Did your wife tell you so If she did not, you would not have so roundly affirmed it. If she did, she has made me a fair return. If you only, after having robbed me, had stabbed me to the heart, I might have perhaps endeavored to defend myself But I can now only cover my face and say, ‘Art thou also among them Art thou! my daughter!’ To Dr. Lavington, Bishop of Exeter [2] Agedum! Pauca accipe contra. [Horace's Satire, I. iv. 38: ‘Now hear a few things in reply.’] CANTERBURY, February 1, 1750. SIR, -- 1. In your late pamphlets you have undertaken to prove that Mr. Whitefield and I are gross enthusiasts, and that our whole ‘conduct is but a counterpart of the most wild fanaticisms of the most abominable communion in its most corrupt ages’ (Preface, p. 3). You endeavor to support this charge against us by quotations from our own writings compared with quotations from celebrated writers of the Romish communion.

I was beating my brain to find out what itinerant this should be; as I could not but imagine some silly man or other, probably styling himself a Methodist, must somewhere or other have given some ground for a story so punctually delivered. In the midst of this a letter from Cornwall informed me it was I, -- I myself was the very man; and acquainted me with the place and the person to whom I said it. But, as there are some particulars in that letter (sent without a name) which I did not well understand, I transcribe a few words of it, in hopes that the author ‘will give me fuller information: ‘As to the Bishop's declaring what the landlord of Mitchell says in respect to your behavior, I do not at all wonder at the story.’ ‘The Bishop's declaring’! Whom can he mean Surely not the Right Reverend Dr. George Lavington, Lord Bishop of Exeter! When or to whom did he declare it at Truro in Cornwall or in Plymouth, at his Visitation to all the clergy who were assembled before God to receive his pastoral instructions His Lordship of Exeter must certainly have more regard to the dignity of the episcopal office! 28. But to proceed: I was not ‘offended with the Moravians’ for warning men ‘against mixing nature with grace’ (page 71), but for their doing it in such a manner as tended to destroy all the work of grace in their souls. I did not blame the thing itself, but their manner of doing it; and this you know perfectly well: but with you truth must always give way to wit -- at all events, you must have your jest. 29. Had you had any regard to truth or any desire to represent things as they really are, when you repeated Mr. Church's objection concerning lots you would have acknowledged that I have answered it at large. When you have replied to that answer, I may add a word more.

What could the god of this world do in such a case to prevent the spreading of this ‘serious, sober religion’ The same that he has done from the beginning of the world. To hinder the light of those whom God hath thus changed from shining before men he gave them all in general a nickname: he called them Methodists. And this name, as insignificant as it was in itself, effectually answered his intention. For by this means that light was soon obscured by prejudice which could not be withstood by Scripture or reason. By the odious and ridiculous ideas affixed to that name they were condemned in the gross without ever being heard. So that now any scribbler, with a middling share of low wit, not encumbered with good nature or modesty, may raise a laugh on those whom he cannot confute, and run them down whom he dares not look in the face. By this means even a computer of Methodists and Papists may blaspheme the great work of God, not only without blame, but with applause --- at least from readers of his own stamp. But it is high time, sir, you should leave your skulking-place. Come out, and let us look each other in the face. I have little leisure and less inclination for controversy. Yet I promise, if you will set your name to your Third Part, I will answer all that shall concern me in that as well as the preceding. Till then I remain, sir, Your friend and well-wisher. PS. -- When you come to relate those ‘horrid and shocking things,’ there may be a danger you are not aware of. Even you yourself may fall (as little as you intend or suspect it) into seriousness. And I am afraid, if once you put off your fool’s coat, if you stand naked before cool and sober reason, you yourself may appear as inconsiderable a creature (to use your own phrase) ‘as if your name was Perronet.’ To Christopher Hopper [3] LONDON February 6, 1750. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- John Bennet has wrote foolishly both to Newcastle and to Ireland. [] If you do not help him, he will hurt you. I wish he would give Mr. Carmichael the guinea I promised, and send the rest of the book-money he has in his hands to me. To John Bennet [4] LONDON, February 9, 1750.

‘That on May 3, 1749, Nicholas Butler, ballad-singer, came before the house of this deponent, and assembled a large mob: that this deponent went to Daniel Crone, Esq., then Mayor of Cork, and desired that he would put a stop to those riots; asking at the same time whether he gave the said Butler leave to go about in this manner: that Mr. Mayor said he neither gave him leave, neither did he hinder him: that in the evening Butler gathered a larger mob than before, and went to the house where the people called Methodists were assembled to hear the word of God, and as they came out threw dirt and hurt several of them. That on May 4 this deponent with some others went to the Mayor and told what had been done; adding, “If your Worship pleases only to speak three words to Butler, it will all be over”: that the Mayor gave his word and honor there should be no more of it, he would put an entire stop to it: that, notwithstanding, a larger mob than ever came to the house the same evening: that they threw much dirt and many stones at the people, both while they were in the house and when they came out: that the mob then fell upon them, both on men and women, with clubs, hangers, and swords; so that many of them were much wounded and lost a considerable quantity of blood.

‘That on May 5 this deponent informed the Mayor of all, and also that Butler had openly declared there should be a greater mob than ever there was that night: that the Mayor promised he would prevent it: that in the evening Butler did bring a greater mob than ever: that this deponent, hearing the Mayor designed to go out of the way, set two men to watch him, and when the riot was begun went to the ale-house and inquired for him: that the woman of the house denying he was there, this deponent insisted he was, declared he would not go till he had seen him, and began searching the house: that Mr. Mayor then appearing, he demanded his assistance to suppress a riotous mob: that when the Mayor came in sight of them, he beckoned to Butler, who immediately came down from the place where he stood: that the Mayor then went with this deponent, and looked on many of the people covered with dirt and blood: that some of them still remained in the house, fearing their lives, till James Chatterton and John Reilly, Esqrs., Sheriffs of Cork, and Hugh Millard, jun., Esq., Alderman, turned them out to the mob and nailed up the doors.’ 2. ‘ELIZABETH HOLLERAN, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on May 3, as she was going down to Castle Street, she saw Nicholas Butler on a table, with ballads in one hand and a Bible in the other: that she expressed some concern thereat; on which Sheriff Reilly ordered his bailiff to carry her to Bridewell: that afterward the bailiff came and said his master ordered she should be carried to jail: and that she continued in jail from May 3, about eight in the evening, till between ten and twelve on May 5.’ 3. ‘JOHN STOCKDALE, of Cork, tallow-chandler, deposes,

‘That on May 5, while he and others were assembled to hear the word of God, Nicholas Butler came down to the house where they were, with a very numerous mob: that when this deponent came out, they threw all manner of dirt and abundance of stones at him: that they then beat, bruised, and cut him in several places; that, seeing his wife on the ground and the mob abusing her still, he called out and besought them not to kill his wife: that on this one of them struck him with a large stick, as did also many others, so that he was hurt in several parts, and his face in a gore of blood.’ 4. ‘ DANIEL SULLIVAN, of Cork, baker, deposes, ‘That every day but one, from the 6th to the 16th of May, Nicholas Butler assembled a riotous mob before this deponent's house: that they abused all who came into the shop, to the great damage of this deponent's business: that on or about the 15th Butler swore he would bring a mob the next day and pull down his house: that accordingly on the 16th he did bring a large mob, and beat or abused all that came to the house: that the Mayor walked by while the mob was so employed, but did not hinder them: that afterwards they broke his windows, threw dirt and stones into his shop, and spoiled a great quantity of his goods. ‘Daniel Sullivan is ready to depose farther, ‘That from the 16th of May to the 28th the mob gathered every day before his house: that on Sunday, 28, Butler swore they would come the next day and pull down the house of that heretic dog, and called aloud to the mob, “Let the heretic dogs indict you; I will bring you all off without a farthing cost.”

‘That accordingly on May 29 Butler came with a greater mob than before: that he went to the Mayor and begged him to come, which he for some time refused to do, but after much importunity rose up and walked with him down the street: that when they were in the midst of the mob, the Mayor said aloud, “It is your own fault for entertaining these preachers. If you will turn them out of your house, I will engage there shall be no more harm done; but if you will not turn them out, you must take what you will get”: that upon this the mob set up an huzza and threw stones faster than before: that he said, “This is fine usage under a Protestant Government! If I had a priest saying mass in every room of it, my house would not be touched”: that the Mayor replied, “The priests are tolerated, but you are not; you talk too much; go in, and shut up your doors”: that, seeing no remedy, he did so; and the mob continued breaking the windows and throwing stones in till near twelve at night. ‘That on May 31 the said Sullivan and two more went and informed the Mayor of what the mob was then doing: that it was not without great importunity they brought him as far as the Exchange: that he would go no farther, nor send any help, though some that were much bruised and wounded came by: that some hours after, when the mob had finished their work, he sent a party of soldiers to guard the walls. 5. ‘JOHN STOCKDALE deposes farther, ‘That on May 31 he with others was quietly hearing the word of God, when Butler and his mob came down to the house: that, as they came out, the mob threw showers of dirt and stones: that many were hurt, many beat, bruised, and cut; among whom was this deponent, who was so bruised and cut that the effusion of blood from his head could not be stopped for a considerable time.’ 6. ‘JOAN M'NERNEY, of Cork, deposes,

‘That on or about the 12th of June, as this deponent was in her own house, Butler and his mob came before her door, calling her and her family heretic bitches, and swearing he would make her house hotter than hell-fire: that he threw dirt and stones at them, hit her in the face, dashed all the goods about which she had in her window, and she really believes would have dashed out her brains had she not quitted her shop and fled for her life. ‘MARGARET GRIFFIN, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 24th of June, as this deponent was about her business, Butler and his mob came up, took hold on her, tore her clothes, struck her several times, and cut her mouth: that, after she broke from him, he and his mob pursued her to her house, and would have broken in had not some neighbors interposed: that he had beat and abused her several times before, and one of those times to such a degree that she was all in a gore of blood and continued spitting blood for several days after. ‘JACOB CONNER, clothier, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 24th of June, as he was employed in his lawful business, Butler and his mob came up and, without any manner of provocation, fell upon him: that they beat him till they caused such an effusion of blood as could not be stopped for a considerable time: and that he verily believes, had not a gentleman interposed, they would have killed him on the spot.’ 9. ‘ANN HUGHES, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 29th of June she asked Nicholas Butler why he broke open her house on the 21st: that hereon he called her many abusive names (being attended with his usual mob), dragged her up and down, tore her clothes in pieces, and with his sword stabbed and cut her in both her arms. ‘DANIEL FILTS, blacksmith, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 29th of June Butler and a riotous mob came before his door, called him many abusive names, drew his hanger, and threatened to stab him: that he and his mob the next day assaulted the house of this deponent with drawn swords: and that he is persuaded, had not one who came by prevented, they would have taken away his life.’ 10. ‘MARY FULLER, of Cork, deposes,

‘That on the 30th of June Butler at the head of his mob came between nine and ten at night to the deponent's shop with a naked sword in his hand: that he swore he would cleave the deponent's skull, and immediately made a full stroke at her head; whereupon she was obliged to fly for her life, leaving her shop and goods to the mob, many of which they hacked and hewed with their swords, to her no small loss and damage. ‘HENRY DUNKLE, joiner, of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 30th of June, as he was standing at the widow Fuller's shop window, he saw Butler accompanied with a large mob, who stopped before her shop: that, after he had grossly abused her, he made a full stroke with his hanger at her head, which must have cleft her in two had not this deponent received the guard of the hanger on his shoulder: that presently after, the said Butler seized upon this deponent: that he seized him by the collar with one hand, and with the other held the hanger over his head, calling him all manner of names and tearing his shirt and clothes: and that, had it not been for the timely assistance of some neighbors, he verily believes he should have been torn in pieces. ‘MARGARET TRIMNELL, Of Cork, deposes, ‘That on the 30th of June John Austin and Nicholas Butler with a numerous mob came to her shop: that, after calling her many names, Austin struck her with his club on the right arm, so that it has been black ever since from the shoulder to the elbow: that Butler came next, and with a great stick struck her a violent blow across the back: that many of them then drew their swords, which they carried under their coats, and cut and hacked her goods, part of which they threw out into the street, while others of them threw dirt and stones into the shop, to the considerable damage of her goods and loss of this deponent.’ 11. It was not for those who had any regard either to their persons or goods to oppose Mr. Butler after this. So the poor people patiently suffered whatever he and his mob were pleased to inflict upon them till the Assizes drew on, at which they doubted not to find a sufficient though late relief.

Accordingly twenty-eight depositions were taken (from the foul copies of some of which the preceding account is mostly transcribed), and laid before the Grand Jury, August 19. But they did not find any one of these bills. Instead of this, they made that memorable presentment which is worthy to be preserved in the annals of Ireland to all succeeding generations: ‘We find and present Charles Wesley to be a person of ill fame, a vagabond, and a common disturber of His Majesty's peace; and we pray he may be transported. ‘We find and present James Williams, &c, ‘We find and present Robert Swindle, &c. ‘We find and present Jonathan Reeves, &c. ‘We find and present James Wheatly, &c. ‘We find and present John Larwood, &c. ‘We find and present Joseph M'Auliff, &c. ‘We find and present Charles Skelton, &c. ‘We find and present William Tooker, &c. ‘We find and present Daniel Sullivan, &c.’ 12. Mr. Butler and his mob were now in higher spirits than ever. They scoured the streets day and night, frequently hallooing as they went along, ‘Five pounds for a Swaddler's [A name first given to John Cennick, from his preaching on those words, ‘Ye shall find the babe wrapped in swaddling-clothes, lying in a manger.’ See Journal, iii. 472; C. Wesley's Journal, i. 457; and letter of July 3, 1756.] head!’ their chief declaring to them all he had full liberty now to do whatever he would, even to murder, if he pleased; as Mr. Swain, of North Abbey, and others are ready to testify. 13. The Sessions, held at Cork on the 5th of October following, produced another memorable presentment: ‘We find and present John Horton to be a person of ill fame, a vagabond, and a common disturber of His Majesty's peace; and we pray that he may be transported.’ But, complaint being made of this above as wholly illegal, it vanished into air.

Tuesday, 22. The mob and drummers were moving again between three and four in the morning. The same evening the mob came down to Hammond's Marsh, but stood at a distance from Mr. Stockdale's house, till the drums beat and the Mayor's sergeants beckoned to them, on which they drew up and began the attack. The Mayor, being sent for, came with a party of soldiers. Mr. Stockdale earnestly desired that he would disperse the mob, or at least leave the soldiers there to protect them from the rioters. But he took them all away with him; on which the mob went on and broke all the glass and most of the window-frames in pieces. 22. Wednesday, 23. The mob was still patrolling the streets, abusing all that were called Methodists, and threatening to murder them and pull down their houses if they did not leave ‘this way.’ Thursday, 24. They again assaulted Mr. Stockdale's house, broke down the boards he had nailed up against the windows, destroyed what little remained of the window-frames and shutters, and damaged a considerable part of his goods. Friday, 25, and again on Saturday, 26, one Roger O'Ferrall fixed up an advertisement at the public Exchange (as he had also done for several days before) that he was ready to head any mob in order to pull down any house that should dare to harbor a Swaddler. 23. Sunday, 27. I wrote the following letter to the Mayor. [See letter of May 27, 1750.] II. 1. Your performance is dated May 28, the most material parts of which I am now to consider. It contains (1) a charge against the Methodist preachers; (2) a defense of the Corporation and clergy of Cork. With regard to your charge against those preachers, may I take the liberty to inquire why you drop six out of the eleven that have been at Cork--namely, Mr. Swindells, wheatIcy, Larwood, Skelton, Tucker, and Haughton Can you glean up no story concerning these or is it out of mere compassion that you spare them

8. So far I have been pleading for others. But I am now called to answer for myself; for ‘Theophilus [A letter signed 'Theophilus' appeared in the Gentleman’s Magaxine, 1751, p. 115, affirming that Whitefield and others had taught ‘that man by nature is half brute and half devil.’ See Green's Anti-Methodist Publications, No. 228.] and John Wesley,’ say you, ‘seem to me the same individual person’ (page 4). They may seem so to you, but not to any who knows either my style or manner of writing. Besides, if it had been mine, it would have borne my name; for I do not love fighting in the dark. But were not ‘a great number’ of those books ‘brought from Dublin to be dispersed throughout the city’ Not by me, not by my order, nor to my knowledge. However, I thank you again for dispersing them. 9. But ‘while charity stands in the front of Christian graces, the author of such a book can have none of that grace; for you must allow the vulgar to think’ (page 16). Malapropos enough, a lively saying; but, for any use it is of, it may stand either in the front or rear of the sentence. The argument itself is something new. A man knocks me down; I cry, ‘Help I help I or I shall be murdered!’ He replies, ‘While charity stands in the front of Christian graces, the author of such a cry can have none of that grace.’ So now you have shown to all the world ‘the uncharitable and consequently unchristian spirit of Methodism.’ What l because the Methodists cry out for help before you have beat out their brains What grimace is this! His Majesty's quiet, loyal, Protestant subjects are abused, insulted, outraged, beaten, covered with dirt, rolled in the mire, bruised, wounded with swords and hangers, murdered, have their houses broke open, their goods destroyed, or carried away before their face; and all this in open day, in the face of the sun, yet without any remedy! And those who treat them thus are ‘charitable’ men! brimful of a Christian spirit ! But if they who are so treated appeal to the common sense and reason of mankind, you gravely cry, ‘See the uncharitable, the unchristian spirit of Methodism!’

10. One good effect of my thus meeting him on his own ground is visible already. Instead of endeavoring to defend he entirely gives up the First Part of his Comparison. Indeed, I did not expect this, when I observed that the Third Part was addressed to me. I took it for granted that he had therein aimed at something like a reply to my answer; but, going on, I found myself quite mistaken. He never once attempts a reply to one page, any otherwise than by screaming out, ‘Pettiness, scurrility, effrontery,’ and in subjoining that deep remark, ‘Paper and time would be wasted on such stuff' (Third Part, Preface, p. 15). 11. I cannot but account it another good effect that he is something less confident than he was before. He is likewise not more angry or more bitter, for that cannot be, but a few degrees more serious. So that I plainly perceive this is the way I am to take if I should have leisure to answer the Third Part; although it is far from my desire to write in this manner: it is as contrary to my inclination as to my custom. 12. But is it possible that a person of your Lordship's character should countenance such a performance as this It cannot be your Lordship's desire to pour contempt on all that is truly venerable among men! to stab Christianity to the heart under the color of opposing enthusiasm, and to increase and give a sanction to the profaneness which already overspreads our land as a flood! 13. Were the Methodists ever so bad, yet are they not too despicable and inconsiderable for your Lordship’ notice

July 20. -- The Societies both must and shall maintain the preachers we send among them, or I will preach among them no more. The least that I can say to any of these preachers is, ‘Give yourself wholly to the work, and you shall have food to eat and raiment to put on.' And I cannot see that any preacher is called to any people who will not thus maintain him. Almost everything depends on you and me: let nothing damp or hinder us: only let us be alive, and put forth all our strength. July 24. -- As to the preachers, my counsel is, not to check the young ones without strong necessity. If we lay some aside, we must have a supply; and of the two I prefer grace before gifts. [Charles Wesley asks:] Are not both indispensably necessary Has not the cause suffered, in Ireland especially, through the insufficiency of the preachers Should we not first regulate, reform, and bring into discipline the preachers we have before we look for more Should we not also watch and labor, to prevent the mischief which the discarded preachers may occasion July 27. -- What is it that has eaten out the heart of half our preachers, particularly those in Ireland Absolutely idleness; their not bring constantly employed. I see it plainer and plainer. Therefore I beg you will inquire of each, ‘How do you spend your time from morning to evening’ And give him his choice, ‘Either follow your trade, or resolve before God to spend the same hours in reading, &c., [Wesley did his utmost to rouse and help his preachers to cultivate their minds. In Lent 1749 he met seventeen of them at Kingswood, and read lectures to them as he used to do to his pupils at Oxford.] which you used to spend in working.’

DEAR SIR, -- Before I left London I wrote to Mr. Butterfield, [See letter of April 16, 1752.] informing him of two families which are in great distress. As I have heard nothing since, I suppose the letter miscarried; unless my ominous name prevented its meeting with success. However, I have done my part, and it is only a little labor lost. Nay, in one sense it is not lost; for if we only desire to help one another, the willing mind cannot lose its reward. My brother left us on Saturday. He designed to be at Worcester to-day, and then to proceed slowly towards Scotland. His mind seemed to be altogether changed before he went. He was quite free and open to us, and pressed us much to make use of his house in his absence, just as if it were our own. There is a fair prospect on every side. The people of Bristol in general are much alive to God and they are so united together that the men of false tongues can make no impression upon them. Do you know what is the mater with John Jones [See letter of April 16 1748.] I suppose he will speak freely to you. He seems to be much troubled at something, and I doubt, offended. I know, ff you can remove that trouble, it will be a pleasure to you to do it. We join in good wishes both to Mrs. Blackwell and you. --I am, dear sir, Your very affectionate servant. To Richard Bailey, Vicar of Wrangle [11] LONDON August 15, 1751.

If, indeed, we could suppose an whole congregation to be thus convinced, we should need to preach only the gospel; and the same we might do if our whole congregation were supposed to be newly justified. But when these grow in grace and in the knowledge of Christ, a wise builder would preach the law to them again; only taking particular care to place every part of it in a gospel light, as not only a command but a privilege also, as a branch of the glorious liberty of the sons of God. He would take equal care to remind them that this is not the cause but the fruit of their acceptance with God; that other cause, ‘other foundation can no man lay than that which is laid, even Jesus Christ’; that we are still forgiven and accepted, only for the sake of what He hath done and suffered for us; and that all true obedience springs from love to Him, grounded on His first loving us. He would labor, therefore, in preaching any part of the law, to keep the love of Christ continually before their eyes; that thence they might draw fresh life, vigor and strength to run the way of His commandments. Thus would he preach the law even to those who were pressing on to the mark. But to those who were careless or drawing back he would preach it in another manner, nearly as he did before they were convinced of sin. To those meanwhile who were earnest but feeble-minded he would preach the gospel chiefly yet variously intermixing more or less of the law, according to their various necessities. By preaching the law in the manner above described, he would teach them how to walk in Him whom they had received. Yea, and the same means (the main point wherein it seems your mistake lies) would both sustain and increase their spiritual life. For the commands are food as well as the promises; food equally wholesome, equally substantial. Thee also, duly applied, not only direct but likewise nourish and strengthen the soul.

Here end your labored attempts to show the ‘uncharitable spirit’ of the Methodists, who (for anything you have shown to the contrary) may be the most charitable people under the sun. 30. You charge the Methodists next with ‘violation and contempt of order and authority’ (sect. xviii. p. 124) -- namely, the authority of the governors of the Church. I have answered every article of this charge in the Second and Third Parts of the Farther Appeal and the letter to Mr. Church. When you have been so good as to reply to what is there advanced, I may possibly say something more. What you offer of your own upon this head I shall consider without delay. ‘Women and boys are actually employed in this ministry of public preaching.’ Please to tell me where. I know them not, nor ever heard of them before. You add, what is more marvelous still: ‘I speak from personal knowledge that sometimes, a little before delivering of the elements at the Communion, three or four Methodists together will take it into their heads to go away; that sometimes, while the sentences of the Offertory were reading, they have called out to the minister who carried the basin, reproaching him for asking alms of them; that sometimes, when the minister has delivered the bread into their hands, instead of eating it, they would slip it into their pockets.’ Sir, you must show your face before these stories will find credit on your bare asseveration. ‘Yet they are surprised,’ you say, ‘that every man in his senses does not without the least hesitation join them.’ Sir, I am surprised (unless you are not in your senses) at your advancing such a barefaced falsehood. 31. You go on: ‘Under this head may not improperly be considered their undutiful behavior to the civil powers.’ What proof have you of this Why, a single sentence, on which I laid so little stress myself that it is only inserted by way of parenthesis in the body of another sentence: ‘Ye learned in the law, what becomes of Magna Charta and of English liberty and property Are not these mere sounds while on any pretence there is such a thing as a press-gang suffered in the land’

This proves thus much, that one Society was at that time divided; but not that the Methodists in general were even then ‘altogether by the ears.’ The passage you quote, in the fifth place, is: ‘I believe . . . are determined to go on according to Mr. Molther's direction, and I suppose (says the writer of the letter) above half our brethren are on their side. But they are so very confused, they do not know how to go on; and yet are unwilling to be taught, except by the Moravians.' (if. 327.) Add to this (I recite the whole passages in order; not as you had mangled, and then jumbled them together): ‘Wednesday, December 19. I came to London, though with an heavy heart. Here I found every day the dreadful effects of our brethren’s reasoning and disputing with each other. Scarce one in ten retained his first love; and most of the rest were in the utmost confusion ‘(they were so more or less for several months),’ biting and devouring one another.’ (ii. 328.) This also proves so much, neither more nor less, that some of the Methodists were then in confusion. And just so much is proved by your sixth quotation: ‘Many were wholly unsettled’ (by the Moravians taking advantage of my absence) ‘and lost in vain reasonings and doubtful disputations; . . . not likely to come to any true foundation.’ (ii. 331.) Your seventh quotation (I recite the whole sentence) runs thus: ‘April 19. I received a letter iforming me that our poor brethren at Fetter Lane were again in great confusion.’ This quotation proves just as much as the preceding, or as the following: ‘The plague’ (of false stillness) ‘was now spread to them also’ --namely, to the ‘little Society at Islington.’ (ii. 345.) Your ninth is this: ‘I went to the Society; but I found their hearts were quite estranged. Friday, 4. I met a little handful of them who still stand in the old paths.’ (ii. 363.)

I had occasion once before to say to an opponent, ‘You know not to show mercy.’ Yet that gentleman did regard truth and justice. But you regard neither mercy, justice, nor truth. To vilify, to blacken is your one point. I pray God it may not be laid to your charge! May He show you mercy, though you show none I --I am, sir, Your friend and well-wisher.

I am fully persuaded, if you had always one or two faithful friends near you who would speak the very truth from their heart and watch over you in love, you would swiftly advance in running the race which is set before you. I am afraid you was not forwarded by one who was in town lately; neither was that journey of any service to his own soul. He has not brought back less indolence and gentle inactivity than he carried to London. [Was this Robert Swindells who was in England in Sept. 1751, and now in Ireland See letter of Dec. 20 1751.] Oh how far from the spirit of a good soldier of Jesus Christ, who desires only ‘to be flead alive and to conquer’ [‘Stand thou firm as an anvil when it is smitten. It is the part of a great athlete to be bruised (or flayed) and conquer.’ (Epistle of St. Ignatius to Polycarp, sec. 3.)] Our best wishes attend both Mrs. Blackwell, Mrs. Dewal, and yourself. -- I am, dear sir, Your most affectionate servant. To his Brother Charles [4] ATHXONE. August 8, 1752. DEAR BROTHE, -- I almost wonder that I hear not one word from you since the trial at Gloucester. Either Mr. I'Anson or someone else should have wrote by the next post. Does every one forget me as soon as we have the sea between us Some of our preachers here have peremptorily affirmed that you are not so strict as me; that you neither practice, nor enforce nor approve of the Rules of the Bands. I suppose they mean those which condemn needless self-indulgence, and recommend the means of grace, fasting in particular, which is wellnigh forgotten throughout this nation. I think it would be of use if you wrote without delay and explain yourself at large. They have likewise openly affirmed that you agree with Mr. Whitefield, touching Perseverance at least, if not Predestination too. Is it not highly expedient that you should write explicitly and strongly on this head likewise

MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I cannot blame you at all for writing to me before you determined anything. I believe your staying so long in the Newcastle Circuit has been for good, both for you and for others; and you are still wanted there. But you are wanted more elsewhere. I do not mean you should go to Mr. Grimshaw's circuit [The Haworth Round.] (although you might stay a fortnight there, not more, but to Manchester. I promised you should set out to help Brother Haughton as soon as Brother Hopper could go to Newcastle. So that you are sadly beyond your time; the blame of which is probably (as usual) laid upon me. Therefore the sooner you are at Manchester the better. [See letter of Jan. 16.] Peace be with your spirit. -- I am Your affectionate brother. To Ebenezer Blackwall YORK, May 16 1753.

In journeying, which of us lays his plan according to reason Either you move (quite contrary to me) by those impressions which you account divine, or (which is worse) pro ratione voluntas. [The next four paragraphs are omitted in the letter as printed in Wesley’s Works.] ‘I will not believe evil till I am forced.’ They are very good words. ‘I wonder you should ever desire it.’ What I have desired any time these ten years is, either that you would really act in connection, or that you would never say you do. Either leave off professing or begin performing. How can I say, ‘I do not know your intentions, when you had told me you intended to winter in Bristol’ I answer: (1) I heard of your intending to be at Bristol before ever I heard it from you. (2) Did you consult with me in this Was my approbation ever inquired after in the matter Or any other of the traveling preachers or stewards (3) Had you previously consulted with me (which you did not) in this one point, yet one swallow makes no summer. O brother, pretend no longer to the thing that is not. You do not, will not act in concert with me. Not since I was married only (the putting it on that is a mere finesse), but for ten years last past and upwards you have no more acted in connection with me than Mr. Whitefield has done. I would to God you would begin to do it now; or else talk no more as if you did. My love to my sister. Adieu. You told W. Briggs ‘that you never declined going to any place because my wife was there.’ I am glad of it. If so, I have hope we may some time spend a little time together. Why do you omit giving the sacrament in Kingswood What is reading prayers at Bristol in comparison of this I am sure, in making this vehement alteration, you never consulted with me. My love to my sister. Adieu! To A. B. LONDON November 9, 1753.

MY DEAR BROTHER, -- For the present it does not appear to be necessary for you to enter into any dispute with your instructor. [See letter of Feb. 19, 1755.] But perhaps he would read a short tract; suppose, The Nature and Design of Christianity. [Wesley’s abridgement of the first chapter of William Law’s Practical Treatise upon Christian Perfection (1740, 19 pp.). See Green’s Bibliography, No. 17.] If at any time he should be touched by what he reads, it would then be a seasonable time to speak. I should not advise you by any means to enter upon anything like teaching or exhorting a company of people. If any poor townsman who is sick desires your assistance, you need not scruple to visit him. But farther than this it seems you are not called to go at present. The main point is now to improve your time in private, to keep dose to God in prayer, and to fix your eye on Him in whatever you do. Then the unction of the Holy One will teach you of all things. --I am Your affectionate brother. Editor’s Introductory Notes [1] This is the first letter written after his serious illness. Wesley went to The Limes (Blackwell’s house in Lewisham) on November 26, and that evening wrote his own epitaph. He was able to ride on the 29th, and did so every day till January 1. The contrast in the whether at Bristol was striking. At Lewisham his ride was not once hindered, ‘it being always tolerably fair (however it was before) between twelve and one o’clock.’ He returned to London on the 1st and set out for Bristol the next day. The day before he wrote to Blackwell he ‘began drinking the water at the Hot Well, having a lodging at a small distance from it.’ [2] Whilst Wesley was at Bristol, Henry Venn wrote, on his appointment as curate at Clapham, asking for ‘a personal charge, to take heed to feed the flock commuted unto me’ (Arminian Magazine, 1797, p. 569. Furly was Venn’s friend, and also turned to Wesley for counsel He became a steadfast ally and correspondent. He was now twenty-two, and had recently begun his course at Queens’ College (see letter of December 7). The following letter from Mrs. Lefevre would probably be to Furly: Wednesday, March 25, 1754.

1755 To James Hutton [1] January 7, 1755. SIR--You justly observe in your letter of December 31, published in the London Daily Advertiser, that several friends and well-wishers of the Moravians into whose hands the writings of their adversaries have fallen ‘are somewhat impatient that the Moravians have hitherto published no direct answer to any wrote in this country and wish they would at last resolve to answer because their adversaries cry out in all companies that they have nothing to answer, and that their silence must be taken for confession.’ I myself am ‘not fond of finding the Moravians guilty without trial I take no pleasure in any abuses thrown out upon them.’ Yet I confess ‘I begin to be almost staggered that so little answer is still given to the many accusations against them.’ In order, therefore, to bring this matter to a short and clear issue, I have ‘summed up’ as briefly as possible the most material parts of ‘the charge against the Moravian’s by reducing of them into the form of Queries at an Examination.’ And I do indeed ‘hope to get plain, positive, and categorical answers’; as this is, you say, ‘the very method the Moravians had so repeatedly desired, in order to enable them to give a reason of the hope that is in them.’ You add: ‘I am glad that at last somebody will be so much concerned for the truth as to make some inquiry. For are not the charges against the Moravians of such a nature as to render an indolent indifference whether things are true or false almost unpardonable And should any man be listened to for a moment who would have the assurance to persuade the world, before he has seen the Queries and their Answers, that they will not come to the point’ None, I think, will have the assurance to deny that the Queries subjoined do ‘come to the point.’ And as ‘this is the very method which the Moravians have so repeatedly desired, who can doubt but they will give without delay plain, positive, categorical answers’

DEAR SIR, -- Being fully persuaded that my brother would gladly embrace any overture of peace, I told him almost as soon as we met what my wife had agreed to. He answered not a word. After a day or two I spoke to him again. It had the same success. The Sunday before he left Bristol I desired to speak to him, but he did not come. Just as I was going out of town the next morning he sent to me to can at his house. But I could not then; and before I came back he was set out for London, only leaving a note that he had left his answer with Lady Huntingdon. It may be so; but I saw her twice afterwards, and she said nothing of it to me. Nether am I (any more than my wife) willing to refer the matter to her arbitration. [See next letter.] From the whole I learn that there is no prospect of peace. When one is willing, then the other flies off. I shall profit by both; but I am sorry to do it at the expense of others. I have another favor to beg of you -- to procure Mr. Belcher's [See letters of March 15, 1748, and May 28, 1757.] leave for me to enclose my proof-sheets [Explanatory Notes upon the New Testament. The work was begun on Jan. 6, 1754. See Journal, iv. 91; Green’s Bibliography, No. 172; and letter of June 20.] to him. Mr. C. Perronet [Charles Perronet had charge of the Notes, which Wesley was passing through the press. See Jackson’s Ch~s Wesley, ii. 87; and letter of Sept. 12 to Blackwell.] sends them down to me in thanks; then I correct and send them back to him. The next week I am to spend at Liverpool. Toward the end of the week following I hope to be at Haworth, near Keighley, in Yorkshire. God has blessed me with a prosperous journey hither, though the roads and the weather were rough. I hope both Mrs. Blackwell and you are making the best use of a~ things, rough and smooth. That is the part of a good solder of Jesus Christ, -- To trace His example, the world to disdain, And cheerfully trample on pleasure and pain. [Poetical Works v. 427.] --I am, dear sir, Your very affectionate servant.

Here is Charles Perronet raving ‘because his friends have given up all’ and Charles Wesley ‘because they have given up nothing’; and I in the midst, staring and wondering both at one and the other. I do not want to do anything more, unless I could bring them over to my opinion; and I am not in haste for that. I have no time to write anything more till I have finished the Notes. [His Notes upon the New Testament were finished this year. See letter of April 9, 1755, and June 18, 1756.] Nor am I in haste. I stand open to the fight. Let it be worded any way. I will give ten pounds between this and Christmas; -- this I think I can do, though I am just now saddled with Suky Hare, [Jackson calls Suky Hare ‘a relation of the Wesleys.’ She was probably the child of the young seamstress whom Hall seduced. See Stevenson’s Wesley Family, p. 370; and letter of April 24, 1776.] to pay for her board as well as learning her trade. Why do not you send for the boy to Bristol I do not object. If Mr. Lampe’s tunes [John F. Lampe was a musical composer engaged at Covent Garden Theatre. He received much spiritual blessing through the Wesleys, and composed tunes for their hymns.] are in print already, it is enough. I wish you had told me this six months ago, and the rest (which only we want) should have, been printed before now. Pray send them by Michael Fenwick to me hem. He will be in Bristol next week.

You say: ‘As no seeing eye could be created unless there was antecedent to it a natural visibility of things’ (Why not why might not visible things be created at the same instant with it), ‘so no creature could come into any natural life unless such a state of nature was antecedent to it’ (page 60). ‘All that God does is and must be done in and by the powers of nature’ (page 135). What, then, did it avail that, as you elsewhere say, God was before nature He not only could not then do all things, but He could do nothing till nature existed. But if so, how came nature itself, this second eternal, to exist at all ‘There cannot possibly be any other difference between created beings than arises from that out of which they were created’ (page 60). Why not Who will stay the hand of the Almighty or say unto Him, What doest Thou ‘No fruits or vegetables could have sprung up in the divided elements but because they are parts of that glassy sea where angelical fruits grew before’ (Spirit of Prayer, Part I. p. 19). But how came those fruits to grow before How came they to grow in the glassy sea Were they not produced out of nothing at first If not, God was not before nature. If they were, cannot He still produce out of nothing whatsoever pleaseth Him ‘All outward nature being fallen from heaven’ (that we deny) ‘must, as well as it can, do and work as it did in heaven’ (page 20). ‘As well as it can’! What can it do without God, who upholdeth all things by the word of His power And what can it not do, if He pleaseth Or, rather, what cannot He do, with or without it ‘Matter could not possibly be but from sin’ (Spirit of Love, Part I. p. 23). That is, in very plain terms, God could not have created matter if Satan had not sinned! ‘God could not create man with a soul and a body unless there was such a thing as nature antecedent to the creation of man’ (page 30).

(3) ‘Unless Christ was hidden in the soul, there could not be the least beginning of man’s salvation. For what could begin to desire heaven, unless something of heaven was hid in the soul’ (Page 35.) What could Why, any soul which had nothing but hell in it before, the moment grace was infused from above. (4) ‘The Ten Commandments lay hid in men’s souls’ (how) ‘till called into sensibility by writing them on stone. Just so Christ lies in the soul till awakened by the mediatorial office of the holy Jesus.’ (Page 37.) This is only assertion still, not proof. But what do you mean by the mediatorial office of Christ And how is Christ ‘awakened by the mediatorial office of the holy Jesus' (5) ‘The sea cannot be moved by any other wind than that which had its birth from the sea itself’ (page 40). I think it can. I have seen it ‘moved by a wind which had its birth from the’ land. (6) ‘The musician cannot make his instrument give any other melody than that which lies hid in it as its own inward state’ (page 42). Did the tune, then, lie hid in the trumpet before the trumpeter blew And was this tune, or another, or all that ever were and will be played on it, the inward state of the trumpet ‘No more can the mind have any grief or joy but that which is from itself’ (page 43). An unhappy comparison! For the instrument can have no melody or sound at all from itself. And most unhappily applied to the operations of God upon the souls of men. For has God no more power over my soul than I have over a musical instrument

How going up to town Are you stark, staring mad Will you leap into the fire with your eyes open [See letters of March 14 and Nov. 20.] Keep off. What else have you to do Fly for your life, for your salvation. If you thus tempt the Spirit of God any more who knows what may be the consequence I should not wonder at all to hear you was confined in St. Luke’s Hospital; and then, farewell study! Farewell all hope either of intellectual or moral improvement; for after this poor machine has received a shock of that kind, it is never more capable of close thinking. If you have either sense or religion enough to keep you close to the College, it is well. If not, I see but one possible way to save you from destruction, temporal and eternal. Quit the College at once. Think of it no more, and come away to me. You can take a little advice from me; from other people none at all. You are on the brink of the pit; fly away, or you perish. There is no disagreement at all between the Reflections and the Address to the Clergy. I have followed Mr. Norris’s advice these thirty years, [He read Norris on Christian Prudence to Mrs. Moore on the voyage to Georgia (Journal, i. 125-6). For An Address to the Clergy, see letter of Jan. 7.] and so must every man that is well in his senses. But whether you study more or less does not signify a pin’s point. You are taking all this pains in a sinking ship. Stop the leak, stop the leak, the first thing you do; else what signifies it to adorn the ship As to the qualifications of a gospel minister -- Grace is necessary; learning is expedient. Grace and supernatural gifts are ninety-nine parts in an hundred. Acquired learning may then have its place. -- I am, dear Sammy, Yours affectionately. To Ebenezer Blackwell DUBLIN, April 19, 1756.

Your general advice on this head to follow my own conscience, without any regard to consequences, or prudence, so called is unquestionably fight; and it is a rule which I have closely followed for many years, and hope to follow to my life’s end. The first of your particular advices is, ‘to keep in full view the interests of Christ’s Church in general and of practical religion; not considering the Church of England or the cause of Methodism but as subordinate thereto.’ This advice I have punctually observed from the beginning, as well as at our late Conference. You advise, secondly, ‘to keep in view also the unlawfulness of a separation from the Church of England.’ To this likewise I agree. It cannot be lawful to separate from it, unless it be unlawful to continue in it. You advise, thirdly, ‘fully to declare myself on this head, and to suffer no dispute concerning it.’ The very same thing I wrote to my brother from Ireland; and we have declared ourselves without reserve. Nor was there any at the Conference otherwise minded. Those who would have aimed at dispute had left us before. Fourthly, all our preachers as well as ourselves purpose to continue in the Church of England. Nor did they ever before so freely and explicitly declare themselves on this subject. Your last advice is, ‘That as many of our preachers as are fit for it be ordained, and that the others be fixed to certain Societies, not as preachers, but as readers or inspectors.’ You oblige me by speaking your sentiments so plainly: with the same plainness I will answer. So far as I know myself, I have no more concern for the reputation of Methodism or my own than for the reputation of Prester John. I have the same point in view as when I set out -- the promoting as I am able vital, practical religion; and in all our discipline I still aim at the continuance of the work which God has already begun in so many souls. With this view, and this only, I permitted those whom I believed God had called thereto to comfort, exhort, and instruct their brethren. And if this end can be better answered some other way, I shall subscribe to it without dray. But is that which you propose a better way This should be coolly and calmly considered.

1759 To Samuel Furly LONDON, February 17, 1759. DEAR SAMMY,--James Kershaw [James Kershaw had been one of Wesley's preachers from 1752 to 1757. He returned to tile ranks, and in 1765 is stationed at Yarm. See letters of March 1, 1762, and Oct. 16, 1765, to Christopher Hopper.] is an independent minister. Probably, if we live till another Conference, he may be in connexion with us. Hitherto he acts as an independent. We have no Society at Renninghall. I take John Pearse [One of the early preachers. See Tyerman's Wesley ii. 127.] to be an honest man. As soon as he sees the truth he will preach it. Dolly Furly was considerably better in health before I came from Bristol. And she was all athirst for God. I think her soul prospers more and more. I will desire Mr. Gilbert [Nicholas Gilbert became an itinerant in 1744, and died in 1763. See Journal, v. 10 n; and for the Christian Library, letter of Aug. 14, 1748, to Ebenezer Blackwell.] to see whether the four volumes of the Library which you mention can be spared. And if they can, if they are not necessary for the making up of sets, they will be sent with the last Journal and the Pilgrim's Progress. It is very possible the day of grace may be at end before the day of life is. But I believe this is very rarely the case. I have narrowly observed, and have found but one indisputable instance in thirty years. Nancy [Probably his young wife.] must give me credit for her letter a little longer, for I am at present much straitened for time. March 1 I hope to be at Mr. Berridge's, whence I must strike off for Colchester; so that you will not see me this spring, unless you come to Everton.--I am, dear Sammy, Yours affectionately. To Miss LONDON, February 21, 1759.

At Colchester the case is far otherwise. About an hundred and sixty simple, upright people are there united together, who are as little children, minding nothing but the salvation of their souls. Only they are greatly distressed for a larger house. What we could have done last Sunday I know not, but that, the day being mild, I took the field and preached on St. John's Green. I see but one way--to build a commodious house; and I desired them to look out for a piece of ground. It is true they are poor enough; but if it be God's work, He will provide the means. Wishing an increase in all grace both to Mrs. Blackwell, Mrs. Dewal, and you, I remain, dear sir, Your very affectionate servant. To Miss Johnson () COLCHESTER March 20, 1759. My wife, Miss --, surprised me last night by informing me you are left mistress of a large fortune. Shall I say, agreeably surprised me! I cannot tell; because I believe there is another world, and I do not know what influence this change may have on your condition. Therefore I am in fear and in hope. You may be hereby far more happy or far more miserable in eternity! O make a stand! Consider the situation you are in; perhaps never before were you in so great danger. You know a little of your natural tempers: now you have means of indulging and thereby inflaming them to the uttermost. And how many will incite you so to do! How few will dare to warn you against it! Now what food will you have for pride! what infinite temptations to think more highly than you ought to think! You do so already. But O where will you stop! The good Lord arrest the storm in mid career! How impetuously now, unless God interpose, must self-will whirl you along! How deeply, unless He help, will you shortly be immersed in practical Atheism! as ten thousand things will concur to drive God out of your thoughts, as much as if He were not in the world. But, above all, how will you escape from being swallowed up in idolatry! love of the world, such as you never knew before!

Oblige Dr. Cockburn as far as possibly you can. We can bear with little tempers, though we do not approve of them. I can say little now to what T. Tobias [One of Alwood's colleagues. A letter from him to Wesley is given in Atmore's Memorial, PP. 429-30. He died about the year 1767.] writes of. I should think a patient, mild man might quiet two scolding women. Billy, pray and labour with your might. You may direct your next to me at Epworth.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother. I doubt Sister Hall [Ruth Hall (born at Woolley, near Barnsley, in 1732) did much for the spread of Methodism in and around York. See Lyth's Methodism in York, pp. 69-71; Arminian Mag. 1781, p. 477, 1789, p. 303.] forgets me. To his Wife GRIMSBY, April 9, 1759. MY DEAR MOLLY,--I must write once more. Then, if I hear nothing from you, I have done. About a year ago, while I suspected nothing less, you opened my bureau and took out many of my letters and papers. Mr. Blackwell advised me, before you, if you refused to restore them, to send that instant for a smith, and break open your bureau and take my own. To prevent which you restored them. But it was not long before you robbed me again, and showed my private letters to more than twenty different persons on purpose to make them have an ill opinion of me. For the same end you spoke much evil of me while I was several hundred miles off. Your presence was that I conversed with Sister Ryan and Crosby. [See letters of July 12, 1758, and March 2and Oct. 23, 1759.] I know it was only a presence, and told your friends the humouring you herein would leave matters just where they were. I knew giving a person drink would not cure a dropsy. However, at their instance I made the experiment. I broke off all correspondence with them, whether by speaking or writing. For a while, having gained your point, you was in a good humour. Afterwards it was just as I said. You robbed me again; and your sin (as before) carried its own punishment: for the papers you had stole harrowed up your soul and tore your poor fretful spirit in pieces.

Such are (to go but a few days back)--'that I beat you,' which you told James Burges [One of the masters at Kingswood. Wesley visited the schoolhouse in 1739, and was there during the fire of 1757. See Diary in Journal, ii. 206, 240, 302; iv. 242.]; that I rode to Kingswood with Sarah Ryan, which you told Sarah Crosby; and that I required you, when we were first married, never to sit in my presence without my leave, which you told Mrs. Lee, [Eleanor Lee, 'a mother in Israel,' whom Wesley buried in 1778. See Journal, vi. 213.] Mrs. Fry, and several others, and stood it before my face. I dislike (9) Your common custom of saying things not true. To instance only in two or three particulars. You told Mr. Ireland [James Ireland, of Brislington, near Bristol. See next letter.] 'Mr. Vazeille learnt Spanish in a fortnight.' You told Mr. Fry 'Mrs. Ellison [Wesley's sister Susanna, who spent her last years in London. Evidently some reference to Sophia Hopkey.] was the author as to my intrigue in Georgia.' You told Mrs. Ellison 'you never said any such thing; you never charged her with it.' You also told her 'that I had laid a plot to serve you as Susannah was served by the two elders.' I dislike (10) Your extreme, immeasurable bitterness to all who endeavour to defend my character (as my brother, Joseph Jones, Clayton Carthy [See letter of June 12. ]), breaking out even into foul, unmannerly language, such as ought not to defile a gentlewoman's lips if she did not believe one word of the Bible.

I doubt not of Abraham's being perfected in love. But he was rather under the evangelical than the legal dispensation. And none can doubt but all the Jewish believers were perfected before they died. But that many of them were perfected long before they died I see no reason to think. The Holy Ghost was not fully given before Jesus was glorified. Therefore the law (unless in a very few exempt cases) made nothing perfect. It is certain the word 'perfect' in the Old Testament bears several senses. But we lay no stress upon the word at all. The thing is pure love. The promise of this was given by Moses, but not designed to be fulfilled till long after. See Deuteronomy xxx. 1-6. By the whole tenor of the words it appears it was then, when He had gathered the Jews from all nations, that God was so to circumcise their hearts. However, this may be fulfilled in you and me. Let us hasten toward it! With love to Nancy, I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To the Rev. Mr. Furly, At Kippax, Near Ferry Bridge, Yorks. To his Wife BEDFORD, November 24, 1759. MY DEAR MOLLY,--You have been much upon my thoughts this morning. Shall I tell you what I thought Then take it in good part. Take it kindly, as it is kindly meant. What do you gain by keeping my papers [See letter of Oct. 23.] or, at least, think you gain Why, this: you gain the satisfaction of showing them, or parts of them, to others; you gain the power of justifying yourself, and of hurting (at least by vexing) me; you gain occasion to make people think ill of me, and to make them think well of you. And hereby you make yourself more friends and me more enemies.

But possibly you go farther yet; do not you explicitly condemn all your fellow labourers, blaming one in one instance, one in another, so as to be throughly pleased with the conduct of none Does not this argue a vehement proneness to condemn a very high degree of censoriousness Do you not censure even peritos in sua arte ['Those who are clever in their particular profession.' ] Permit me to relate a little circumstance to illustrate this. After we had been once singing an hymn at Everton, I was just going to say, 'I wish Mr. Whitefield would not try to mend my brother's hymns. He cannot do it. How vilely he has murdered that hymn, weakening the sense as well as marring the poetry!' But how was I afterwards surprised to hear it was not Mr. Whitefield, but Mr. B.! In very deed it is not easy to mend his hymns any more than to imitate them. Has not this aptness to find fault frequently shown itself in abundance of other instances sometimes with regard to Mr. Parker or Mr. Hicks, [William Parker, Mayor of Bedford, was excluded by the Moravians from their Society, and preached at the Foundery in 1758 (Journal, iv.86, 201, 248). For William Hicks, see ibid. 335, 344; and letter of June 14, 1780.] sometimes with regard to me And this may be one reason why you take one step which was scarce ever before taken in Christendom: I mean, the discouraging the new converts from reading--at least, from reading anything but the Bible. Nay, but get off the consequence who can: if they ought to read nothing but the Bible, they ought to hear nothing but the Bible; so away with sermons, whether spoken or written! I can hardly imagine that you discourage reading even our little tracts, out of jealousy lest we should undermine you or steal away the affections of the people. I think you cannot easily suspect this. I myself did not desire to come among them; but you desired me to come. I should not have obtruded myself either upon them or you: for I have really work enough, full as much as either my body or mind is able to go through; and I have, blessed be God, friends enough--I mean, as many as I have time to converse with.

DEAR SIR,--I can now give you a clear and full account of the late proceedings of the French here; as I now lodge at Mr. Cobham's, under the same roof with Mons. Cavenac, the French Lieutenant-General. When the people here saw three large ships about ten in the morning anchor near the town, they took it for granted they were English, till about eleven the French began landing their men. The first party came to the north gate between twelve and one. Twelve soldiers planted on the wall (there were an hundred and sixty in the town) fired on them as they advanced, wounded the General, and killed several. But when they had fired four rounds, having no more ammunition, they were obliged to retire. The French then entered the town (at the same time that another party entered at the east end of it), keeping a steady fire up the street, till they came near the Castle. The English then fired hotly from the gate and walls, killed their second General (who had burst open the gate and gone in sword in hand), with upwards of fourscore men; but, having no more cartridges nor any man that knew how to make them, they thought it best to capitulate. They agreed to furnish such a quantity of provisions in six hours, on condition the French should not plunder. But they began immediately to serve themselves with meat and drink; having been in such pressing want that, before they landed, the men were glad to eat raw oats to sustain nature. And some hours after, no provisions being brought, they took all they could find, with a good deal of linen and wearing-apparel, chiefly from the houses whose inhabitants were run away. But they neither hurt nor affronted man, woman, or child, nor did any mischief for mischief's sake; though many of the inhabitants affronted them, cursed them to their face, and even took up pokers or other things to strike them.

Richard Tompson (who lives in Prince's Square, Ratcliff Highway) told me honestly, 'Sir, I want a little money, and I can have it by printing the letters which passed between you and me.' I answered, 'You know I never designed my letters for public view, but you may print them if you please. I am quite indifferent about it.'[See letter of Aug. 22, 1759, to Tompson.] When I say 'I have no time to write largely in controversy,' I mean this; every hour I have is employed more to the glory of God. Therefore, if short answers to opponents will not suffice, I cannot help it; I will not, I cannot, I dare not spend any more time in that kind of writing than I do. 'Well, but many think you ought.' Undoubtedly they do; but I am to be guided by my own conscience. I am laying another plot for you. Mr. Fletcher is rector of Madeley, in Shropshire. [Fletcher became vicar in 1760. See letter of Jan. 25, 1762, to Furly.] If he takes you to be his curate, probably you may be ordained priest. I will write to him about it.--I am, with love to Nancy, Your affectionate friend and brother. To the Editor of the 'London Magazine' Editor's Introductory Notes: 1760 [16] TO MR. T. H., alias PHILODEMUS, alias SOMEBODY, alias STEPHEN CHURCH, alias R. W. LONDON, December 12, 1760. Patience, dear sir, patience! or I am afraid your choler will hurt your constitution as well as your argument. Be composed, and I will answer your queries, 'speedily, clearly, and categorically.' Only you will give me leave to shorten them a little, and to lay those together which have some relation to each other. Permit me likewise, before I enter on particulars, to lay a few circumstances before you which may add some light to the subject and give you a clearer knowledge of the people with whom you are so angry.

(1) 'But it is said they are all good subjects. Perhaps they are; because under a Protestant Government they have all the indulgence they can wish for.' And do you seriously wish for a Popish Government to abridge them of that indulgence? 'But has not a bad use been made of this? Has not the decency of religion been perverted?' Not in the least: the decency of religion is never so well advanced as by advancing inward and outward religion together. (2) 'Have not the minds of the vulgar been darkened to a total neglect of their civil and social duties?' Just the contrary. Thousands in London as well as elsewhere have been enlightened to understand and prevailed on to practice those duties as they never did before. (3) 'Has not the peace of many families been ruined?' The lost peace of many families has been restored. In others a furious opposition to true religion has occasioned division, as our Lord foretold it would. (4) 'Have not the circumstances of many industrious tradesmen been hurt?' I believe not. I know no instance; but I know an hundred tradesmen in London who began to be industrious since they began to fear God, and their circumstances, low enough till then, are now easy and affluent. I am almost ashamed to spend time upon these threadbare objections, which have been answered over and over. But if they are advanced again, they must be answered again, lest silence should pass for guilt. 'But how can the Government distinguish between tenderness of conscience and schemes of interest?' Nothing more easy. 'They may withdraw the licenses of such.' Sir, you have forgot the question. Before they withdraw them they are to distinguish whether they are such or no. And how are they to do this? 'Oh, it is very easy'! So you leave them as wise as they were before.

On Monday se'nnight I hope to set out for Bristol. My love to Sally. Adieu! I know not what you will do with an exceeding honest mad woman, Mrs. Greer, of Newry, in Ireland, who, I hear, is embarking for Bristol. She comes without her husband's consent. P. Jaco desires to take a journey to Canterbury before he returns to Bristol. I doubt not the Moravians will be courteous. And I fear that is all. Pray tell Brother Sheen [See letter of Dec. 26 to Charles Wesley.] I am satisfied with his letter. He may stay at Bristol till I come. And be so kind as to tell Isaac I approve of his reasons, and think he ought to go home; but have the Stewards found one fit to succeed him? To Samuel Furly [12] LONDON, September 8, 1761. DEAR SAMMY,--I hope we have effectually provided against that evil disease the scribendi cacoethes in our preachers, as we have agreed that none shall publish anything for the time to come till he has first submitted it to the judgement of his brethren met in Conference. That is really a fine passage which you cite from Mr. Ridley. He is an excellent writer. I have often seen that text cleared up before, but never in so convincing a manner. What all our brethren think concerning that circumstance of entire sanctification--that it is instantaneous, although a gradual growth in grace both precede and follow it, you may see in the Minutes of the Conference, wherein it was freely debated. Any of the good old Puritans would have been no less amazed had they come into one of our congregations and heard us declare that God willeth every man without exception to be saved. O Sammy, shake off the disputandi cacoethes, and be a quiet, simple, loving Christian!--I am, with love to Nancy, Your affectionate friend and brother. You seem to fear receiving any hurt from Mr. Venn. Therefore I fear he does hurt you. To the Rev. Mr. Furly, At Kippax, Near Ferry Bridge, Yorks. To Matthew Lowes LONDON, September 8, 1761.

Persons who talked of being emptied before they were filled were for some time a great stumbling-block to me too; but I have since considered it thus: The great point in question is, Can we be saved from all sin or not? Now, it may please God to act in that uncommon manner, purposely to clear this point--to satisfy those persons that they are saved from all sin before He goes on in His work. Forgive me, dear Miss Hardy, that I do but just touch upon the heads of your letter. Indeed, this defect does not spring from the want of love, but only from want of time. I should not wonder if your soul was one of the next that was filled with pure love. Receive it freely, thou poor bruised reed! It is able to make thee stand.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

I. 1. 'Justification sometimes means our acquittal at the last day (Matt. xii. 37). But this is altogether out of the present question; that justification whereof our Articles and Homilies speak meaning present forgiveness, pardon of sins, and consequently acceptance with God, who therein "declares His righteousness," or mercy, by or "for the remission of the sins that are past," saying, "I will be merciful to thy unrighteousness, and shine iniquities I will remember no more" (Rom. iii. 25; Heb. viii. 12). 'I believe the condition of this is faith (Rom. iv. 5, &c.): I mean, not only that without faith we cannot be justified, but also that, as soon as any one has true faith, in that moment he is justified. 'Good works follow this faith, but cannot go before it (Luke vi. 43); much less can sanctification, which implies a continued course of good works springing from holiness of heart. But it is allowed that entire sanctification goes before our justification at the last day (Heb. xii. 14). 'It is allowed also that repentance and "fruits meet for repentance" go before faith (Mark i. 15; Matt. iii. 8). Repentance absolutely must go before faith; fruits meet for it, if there be opportunity. By repentance I mean conviction of sin, producing real desires and sincere resolutions of amendment; and by "fruits meet for repentance," forgiving our brother (Matt. vi. 14-15), ceasing from evil, doing good (Luke iii. 8-9, &c.), using the ordinances of God, and in general obeying Him according to the measure of grace which we have received (Matt. vii. 7, xxv. 29). But these I cannot as yet term good works, because they do not spring from faith and the love of God.'[A Farther Appeal to Men of Reason and Religion, Part I. See Works, viii. 46-7.] 2. 'Faith alone is the proximate condition of present justification.' II. 1. I have shown here at large what is the doctrine I teach with regard to justification, and have taught ever since I was convinced of it myself by carefully reading the New Testament and the Homilies. In many points I apprehend it agrees with yours: in some it does not; these I come now to consider. May God enable me to do it in love and meekness of wisdom!

If that fever continues in the country still, you may cure all that are taken ill near you. But it must be helped at the beginning. (1) No bleeding, no blistering: these are extremely hurtful. (2) Give the patient a pint of spring water sweetened with a large spoonful of treacle, lying down in bed. If this is taken at the beginning of the fever, I never once knew it fail. How does the work of God now go on round about you Is Brother Cotty [James Cotty was a preacher from 1767 to 1780.] able to preach And can John Manners [See letter of March 24, 1761.] do anything I want much to know the particulars of Miss Romaine's [Probably a relative of the Rev. William Romaine, who was born at Hartlepool in 1714.] experience. I wish she would write to me. Do you find a growth in grace in lowliness, meekness, patience May our Lord make all grace to abound in you!--I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Dr. Warburton, Bishop of Gloucester [10] To his Brother Charles LONDON, December 11, 1762. DEAR BROTHER,--For eighteen or twenty days I heard with both ears, but rarely opened my mouth. I think I now understand the affair at least as well as any person in England.

The sum is this: (1) The meeting in Beech Lane, [The meeting was apparently in Joseph Guilford's house (see Journal, v. 7). On visiting the classes in November, Wesley found 'some were vehement for, some against, the meetings for prayer which were in several parts of the town. I said little, being afraid of taking any step which I might afterwards repent of' (ibid. iv. 538). Thomas Maxfield was making much trouble.] before I came to town, was like a bear-garden; full of noise, brawling, cursing, swearing, blasphemy, and confusion. (2) Those who prayed were partly the occasion of this, by their horrid screaming, and unscriptural, enthusiastic expressions. (3) Being determined either 'to mend them or end them,' I removed the meeting to the Foundery. (4) Immediately the noise, brawling, cursing, swearing, blasphemy, and confusion ceased. (5) There was less and less screaming and less of unscriptural and enthusiastic language. (6) Examining the Society, I found about threescore persons who had been convinced of sin and near fourscore who were justified at these meetings. So that on the whole they have done some hurt and much good. I trust they will now do more good, and no hurt at all. Seven persons had left the Society on this account; but four of them are come back already. I bought the ground before Kingswood School of Margaret Ward, and paid for it with my own money. [This plot was divided into pastures and gardens, in the latter of which the boys worked. See Kingswood School, p. 19.] Certainly, therefore, I have a right to employ it as I please. What can any reasonable man say to the contrary I have answered the Bishop, and had advice upon my answer. If the devil owes him a shame, he will reply. He is a man of sense; but I verily think he does not understand Greek! [See heading to letter on p. 338.] I should be glad to see Mr. Nitchman. [David Nitschmann, who had sailed with the Wesleys to Georgia as bishop in charge of the Moravian emigrants. See Journal, i.111, ii.37.] What is all beside loving faith! We join in love to Sally and you. Adieu! To Jonah Freeman [11] CITY ROAD, December 20, 1762.

1763 To his Brother Charles LONDON, January 5, 1763. [Wesley wrote 1762, but the year was young. The contents of the letter show that it should be 1763, as Charles Wesley endorsed it.] DEAR BROTHER, -- You take me right. I am far from pronouncing my remarks ex cathedra. I only desire they may be fairly considered. I was a little surprised to find Bishop Warburton [See letter of Dec. 11, 1762.] so entirely unacquainted with the New Testament; and, notwithstanding all his parade of learning, I believe he is no critic in Greek. If Thomas Maxfield continues as he is, it is impossible he should long continue with us.[This was a time Of great ‘care and trouble’ to Wesley, due to Maxfield and Bell. Wesley had defended Maxfield from charges at the Conference of 1761, and had written plainly to him. See Journal, iv. 541-2; Tyerman’s Wesley, ii. 432-41.] But I live in hope of better things. Meantime festina lente! I baptized two Turks two or three weeks ago.[On Dec. 4, 1762, at the desire of Maxfield, Wesley baptized these two men, who proved to be impostors. See Journal, iv. 540, v. 3; and letter of Feb. 8.] They seem to be strong in faith; and their story is very probable, but I am not sure it is true. I wait for farther evidence. This week I have begun to speak my mind concerning five or six honest enthusiasts. [Maxfield led a select band in London. They had ‘dreams, visions, and impressions,’ and he encouraged these enthusiasts. See letter of Nov. 2, 1762.] But I move only an hair’s breadth at a time, and by this means we come nearer and nearer to each other. No sharpness will profit. There is need of a lady’s hand as well as a lion’s heart. Mr. Whitefield has fallen upon me in public open-mouthed, and only not named my name. So has Mr. Madan. [See letters of July 12, 1758; and March 20, 1763.] But let them look to it. I go on my way. I have a sufficient answer as to George Bell [Wesley heard George Bell pray for nearly an hour on Nov. 24, and afterwards told him ‘what I did not admire.’ See next letter and that of Feb. 9.]; but I will not give it before the time.

6. I disgusted them, not barely by defending him, but by commending him in strong terms from time to time, both in public and private, with regard to his uprightness as well as usefulness. 7. All this time Mr. Maxfield was complaining (of which I was frequently informed by those to whom he spoke) that he was never so ill persecuted by the rabble in Cornwall as by me and my brother. 8. Four or five years since, a few persons were appointed to meet weekly at the Foundry. When I left London, I left these under Mr. Maxfield’s care, desiring them to regard him just as they did me. 9. Not long after I was gone some of these had dreams, visions, or impressions, as they thought from God. Mr. Maxfield did not put a stop to these; rather he encouraged them. 10. When I returned, I opposed them with my might, and in a short time heard no more of them. Meanwhile I defended and commended Mr. Maxfield as before, and, when I left the town again, left them under his care. 11. Presently visions and revelations returned: Mr. Maxfield did not discourage them. Herewith was now joined a contempt of such as had them not, with a belief that they were proofs of the highest grace. 12. Some of our preachers opposed them roughly. At this they took fire, and refused to hear them preach, but crowded after Mr. Maxfield. He took no pains to quench the fire, but rather availed himself of it to disunite them from other preachers and attach them to himself. He likewise continually told them they were not to be taught by man, especially by those who had less grace than themselves. I was told of this likewise from time to time; but he denied it, and I would not believe evil of my friend.

13. When I returned in October 1762, I found the Society in an uproar and several of Mr. Maxfield’s most intimate friends formed into a detached body. Enthusiasm, pride, and great uncharitableness appeared in many who once had much grace. I very tenderly reproved them. They would not bear it; one of them, Mrs. Coventry, [See letter of Jan. 26.] cried out, ‘We will not be brow-beaten any longer; we will throw off the mask.’ Accordingly, a few days after, she came, and before an hundred persons brought me hers and her husband’s tickets, and said, ‘Sir, we will have no more to do with you; Mr. Maxfield is our teacher.’ Soon after, several more left the Society (one of whom was George Bell), saying, ‘Blind John is not capable of teaching us; we will keep to Mr. Maxfield.’ 14. From the time that I heard of George Bell’s prophecy I explicitly declared against it both in private, in the Society, in preaching, over and over; and at length in the public papers. Mr. Maxfield made no such declaration; I have reason to think he believed it. [Maxfield says in his Vindication, p. 16: ‘At Wapping Mr. Bell mentioned the destruction that was to be on the 28th of February. As soon as he had done speaking, I stood up and set aside all that he had said about it; and went to the Foundery the next morning, and told Mr. Wesley what I had done.] I know many of his friends did, and several of them sat up the last of February at the house of his most intimate friend, Mr. Biggs, [See letter of Feb. 8.] in full expectation of the accomplishment. 15. About this time one of our stewards, [Mr. Arvin. who held the lease.] who at my desire took the chapel in Snowsfields for my use, sent me word the chapel was his, and Mr. Bell should exhort there, whether I would or no. Upon this I desired the next preacher there to inform the congregation that, while things stood thus, neither I nor our preachers could in conscience preach there any more. 16. Nevertheless Mr. Maxfield did preach there. On this I sent him a note desiring him not to do it, and adding, ‘If you do, you thereby renounce connection with me.’

MY DEAR BROTHER,--I am much inclined to think you will be more useful this year than ever you have been in your life. From the first hour abate nothing of our Rules, whether of Society or bands. Be a Methodist all over. Be exact in everything. Be zealous; be active. Press on to the one thing, and carry all before you. How much may be done before summer is at an end! Their little misunderstandings at Edinburgh you will soon remove by hearing the parties face to face. I hope a preacher is gone northward, and Brother Roberts come southward. [Robert Roberts, of Leeds, is named in the Deed of Declaration,1784. He was a farmer’s son, born at Upton near Chester in 1731. He became a preacher in 1759, and died in 1799, a zealous, judicious man. See letters of Nov. 2.] I hate delay. ‘The King’s business requires haste!’ -- I am, with love to Sister Hopper, Yours most affectionately. Take the field everywhere as often as possible. Who goes to the Highlands now quickly To George Merryweather LONDON, October 5, 1763. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- Your letter was sent from hence to Bristol. But I had left Bristol before it came. I have no objection to Mr. Jaco’s [See letter of Sept. 3, 1756, to Samuel Walker.] coming to Yarm to open the house; but I suppose he cannot stay long. He will soon be wanted again in his own circuit. It is strange that the number of hearers should decrease if you have regular preaching. I hope the morning preaching is never omitted. If it be, everything will droop. What relates to the account I will give Mr. Franks. [See letters of Jan. 25, 1762 (to Matthew Lowes), and Nov. 18, 1765.] Probably he will find where the mistake lies. O be in earnest! -- I am Your affectionate brother. To Lady Frances Gardiner [13] WELLING, November 2, 1763,

I have waited a fortnight for a passage to Dublin, but am now determined to move toward Scotland first. If you should favour me with a few lines, please to send direct to Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Peace be with you both.--I am, dear sir, Your affectionate brother and servant. To the Rev. Mr. Newton, At Oulney, Bucks. To Dr. Erskine [6] EDINBURGH, April 24, 1765.

Give me leave, my dear friend, to add a word likewise concerning your bodily health. You should in any wise give yourself all the air and exercise that you can. And I should advise you (even though long custom made it difficult, if that were the case) to sleep as early as possible; never later than ten, in order to rise as early as health will permit. The having good spirits, so called, or the contrary, very much depends on this. I believe medicines will do you little service: you need only proper diet, exact regularity, and constant exercise, with the blessing of God. Your speaking or writing was never tedious to me yet; and I am persuaded never will be. Your letters are more and more agreeable to, my very dear Lady, Your most affectionate servant. To Thomas Rankin [12] KILKENNY, July 15, 1765. DEAR TOMMY,--I received yours yesterday. I suppose you have now my answer to your last. The Conference is to begin at Manchester on Thursday, August 20. I have no objection to what you proposed to Mr. Hoskins, only my age. If he had left that gentleman trustee, I would not have given a groat for all his legacies. I wish he would not delay. A day ought not to be lost. Yours affectionately. I hope to set out for Cornwall (as I said before) immediately after the Conference. If possible, let the will be finished before I come. This would prevent much reproach. You will carry Mr. Hoskins's letter directly. To Mr. Rankin, At Mr. John Andrews', In Redruth. Per Gloucester. To Miss March NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, August 9, 1765. I have many fears concerning you, lest you should sink beneath the dignity of your calling, or be moved to the right hand or the left from the simplicity of the gospel. Is your heart still whole with God Do you still desire and seek no happiness but in Him Are you always or generally sensible of His presence Do you generally, at least, find communion with Him And do you expect all that you enjoyed once, and more; to be sanctified throughout before you go hence

MY DEAR PEGGY,--Whether that persuasion [See letter of Nov. 6.] was from nature or from God a little time will show. It will be matter of great joy to me if God gives you many years to glorify Him in the body before He removes you to the world of spirits. The comfort is, that life or death, all is yours, seeing you are Christ's: all is good, all is blessing! You have only to rest upon Him with the whole weight of your soul. Temptations to pride you may have, or to anything; but these do not sully your soul. Amidst a thousand temptations you may retain unspotted purity. Abide in Him by simple faith this moment! Live, walk in love! The Lord increase it in you a thousandfold! Take out of His fullness grace upon grace. Tell me from time [to time] just what you feel. I cannot tell you how tenderly I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother.

We do speak of grace (meaning thereby that power of God which worketh in us both to will and to do of His good pleasure), that it is 'as perceptible to the heart' (while it comforts, refreshes, purifies, and sheds the love of God abroad therein) 'as sensible objects are to the senses.' And yet we do not doubt but it may frequently be 'conveyed to us imperceptibly.' But we know no scripture which speaks of it as always conveyed and always working in an imperceptible manner. We likewise allow that outward actions are one way of satisfying us that we have grace in our hearts. But we cannot possibly allow that 'the only way to be satisfied of this is to appeal to our outward actions and not our inward feelings.' On the contrary, we believe that love, joy, peace are inwardly felt, or they have no being; and that men are satisfied they have grace, first by feeling these, and afterward by their outward actions. 12. You assert, fifthly: 'They talk of regeneration in every Christian as if it was as sudden and miraculous a conversion as that of St. Paul and the first converts to Christianity, and as if the signs of it were frightful tremors of body and convulsive agonies of mind; not as a work graciously begun and gradually carried on by the blessed Spirit in conjunction with our rational powers and faculties, the signs of which are sincere and universal obedience' (page 33).

I found more and more undeniable proofs that we have need to watch and pray every moment. Outward trials, indeed, were now removed: but so much the more did inward trials abound; and " if one member suffered, all the members suffered with it." So strange a sympathy did I never observe before: whatever considerable temptation fell on any one, unaccountably spreading itself to the rest, so that exceeding few were able to escape it.' (Pages 122-3.)

3, 'The next mark of the celestial wisdom is, it is "gentle and easy to be entreated," compliant and even obsequious to all men.' And how does it appear that I am wanting in this Why, he is 'a severe condemner of his fellow citizens and a severe exactor of conformity to his own observances.' Now the proof: (1) 'He tells us this in the very appellation he assumes' (page 192). Nay, I never assumed it at all. (2) But 'you say, "Useless conversation is an abomination to the Lord." And what is this but to withstand St. Paul to the face' Why, did St. Paul join in or condemn useless conversation I rather think he reproves it. He condemns as sapros logos, 'putrid, stinking conversation,' all that is not good, all that is not 'to the use of edifying,' and meet to 'minister grace to the hearers' (Eph. iv. 29). (3) Mr. Wesley 'resolved never to laugh nor to speak a tittle of worldly things' (page 193)--'though others may, nay must.' Pray add that with the reason of my so resolving--namely, that I expected to die in a few days. If I expected it now, probably I should resume the resolution. But, be it as it may, this proves nothing against my being both gentle and easy to be entreated. (4) 'He says Mr. Griffith was a clumsy, overgrown, hardfaced man' (page 194). So he was. And this was the best of him. I spare him much in saying no more. But he is gone: let his ashes rest. (5) 'I heard a most miserable sermon, full of dull, senseless, improbable lies.' It was so from the beginning to the end. I have seldom heard the like. (6) '"The persecution at St. Ives"' (which ended before I came; what I saw I do not term persecution) '" was owing to the indefatigable labours of Mr. Hoblyn and Mr. Symonds, gentlemen worthy to be had in everlasting remembrance."Here he tells us it is his purpose to gibbet up the names of his two great persecutors to everlasting infamy.' (Page 195.) These gentlemen had occasioned several innocent people to be turned out of their livelihood; and others to be outraged in the most shocking manner, and beat only not to death. My purpose is, by setting down their names, to make others afraid so to offend.

'Good fruits come next to be considered, which Mr. Wesley's idea of true religion does not promise. He saith' (I will repeat the words a little at large, that their true sense may more clearly appear), '"In explaining those words, The kingdom of God, or true religion, is not meats and drinks, I was led to show that religion does not properly consist in harmlessness, using the means of grace, and doing good, that is, helping our neighbours, chiefly by giving alms; but that a man might both be harmless, use the means of grace, and do much good, and yet have no true religion at all."' (Tract, p. 203.) He may so. Yet whoever has true religion must be 'zealous of good works.' And zeal for all good works is, according to my idea, an essential ingredient of true religion.

Let this passage likewise stand as it is, and who can guess how it is to prove my partiality But by a sleight of hand the thing is done. 'How differently does Mr. Wesley treat these two enthusiasts! The first is accused of spreading lies of his master.' No, he never was any disciple of mine. 'On which Mr. Wesley took his leave of him;--a gentle expression, to signify the thrusting him out head and shoulders from the society of saints.' It signifies neither more nor less than that I went out of the room and left him. 'The other's enthusiasm is made to consist only in want of method.' No. His enthusiasm did not consist in this: it was the cause of it. But he was quite another man than John Adams; and I believe a right honest man. (6) 'I was both surprised and grieved at a genuine instance of enthusiasm. John Brown, who had received a sense of the love of God a few days before, came riding through the town, hallooing and shouting, and driving all the people before him, telling them God had told him he should be a king and should tread all his enemies under his feet. I sent him home immediately to his work; and advised him to cry day and night to God that he might be lowly in heart, lest Satan again "get an advantage over him."' What this proves, or is intended to prove, I cannot tell. Certainly neither this nor any of the preceding passages prove the point now in question--my partiality. So this likewise is wholly unproved still.

What is peculiarly unfair is the lame, false account is palmed upon me by 'So he himself tells the story.' I must therefore tell the story once more in as few words as I can:-- 'Sunday, August 7, 1737. I repelled Mrs. Williamson from the communion. Tuesday, 9. I was required by Mr. Bailiff Parker to appear at the next court. Thursday, 11. Mr. Causton, her uncle, said to me, "Give your reasons for repelling her before the whole congregation." I answered, "Sir, if you insist upon it, I will." But I heard no more of it. Afterward he said (but not to me) "Mr. Wesley had repelled Sophy out of revenge, because he had made proposals of marriage to her, which she rejected." Tuesday, 16. Mrs. Williamson made affidavit of it. Thursday, September 1. A Grand Jury prepared by Mr. Causton found that "John Wesley had broken the laws of the realm, by speaking and writing to Mrs. Williamson against her husband's consent, and by repelling her from the communion." 'Friday, 2, was the third court-day at which I appeared, since my being required so to do by Mr. Parker. I moved for an immediate hearing, but was put off till the next court-day. On the next court-day I appeared again, as also at the two courts following, but could not be heard. Thursday, November 3, I appeared in court again; and yet again on Tuesday, November 22, on which day Mr. Causton desired to speak with me, and read me an affidavit in which it was affirmed that I "abused Mr. Causton in his own house, calling him liar, villain, and so on." It was likewise repeated that I had been reprimanded at the last court by Mr. Causton as an enemy to and hinderer of the public peace. 'My friends agreed with me that the time we looked for was now come. And the next morning, calling on Mr. Causton, I told him I designed to set out for England immediately.

'Friday, December 2. I proposed to set out for Carolina about noon. But about ten the Magistrates sent for me, and told me I must not go out of the province; for I had not answered the allegations laid against me. I replied, "I have appeared at six or seven courts in order to answer them. But I was not suffered so to do." After a few more words, I said, "You use me very ill; and so you do the Trustees. You know your business, and I know mine." 'In the afternoon they published an order forbidding any to assist me in going out of the province. But I knew I had no more business there. So as soon as Evening Prayer was over, the tide then serving, I took boat at the Bluff for Carolina.' This is the plain account of the matter. I need only add a remark or two on the pleasantry of my censurer. 'He had recourse as usual to his revelations: "I consulted my friends whether God did not call me to England"' (page 242). Not by revelations-- these were out of the question; but by clear, strong reasons. 'The Magistrate soon quickened his pace by declaring him an enemy to the public peace.' No; that senseless assertion of Mr. Causton made me go neither sooner nor later. 'The reader has seen him long languish for persecution.' What, before November 1737 I never languished for it either before or since. But I submit to what pleases God. 'To hide his poltroonery in a bravado, he gave public notice of his apostolical intention' (page 243). Kind and civil! I may be excused from taking notice of what follows. It is equally serious and genteel. 'Had his longings for persecution been without hypocrisy.' The same mistake throughout. I never longed or professed to long for it at all. But if I had professed it ever since I returned from Georgia, what was done before I returned could not prove that profession to be hypocrisy. So all this ribaldry serves no end; only to throw much dirt, if haply some may stick.

1767 1767. Rigging-loft rented for Methodist preaching in New York. Mar. 30. Wesley visits Ireland leaves July 29. Aug. 18. Conference in London: effort to remove debts on preaching-houses; Francis Asbury received on trial. 1768. Jan. Appointed a domestic chaplain to the Countess Dowager of Buchan. Apr. 27. Wesley makes a Will. Aug. 24. Trevecca College opened. 1769. Aug. 1. Conference begins at Leeds: Richard Boardman and Joseph Pilmoor volunteer to go to New York; 50 contributed for the preaching-house there, 20 'given to our brethren for their passage.' Hannah Ball's Sunday school at High Wycombe. [1] Three new lady correspondents were added to Wesley's list at this time. Hannah Ball at High Wycombe abounded in good works, and began her Sunday school nearly fourteen years before Robert Raikes started his in Gloucester. Nancy Bolton, of Witney, became one of Wesley's most favoured correspondents. Mary Bishop, of Bath, was a teacher and thinker after Wesley's own heart. There are signs in the correspondence of the renewal of the Calvinistic Controversy, which was to flame up around the Minutes of the Conference of 1770. George Whitefield is described at the time as 'still breathing nothing but love': but the letter to Joseph Townsend in August 1767 points to the coming storm. The letters to Charles Wesley are of the deepest significance and there is a pathetic touch about the fragment of a letter to his old friend Mrs. Woodhouse asking for particulars of John Whitelamb, who had been his father's curate and had married Mary Wesley. The effort to clear off the debts of the Connexion is one of the outstanding features of this period. Wesley left no stone unturned to accomplish this object, in which preachers and friends gave him the most generous and unwearying support. The last letter is one of unique interest. Wesley had sent his first two preachers to America, where Methodism had already taken root, and was himself thinking of another voyage across the Atlantic, though that was never accomplished. To Ann Foard LONDON, January 15, 1767.

'But Mr. Wesley says the other Methodists have.' I say no such thing. What I say, after having given a scriptural account of a perfect Christian, is this: 'By these marks the Methodists desire to be distinguished from other men; by these we labour to distinguish ourselves.' And do not you yourself desire and labour after the very same thing But you insist, 'Mr. Wesley affirms the Methodists' (i.e. all Methodists) 'to be perfectly holy and righteous.' Where do I affirm this Not in the tract before us. In the front of this I affirm just the contrary; and that I affirm it anywhere else is more than I know. Be pleased, sir, to point out the place. Till this is done all you add (bitterly enough) is mere brutum fulmen; and the Methodists (so called) may still declare (without any impeachment of their sincerity) that they do not come to the Holy Table 'trusting in their own righteousness, but in God's manifold and great mercies.'-- I am, sir, Yours, &c. To George Whitefeld [4] LIVERPOOL, March 21, 1767. MY DEAR BROTHER,--Yesterday I came hither just in good time; for the ship which sailed a few days ago was the next night overtaken by a storm and is gone to the bottom with all the crew. If I can't find a convenient vessel here very soon, I think to go round (as I did before) by Portpatrick. I trust before you receive this you will have reason to bless God for His comfortable presence with you at Brighthelmstone. I should have rejoiced could I have made one of the company; but I was called to buffet with the wind and rain. All is well so we are but about our Master's work. Let us work in earnest while the day is. We are so far from having any travelling preachers to spare that there are not enough to supply the people that earnestly call for them. I have been this very year at my wits' end upon the account. But some of the local preachers are equal both in grace and gifts to most of the itinerants. Such is Richard Moss in particular. And I heartily rejoice when these are removed into a larger field of action. I trust you always remember in your prayers Your ever affectionate brother. To Peggy Dale PORTPATRICK, March 29, 1767.

MY DEAR SISTER,--At length I get a little time (after having been some weeks almost in a perpetual motion) to write a few lines to one I sincerely love. Grow in grace every hour, the more the better. Use now all the grace you have; this is certainly right: but also now expect all the grace you want! This is the secret of heart religion--at the present moment to work and to believe. Here is Christ your Lord, the lover of your soul. Give yourself up to Him without delay; and, as you can, without reserve. And simply tell Him all you desire and all you want. What situation is it that hurries you Is it not determined whether you shall change your condition or no [She was engaged to John Thornton, of Southwark. See heading to letter of June 3, 1763.] Be it either way, God sitteth on the throne and ruleth all things well.--I am Your affectionate brother. To Robert Costerdine [14] LONDON, November 24, 1767. MY DEAR BROTHER,--A few days since, I received a letter from a gentleman, the substance of which with a few alterations I subjoin:-- REVEREND SIR,--In the Minutes of the Conference held at Leeds last year the whole debt of the Methodists, considered as one body, appeared to be 11,338. I suppose it is much the same now, perhaps a little more or less. The Yearly Subscription was designed to pay off this. And it has helped a little toward it, as well as answered many other excellent purposes, for which also it was intended from the beginning. But it must be long before it can answer that design; as it has hitherto been so small, that it has very little more than supplied the yearly wants. Meantime this debt remains as a constant load on your shoulders and a constant reproach on all the Societies. If this debt could be discharged, it would be an ease to your mind, an honour to the whole body, and a glorious proof of our care to provide things honest in the sight of all men.

MY DEAR SISTER,--In the way of life you are entering upon you will have need of great resolution and steadiness. It will be your wisdom to set out with two rules, and invariably adhere to them: (1) 'I will do everything I can to oblige you, except what I cannot do with a clear conscience'; (2) 'I will refrain from everything I can that would displease you, except what I cannot refrain from with a clear conscience.' Keep to this on both sides from the hour you meet, and your meeting will be a blessing. You will do well likewise constantly to pray with as well as for one another. Now, Nancy, put on by the grace of God the armour of righteousness on the right hand and on the left! Beware of foolish desires! Beware of inordinate affections! Beware of worldly cares! But, above all, I think you should beware of wasting time in what is called innocent trifling. And watch against unprofitable conversation, particularly between yourselves. Then your union may be (as it ought) a type of the union between Christ and His Church; and you may in the end present each other before Him holy and unblameable at His coming. [See letter of Oct. 14, 1767. ] I am Your affectionate brother. To Mrs. Moon [16] NORWICH, December 6, 1767. MY DEAR SISTER,--I can easily believe that nothing would be wanting to me which it was in your power to supply; for I am persuaded your heart is as my heart, as is the case with all the 'souls whom Himself vouchsafes to unite in fellowship divine.' What is always in your power is to bear me before the throne of grace. One thing in particular which I frequently desire is 'a calm evening of a various day'; that I may have no conflicts at the last, but rather, if God sees good, before 'my flesh and my heart faileth.' In every place where Mr. Whitefield has been he has laboured in the same friendly, Christian manner. God has indeed effectually broken down the wall of partition which was between us. Thirty years ago we were one; then the sower of tares rent us asunder; but now a stronger than him has made us one again.

DEAR BROTHER,--Six or seven hundred pounds is brought to a Conference, of which five hundred at least pays debt. Then extraordinary demands are answered. How much remains for law I am now near three hundred pounds out of pocket, which I borrowed to pay Mr. Pardon. When I receive some more from Newcastle, [See previous letter.] I will send it to Bristol; probably very soon. It is highly probable one of the three will stand before the Lord. But, so far as I can learn, such a thing has scarce been for these thousand years before, as a son, father, grandfather, atavus, tritavus, preaching the gospel, nay, and the genuine gospel, in a line. You know, Mr. White, sometime Chairman of the Assembly of Divines, was my grandmother's father. Look upon our little ones at Kingswood as often as you can. A word from you will be a quickening to them. O how many talents are we entrusted with! 'But what account can thy bad steward make' Indeed, we have need to gird up the loins of our mind and run faster the small remainder of our race. 'One thing!' Let us mind one thing only; and nothing great or small but as it ministers to it! Peace be with you and yours! Adieu. To Samuel Levick LONDON, January 19, 1768. DEAR SAMMY,--I think this is the least we can insist upon --that all our freemen neither directly nor indirectly take anything for the time to come. My little indisposition is passed over. [See letter of Dec. 31, 1767.] Now, up and be doing! Lose not a day. I desire you (1) exhort our wealthy members to act generously and make a push once for all; (2) encourage the middling ones to subscribe more or less according to the plan; (3) receive two mites from the willing poor; (4) take an exact account of the debts which lie upon the houses in your circuit; (5) before the 20th of next month send me an exact account both of the debts and of the money subscribed, which is to be paid at the spring visitation of the classes. Go on in faith.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mr. Samuel Levick, At Mr. John Nance's, In St. Ives, Cornwall. To Mrs. Moon LONDON, January 24, 1768.

MY DEAR BROTHER,--I would advise to make a longer trial of Kinsale. I am still in hope that good will be done there. And there has been considerable good done at Bandon; and will be more if the preachers do not coop themselves up in the house. But no great good will be done at any place without field-preaching. I hope you labour to keep the bands regular in every place, which cannot be done without a good deal of care and pains. Take pains likewise with the children and in visiting from house to house; else you will see little fruit of your labour. I believe it will be best to change the preachers more frequently.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother To the Stewards of the Foundery [21] PEMBROKE, August 6, 1768. MY DEAR BRETHREN,--The thing you mention is of no small concern, and ought not to be determined hastily. Indeed, it would be easy to answer, if we considered only how to save money; but we are to consider also how to save souls. Now, I doubt whether we should act wisely in this respect were we to give up the chapel in Spitalfields. We have no other preaching-place in or near that populous quarter of the town; and a quarter which, upon one account, I prefer before almost any other--namely, that the people in general are more simple and less confused by any other preachers. I think, therefore, it would not be worth while to give up this if we could gain a thousand pounds thereby. I should look upon it as selling the souls of men for money; which God will give us in due time without this. That many who live near the Foundery would be glad of it I allow, because it would save them trouble. But neither can I put the saving of trouble in competition with the saving of souls.--I am, my dear brethren, Your affectionate brother. To Jane Hilton BRISTOL, August 20, 1768.

MY DEAR JOSEPH,--You do not quite take my meaning yet. [See letter of Dec. 4.] When I recommend to any one a method or scheme of study, I do not barely consider this or that book separately but in conjunction with the rest. And what I recommend I know; I know both the style and sentiments of each author, and how he will confirm or illustrate what goes before and prepare for what comes after. Now, supposing Mr. Stonehouse, [Dr. James Stonehouse, lecturer of All Saints', Bristol. See Tyerman's Whitefield, ii. 195; and for James Rouquet, letter of March 30, 1761.] Rouquet, or any other to have ever so great learning and judgement, yet he does not enter into my plan. He does not comprehend my views nor keep his eye fixed on the same point. Therefore I must insist upon it, the interposing other books between these till you have read them through is not good husbandry. It is not making your time and pains go so far as they might go. If you want more books, let me recommend more, who best understand my own scheme. And do not ramble, however learned the persons may be that advise you so to do. This does indulge curiosity, but does not minister to real improvement, as a stricter method would do. No; you would gain more clearness and strength of judgement by reading those Latin and Greek books (compared with which most of the English are whipped syllabub) than by fourscore modern books. I have seen the proof, as none of your Bristol friends have done or can do. Therefore I advise you again, keep to your plan (though this implies continual self-denial) if you would improve your understanding to the highest degree of which it is capable.--I am, dear Joseph, Your affectionate brother. To Jane Hilton SHOREHAM, December 22, 1768. MY DEAR SISTER,--I do not remember that I ever found a fault in you before. But I do now. I must blame you. Why are you so short You can tell me all that is in your heart. And what should hinder you Suppose I was now sitting by you, would you need to hide anything And sometimes we can write what we cannot speak. But, either in writing or speaking, there need be no reserve between us.

You must not leave off riding [See letter of Feb. 12, 1769.] if you would have tolerable health. Nothing is so good for you as exercise and change of air. It was upon that as well as other accounts that I wanted you to come up to London. I do not know whether the objection of 'giving offence' need to affright you from it. I wish you had a week to spare before I go out of town. [She had once before come up to London to meet him. See letter of April 7, 1768.] If I should be called to America [See letters of Dec. 30, 1769, and See Feb. 17, 1770.] (though I determine nothing yet), it might be a long time before we meet again. In every temptation there will be a way made to escape that you may be able to bear it. Do not stay a month longer before you write to, my dear Nancy, Your affectionate brother. I have a room or two to spare now. To Joseph Benson [5] LONDON, January 27, 1770. DEAR JOSEPH,--All is well. We have no need to 'dispute about a dead horse.' If the school at Trevecca is the best that ever was since the world began, I am glad of it, and wish it may be better still. But do not run away with any of my young men from Kingswood: that I should blame you for. I have wrote already to T. Simpson, [The Head Master. see letter of Jan. 2, 1769.] and will write again. Do all the good you can in every place.--I am Your affectionate brother. To John Whitehead [6] LONDON, January 27, 1770.

Abundance of deficiencies must remain as long as the soul remains in this house of clay. So long the corruptible body will more or less darken and press down the soul. But still your heart may be all love, and love is the fulfilling of our law. Still you may rejoice evermore; you may pray without ceasing and in everything give thanks. Peace be multiplied unto you!--I am, dear Molly, Your affectionate brother. To Ann Bolton SEVENOAKS, December 15, 1770. MY DEAR SISTER,--It is true there is a danger, and that continually, of thinking too much of yourself. But there is another danger to which you are more immediately exposed: thinking too little of the grace of God which is given you. Instantly resist all reasoning on that head, whether you are in a state of acceptance. As surely as you are in the body hold this fast, by His free almighty grace; and then Expect His fullness to receive And grace to answer grace. It might be of use to you to read again with much prayer the sermon on The Repentance of Believers, which will show you just where you are now, and The Scripture Way of Salvation. [See Works, v. 156-70, Vi. 43-54.] In one sense faith is all you want. If thou canst believe, are not all things possible to him that believeth? What may you not receive to-day? at this hour? at this very moment? Your affectionate brother. To Christopher Hopper [27] LONDON, December 21, 1770. MY DEAR BROTHER,--We are sure God is wise in all His ways and gracious in all His works. But many times the reasons of them are past finding out. We can only say, 'It is the Lord; let Him do what seemeth Him good.' I wish that good young man Mr. Hill could be prevailed upon to cast in his lot among us. He is upright of heart, and bids very fair to be an useful labourer in our Lord's vineyard.-- I am, with love to Sister Hopper, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Joseph Benson LONDON, December 28, 1770. DEAR JOSEPH,--What a blessing it is that we can speak freely to each other without either disguise or reserve! So long as we are able to do this we may grow wiser and better every day.

The general rule, not to correspond but with those who have both grace and understanding,' admits of several exceptions, in favour of a few who want one of them or the other or both. [See letter of May 28.] While I am in Ireland you may direct to me at Dublin. Be not afraid of writing too long letters. The longer the more agreeable to, my dear Philly, Yours affectionately. To Miss Phil. Briggs, At Miss March's, In Worship street, Moorfields, London. To Christopher Hopper CORK, May 5, 1771. MY DEAR BROTHER,--The work is to be delivered in weekly and monthly numbers; but it is of most use to have portable volumes. [The first collected edition of Wesley's Works, published in thirty-two 12mo vols. 1771-4. see Green's Bibliography, No. 276.] I have corrected as much as will make nine or ten out of the thirty volumes. All the verse works I have corrected in conjunction with the preachers, and left the corrected copy at London. If I live to finish the correction of my own works, I shall then revise the Christian Library. If ever you should spend a twelvemonth in this kingdom, you would not repent of your labour. Here is a people ready prepared for the Lord.--I am, with love to Sister Hopper, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mrs. Marston CORK, May 6, 1771.

MY DEAR BROTHER,--I am glad you see the fruit of your labour. As to Bilston, [Costerdine was now Assistant in Staffordshire.] if you can do no good there, you will do well to bestow the time elsewhere. I hope (if God prolong my life and health) to be at Broadmarston [He did not get to Broadmarston till the 14th, and Birmingham on the 16th. See Journal, v. 448.] on Friday, March 13; on Saturday at Birmingham; on Sunday at Wednesbury; on Monday, 16th where you please; on Tuesday, at five or six in the evening, at Wolverhampton; and on Wednesday, the 18th, at Newcastle (noon); Burslem, six in the evening.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mrs. Pywell[2] NEAR LONDON, January 22, 1772. MY DEAR SISTER,--You have given me a clear and satisfactory answer to the questions which I proposed, and I rejoice over you for the grace of God which is in you. May He increase it more and more! How should I rejoice to see you and to talk with you more particularly on these heads! I hope that may be in spring; but before then you can tell me,--Are you always sensible of the presence of God Is not that sense ever interrupted by company or by hurry of business Do you pray without ceasing Is your heart lifted up, whatever your hands are employed in Do you rejoice evermore Are you always happy always more or less enjoying God Do you never fret never so grieve at anything as to interrupt your happiness Do you never find lowness of spirits Are you enabled in everything to give thanks I ask you many questions, because I want you to write freely and particularly to, dear Sally, Your affectionate brother. To Mrs. Sarah Pywell, At Mr. Wilson's, In Stenton. To be left at the White Lion in Derby. To John Mason LONDON, January 26, 1772.

MY DEAR SISTER,--Do I flatter myself in judging of you by myself Am I mistaken in thinking we feel alike I believe we do: I believe in this your heart is as mine. But if so, it is not so easy for you to part. Indeed, I judged before, this was only a sudden start, arising from a misapprehension of my meaning. That was really the case. I did not, could not compare one I so tenderly love (with a love of esteem as well as complacence) with him: only with regard to one circumstance. Well, now you have made me amends for the pain you gave me before. And see that you make me farther amends by swiftly advancing in lowliness, in meekness, in gentleness towards all men. So fulfil the joy of, my dear Nancy, Yours affectionately. To Miss Foard, In Blackman Street, No. 86. Southwark, London. To Mrs. Bennis[13] YARM, June 16, 1772. MY DEAR SISTER,--As often as you can I hope you will converse with Mrs. Dawson, as her heart is much united to you; and when you are at a distance from each other, you may converse by letters. And I believe you are particularly called to be useful to those whom the riches or the grandeur of this world keep at a distance from the pure word of God. When you are at Waterford, see that you be not idle there. You should gather up and meet a band immediately. If you would meet a class too, it would be so much the better: you know, the more labour the more blessing. You did well to send me the last enclosure; it is absolutely needful that I should be acquainted with all such matters; the contrary would be false delicacy. Mr. Goodwin is a valuable young man; he has much grace and a good understanding. I have wrote to Mr. Glassbrook and the leaders, if James Deaves should come to Limerick in the same spirit wherein he has been for some time, to take care that he do no mischief. If he should proceed in that impetuous manner, we shall be obliged to take harsher measures. This I should be sorry for; one would not cut off a limb while there is any hope of recovering it. I expect John Christian will be an useful labourer; he has a zeal according to knowledge.

MY DEAR BROTHER,--If Brother Taylor speaks for you at the Conference, it will be the same as if you was present yourself. If I can I will contrive that you may be in a circuit which will give you convenience for bathing in the sea, though a river is as good.--I am Your affectionate brother. To Mr. T. Taylor, At the Preaching-house, In Manchester. To his Brother Charles[17] DEWSBURY, July 10, 1772. DEAR BROTHER,--If I can meet with Mr. Hill's book at Leeds to-morrow, perhaps I may write a little before the Conference. I am glad Mr. Davis [Charles Wesley wrote from Bristol to Joseph Benson, 'I have lately escaped death or maiming by a fall.... Mr. Davis has been useful here' (Manuscript Life of Benson, i. 281).] has been with you; but he must not assist you for nothing. If he joins heart and hand, he should have seventy pounds a year. My journeys lie thus, if God permit: Mon. Aug. 10, Sheffield; Tuesd. Burslem; Wedn. Salop; Friday, The Hay; Sat. 15, Brecon; Tues. 18, Haverfordwest; Tues. 25, Swansea; Sat. Aug. 30, Bristol; Mon. Sept. 1, Cullompton; Sat. 13, at Bristol again. I am able to stir a little still. Indeed, I find myself no worse in any respect. In these fifty years I do not remember to have seen such a change. She is now xaritwn mia, tota merum mel [Probably his wife: 'One full of graces, honey quite unmixed.'] Finding fault with nobody, but well pleased with every person and thing! I believe, if you had applied warm treacle to the bruised parts, you would have been well in eight-and-forty hours. Let us work to-day! The night cometh! A little you will pick out of Dr. Boyce's fine music for the use of our plain people. My sister Kezzy was born about March 1710; therefore you could not be born later than December 1708: consequently, if you live till December 1772, you will enter your sixty-fifth year. ['Or, according to Sister Pat's account, my sixty-second.--C.W,' Sister Pat (Mrs. Hall) was wrong. The real date was December 1707. See Telford's Charles Wesley, pp. 18-20.] Peace be with you and yours! Adieu! To Joseph Thompson EPWORTH, July 18, 1772.

Mr. Baxter well observes (or, indeed, Archbishop Usher, to whom he refers, had done before him), 'that whoever attempt to profit children will find need of all the understanding God has given them.' But, indeed, natural understanding will go but a little way. It is a peculiar gift of God. I believe He has given you a measure of it already, and you may ask and expect an increase of it. Our dear sisters at Publow [Mrs. Owen and her daughters. See letter of Nov. 22, 1769.] enjoy it in as high a degree as any young women I know. It certainly must be an inordinate affection which creates so many jealousies and misunderstandings. I should think it would be absolutely needful, the very next time that you observe anything of that kind, to come to a full explanation with the parties concerned; to tell them calmly and roundly, 'I must and I will choose for myself whom I will converse with, and when and how; and if any one of you take upon you to be offended at me on this account, you will make it necessary for me to be more shy and reserved to you than ever I was before.' If you steadily take up this cross, if you speak thus once or twice in the band or class in a cool but peremptory manner, I am much inclined to think it will save both you and others a good deal of uneasiness. When you see those ladies (with whom I have no acquaintance), you would do well to speak exceeding plain. I am afraid they are still entire strangers to the religion of the heart. On Saturday, the 29th instant, I hope to be at Bristol, and on the Wednesday evening following at Bath. Let notice be given of this.--I am, dear Miss Bishop, Your affectionate brother. To his Niece Sarah Wesley[21] CARDIFF, August 28, 1772.

Speak a little to as many as you can; go among them, to their houses; speak in love, and discord will vanish. It is hardly possible for you to comfort or strengthen others without some comfort returning into your own bosom. It is highly probable I shall visit Ireland in the spring, though I am almost a disabled soldier. I am forbid to ride, and am obliged to travel mostly in a carriage. [See letter of Aug. 31 to her.] Whom do you think proper to succeed the present preachers at Limerick and Waterford [Wrigley were at Waterford; John 2 Edward Slater was at Limerick. Jonathan Hern from Cork succeeded him. James Glassbrook and Francis Murray and Michael M'Donald followed them.] You have need to stir up the gift of God that is in you. Light will spring up. Why not now Is not the Lord at hand--I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother. To Mary Bishop COLCHESTER, November 4, 1772.

Sammy Wells will always be useful, for he can take advice. But how is it with Billy Brammah [Samuel Wells and William Brammah were the preachers in Oxfordshire. See letter of Feb. 18, 1773.] Does he follow the advice I gave him concerning screaming and the use of spirituous liquors If not, he will grow old before his time, he will both lessen and shorten his own usefulness. Drop a word whenever you find an opportunity. He is upright of heart. He enjoys a good deal of the grace of God, but with a touch of enthusiasm. Nay, Nancy, I designed to have wrote but one page. But I know not how, when I am talking with you, though only by letter, I can hardly break off. But, indeed, as yet I have not touched on what I Chiefly intended. I see plainly that you are exposed to two dangers of entirely opposite natures. The one is (that which now assaults some of our friends in the West) refining upon religion, [See letters of Oct. 25 and Dec. 5.] aiming at something more sublime than plain, simple love producing lowliness, meekness, and resignation. The other is an abatement of zeal for doing good. I am a little jealous over you in this. Last year I warned you much on this very account. Did you follow that advice to let no fair occasion pass unheeded by [See his brother Samuel's poem 'On the Death of Mr. William Morgan of Christ Church,' in Journal, i. 104; and letter of Jan. 15, 1773, to Miss Bolton.] If you leaned a little toward an extreme (which I do not know), beware of gradually sliding into the other extreme! The good Lord guide you every moment! Do you find constant power over the old enemy, inordinate affection I pray do not stay another month before you write to, my dear Nancy, Your affectionate brother. To Miss Bolton, In Witney, Oxfordshire. To-- LONDON, December 1772.

5. Why are beef and mutton so dear Because most of the considerable farmers, particularly in the northern counties, who used to breed large numbers of sheep or horned cattle, and frequently both, no longer trouble themselves with either sheep or cows or oxen, as they can turn their land to far better account by breeding horses alone. Such is the demand, not only for coach- and chaise-horses, which are bought and destroyed in incredible numbers; but much more for bred horses, which are yearly exported by hundreds, yea thousands, to France. 6. But why are pork, poultry, and eggs so dear Because of the monopolizing of farms, as mischievous a monopoly as was ever yet introduced into these kingdoms. The land which was formerly divided among ten or twenty little farmers and enabled them comfortably to provide for their families is now generally engrossed by one great farmer. One man farms an estate of a thousand a year, which formerly maintained ten or twenty. Every one of these little farmers kept a few swine, with some quantity of poultry; and, having little money, was glad to send his bacon, or pork, or fowls and eggs, to market continually. Hence the markets were plentifully served, and plenty created cheapness; but at present the great, the gentlemen farmers, are above attending to these little things. They breed no poultry or swine unless for their own use; consequently they send none to market. Hence it is not strange if two or three of these living near a market town occasion such a scarcity of these things by preventing the former supply that the price of them will be double or treble to what it was before. Hence (to instance in a small article) in the same town, where within my memory eggs were sold eight or ten a penny, they are now sold six or eight a groat. Another cause why beef, mutton, pork, and all kinds of victuals are so dear is luxury. What can stand against this

DEAR TOMMY,--Six pounds lie in John Johnson’s hands. Let it be paid into the hands of Ezekiel Saunderson and Jas. Stewart. Let the forms and desk at Belfast be finished immediately. Out of what remains you may pay Brother Stewart what is due to him from the Society--I suppose about thirty shillings.--I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Ann Boron [11] CORK, May 2, 1773. I have, indeed, often grieved on your account, but it was for your sufferings. And yet I constantly saw the wise end of your sufferings, that you might be more largely a partaker of His holiness. Indeed, you have reason to be satisfied with our Lord’s disposal of you, and to praise Him for all His dispensations. Even those circumstances which are not joyous but grievous yet work together for good. At first this does not always appear; but in a little while light springs out of darkness. It is no wonder you should many times be at a loss how to express what you feel. The language of men is too weak to describe the deep things of God. But sometimes one word may express much. One of our preachers that sometime since labored in this town, though full of faith and love, could find no utterance till he just said ‘Peace! Peace!’ and died [This may have been John Dillon, who labored at Cork in 1786 and died in 1770]. You make me amends for not answering me before on that head by doing it so distinctly now. That is the danger, lest on such an occasion we should not be so fully recollected. But in this and all things His grace is sufficient for us--sufficient to make us more than conquerors, especially when we give ourselves to prayer for this very thing before the trial comes. In most parts of this kingdom there is such a thirst after holiness as I scarce ever knew before. Several here in particular who enjoy it themselves are continually encouraging others to press after it. And two of our traveling preachers who for some years disbelieved it are now happy witnesses of if. I hope you do not forget poor Ally Eden. She has need of comfort; so we will not reprove her. Yours most affectionately. To Mary Bishop LIMERICK, May 9, 1773.

MY DEAR SISTER,--I was glad you had an opportunity of spending a few days in London, and also that you was not ashamed to declare what God had done for your soul This is the way, not only to receive an increase of grace yourself, but likewise to impart it to others. Even this kind of simplicity, the speaking artlessly, as little children, just what we feel in our hearts, without any reasoning what people will think or say, is of great use to the soul. I hope you will be able to speak to Mr. Saunderson [Hugh Saunderson, Assistant of the Oxford Circuit] without the least reserve. He has tasted of the pure love of God, and should be encouraged to hold it fast. But I wonder a little how some of our friends at Witney come to take exception at honest John Wittam [Wittam, who had come from Armagh, was second preacher]. He is an Israelite indeed; not much polished but serious, solid, and sensible. I preferred him before two or three young men (who offered for Oxfordshire), because I have seen the proof of him.--I am, my dear sister, Yours affectionately. To Miss Ball, At Mr. Ball’s, Laceman, In High Wycombe, Bucks. To Philothea Briggs BRISTOL, September 8, 1773. MY DEAR PHILLY,--We have the clearest proof, when we have to do with children, that 'the help which is done upon earth God doeth it Himself.' All our wisdom will not even make them understand, much less feel the things of God. The Instructions for Children [See letter of Feb. 23] contain the best matter that we can possibly teach them. But nothing less than the finger of God can write it on their hearts. On Saturday night He sent another shower of grace upon our children at Kingswood [See Journal, v. 525]. Sixteen of them were deeply affected, and I think thirteen found peace with God. Four or five of them were some of the smallest we had, not above seven or eight years old.

MY DEAR SISTER,--Some time since, when I heard Brother Bennis had got very rich, I was in fear for you lest the world should again find a way into your heart and damp your noblest affections. I am not sorry that you have not that temptation. It is most desirable to have nether poverty nor riches; but still you cannot be without temptation unless you would go out of the world. How far that sudden emotion which you speak of is a preternatural dart from Satan and how far it springs from your own heart it is exceeding hard to judge. It is possible it may be nether one nor the other, but a mere effect of the natural mechanism of the body, which has no more of good or evil than blushing or turning pale. But whether it be natural or preternatural, it is grievous to one whose conscience is tender. We may therefore undoubtedly pray against it. And surely He can and will deliver us. Come, therefore, boldly to the throne of grace, and find grace to help in time of need. You will find full employment in Waterford: I believe that Society wants your exertions. See, therefore, that you be not weary of well doing.--I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother. To Thomas Rankin [30] LONDON, December 4, 1773. DEAR TOMMY,--Captain Webb does not willfully tell lies, but he speaks incautiously; so that we must make large allowance for this whenever he speaks, otherwise we shall be deceived. But where is he now, and what is he doing I fear his wife will have need of patience. If you suffer any one to remain a leader who does not stay at the Society, that will be your fault. Improper leaders are not to be suffered upon any account whatever. You must likewise deal honestly with the Societies, whether they will hear or whether they will forbear. Only do not tell them continually 'You are dead,' for that will surely make them so. Endeavor to quicken their hope by speaking strongly and at the same time cheerfully. Exhort them to look for better days--yea, such as they have never seen yet. I judge George Shadford will do good at New York. So would Robert Williams for a little time.

When John Fletcher pressed Mary Bosanquet [They were married in 1781] much, she said (desiring my advice concerning it), 'If I change my situation, it must be with one I can not only love but highly reverence and esteem: one that is qualified to be my guide; one who is eminent not only in grace but likewise in understanding.' I would add, ' And one that will furnish you with full liberty of action that you may exercise your every grace.' Give me such an one for my beloved friend, and I will instantly wish you God speed! You see I speak without reserve; and I hope the die is cast. Speak you as freely to Your affectionate friend. To Thomas Wride LONDON, January 22, 1774. DEAR TOMMY,--John Hilton [See letters of Nov. 12, 1773 (to Christopher Hopper), and Aug. 18, 1775] is a pleasing preacher, but perhaps not so deep as some others. Yet I suppose he is and will be a popular one. He has a good person and an agreeable utterance. You did exactly right in not countenancing hymns [Wride said in a letter to Wesley that he refused to sing or sell certain fine new hymns made and printed by William Ramsden] not publicly received among us. Were we to encourage tittle poets, we should soon be overrun. But there is not the least pretence for using any new hymns at Christmas, as some of my brother's Christmas hymns are some of the finest compositions in the English tongue. Arthur Kershaw [See letter of Oct. 22, 1773] should have wrote to me before he left Northampton. Where is he or what is he doing Tommy, be mild, be gentle toward all men.--I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mary Bishop LONDON, January 26, 1774. MY DEAR SISTER,--When I observe anything amiss in your temper or behavior, I shall hardly fail to tell you of it; for I am persuaded you would not only suffer it but profit by advice or reproof. I have been sometimes afraid you did not deal plainly enough with the young women under your care. There needs much courage and faithfulness, that you may do all that in you ties to present them faultless before the throne.

MY DEAR SISTER,--The word of our Lord to you just now is, ' Open thy mouth wide, and I will fit it.' Whereunto you have attained hold fast, and the residue of the promises is at hand. Mr. Saunderson is necessarily detained at Edinburgh, being to answer for himself on the 24th instant before the Lord's Justiciaries. I had the honor myself of being sent to the Tollbooth, and am only out upon bail. Billy Thompson, who travels with me in his stead, will speak to a few more of our friends. I think Miss Rhodes should try, together with constant riding, decoction of nettles every night and morning. In any wise the horses should be broke to go in a chaise. I wish you would send them to Leeds the day that I come. Peace be with your spirits! I am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother. To Mary Bishop SUNDERLAND, June 17, 1774. MY DEAR SISTER,--It is something strange that I should never hear of your illness till I hear of your recovery. Both the one and other were designed for blessings, and I doubt not have proved so to you. Since I saw you first I have not observed much reason for reproving. But we have all need of advice and exhortation, else we should soon be weary and faint in our minds. It is to be expected that above one half of those who not only profess great things, but actually enjoy the great salvation, deliverance from inbred sin, will nevertheless sooner or later be moved from their steadfastness. Some of them, indeed, will recover what they had lost; others will die in their sins. The observing this should incite us to double watchfulness lest we should fall after their example. The English tongue is derived from the German: in both, the imperfect tense in the indicative mood is generally the same or nearly the same with the participle, and to be distinguished from it by the preceding and following words.--I am, my dear sister, Yours affectionately. To Miss March SUNDERLAND, June 17, 1774.

9. Sunday, February 25, 1758, you went into my study, opened my bureau, and took many of my letters and papers. But on your restoring most of them two days after, I said, 'Now, my dear, let all that is past be forgotten; and if either of us find any fresh ground of complaint, let us tell it to Mr. Blackwell, or Jo. Jones, or Tho. Walsh, but to no other person whatever.' You agreed; and on Monday, March 6, when I took my leave of you to set out for Ireland, I thought we had as tender a parting as we had had for several years. 10. To confirm this good understanding, I wrote to you a few days after all that was in my heart. But from your answer I learned it had a quite contrary effect: you resented it deeply; so that for ten or twelve weeks together, though I wrote letter after letter, I received not one line. Meantime you told Mrs. Vigor and twenty more, 'Mr. Wesley never writes to me. You must inquire concerning him of Sarah Ryan; he writes to her every week.’ So far from it, that I did not write to her at all for above twelve weeks before I left Ireland. Yet I really thought you would not tell a willful lie--at least, not in cool blood; till poor, dying T. Walsh asked me at Limerick, 'How did you part with Mrs. W. the last time' On my saying 'Very affectionately,' he replied, 'Why, what a woman is this! She told me your parting words were, "I hope to see your wicked face no more." I now saw you was resolved to blacken me at all events, and would stick at no means to accomplish it. Nevertheless I labored for peace; and at my return to Bristol, to avoid grieving you, did not converse with Sarah Ryan (though we were in the same house) twenty minutes in ten days' time. I returned to London. Soon after, you grew jealous of Sarah Crosby, and led me a weary life, unless I told you every place to which I went and every person I saw there.

MY DEAR SISTER,--I am glad to hear that any of our dear friends are refreshed and strengthened. Surely He who loves us will withhold from us no manner of thing that is good! We have not any Minutes of the Conference here; but I have ordered some to be sent down from London. Now be active! Be Patient in bearing ill and doing well. You may improve by everything that occurs, especially by what is grievous to flesh and blood.--I am, my dear sister, Yours affectionately. To Miss Newman, At Cheltenham. To Mrs. Woodhouse BRISTOL, August 12, 1774. MY DEAR SISTER--It was the particular desire of William Thom that he might labor a little longer with Mr. Robertshaw. He judged it might be of great advantage to his soul; and I believe he was not mistaken. Therefore I have appointed him to be with Mr. Robertshaw in the east of Lincolnshire. I know not whether I had ever so much satisfaction with you before as in my last journey. Indeed, we have not before had such opportunities of conversing together. I was well pleased with your seriousness and your openness. Indeed, why should we hide anything from each other I doubt you have but few near you with whom you can converse to any real advantage. You have need, therefore, to make the best of those, and whenever you meet to provoke one another to love and to good works. The time is short! There is but one step between us and death.--I am, my dear sister, Your ever affectionate brother. To Mrs. Woodhouse, At Mr. Hutton’s, In Epworth, Near Thorne, Yorkshire. To Thomas Stedman [25] BRISTOL, August 13, 1774. DEAR SIR,--When I returned to Bristol a few days since, I found your letter of March 26 with those useful discourses of Mr. Orton to the aged, for which I sincerely thank you. I have myself a large collection of letters, chiefly written within these fifty years: but some of them were written much more early, by my father and mother; and one, in the year 1619, I suppose, by my grandmother's father to her mother not long before their marriage. My mother was Dr. Annesley's youngest daughter.

'Ran away last November, from the subscriber, a Negro fellow, named Yeb; aged thirty-six. As he is outlawed, I will pay twenty pounds currency to any person who shall produce his head severed from his body, and five pounds if brought home alive. John Mosely.' --I am, gentlemen, Your very humble servant. To Mary Bishop [31] REIGATE, November 30, 1774. MY DEAR SISTER,--We so become all things to all, as not to hurt our own souls, when we first secure a single eye, a steady design, to please all for their good to edification, and then take care that our discourse be always good to the use of edifying and such as may minister grace to the hearers. But in order to this we have need of power from on high and of the wisdom that sitteth by the throne. This alone can give us to order our conversation aright, so as to profit both others and our own souls. Before this can effectually be done, you must conquer your natural reserve, and exercise it only to those of whom you know nothing at all or of whom you know nothing good. Perhaps there is one occasion more on which it will be highly expedient, if not necessary--namely, when good persons (at least in some measure so) sink beneath their character, trifle away time, or indulge themselves in a conversation which has no tendency to improve either the speaker or the hearer.

To Him commend thy cause, His ear attends the softest prayer. To Miss March REIGATE, November 30, 1774. You are in the safer extreme. When I formerly removed from one college to another, I fixed my resolution not to be hastily acquainted with any one; indeed, not to return any visit unless I had a reasonable hope of receiving or doing good therein. This my new neighbors generally imputed to pride; and I was willing to suffer the imputation. I 'sum up the experience' of persons, too, in order to form their general character. But in doing this we take a different way of making our estimate. It may be you chiefly regard (as my brother does) the length of their experience. Now, this I make little account of; I measure the depth and breadth of it. Does it sink deep in humble, gentle love Does it extend wide in all inward and outward holiness If so, I do not care whether they are of five or five-and-thirty years’ standing. Nay, when I look at Miss Betsy Briggs or Miss Philly Briggs, I am ready to hide my face: I am ashamed of having set out before they were born. Undoubtedly Miss Johnson is deep in grace, and lives like an angel here below. Yet some things in her character I do not admire; I impute them to human frailty. Many years ago I might have said, but I do not now, Give me a woman made of stone, A widow of Pygmalion. And just such a Christian one of the Fathers, Clemens Alexandrinus describes; but I do not admire that description now as I did formerly. I now see a Stoic and a Christian are different characters; and at some times I have been a good deal disgusted at Miss Johnson's apathy. When God restores our friends to us, we ought to rejoice; it is a defect if we do not. In that and several other instances I take knowledge of Sarah Ryan's littleness of understanding: and this, as well as our temper, we ought to improve to the utmost of our power; which can no otherwise be done than by reading authors of various kinds as well as by thinking and conversation. If we read nothing but the Bible, we should hear nothing but the Bible; and then what becomes of preaching

MY DEAR SISTER,--One observes well that, in order to judge of the grace which God has given us, we must likewise consider what our temptations are, because a little grace will balance little temptations, but to conquer great temptations much grace is requisite. Formerly you had comparatively little temptation, and through His grace you could rejoice with joy unspeakable. At present you do not find that joy. No; for you have the temptations which you had not then. You have little children, you have worldly care, and frequently a weak body. Therefore you may have far more grace than you had before, though you have not so much joy; nay, though you should for a time have no joy at all, but sorrow and heaviness; yea, though you should say with your Master, 'My soul is exceeding sorrowful, even unto death.' Oh what a gainer are you by this! when you are enabled to say in the midst of all, 'The cup which my Father hath given me, shall I not drink it 'See how He loveth whom He chasteneth! And what is at the end An eternal weight of glory! It is laid up for you both. Taste of it now!--I am Your affectionate brother. To Mrs. Jane Barton, To be left at Mr. Snowden’s, In Hull

If Miss Hurrell and you are separated for a season, it may be a means of making you more useful to each other when you are restored to each other. In the meantime you have a Friend who is able to supply all your wants, and from whom you never need be separated in time or in eternity. From the time that the fever burned I have been continually recovering strength, though by slow degrees. At present I am nearly the same as before my illness. And I ever am, my dear Nancy, Yours affectionately. To his Brother Charles [17] LEEDS, July 31, 1775. DEAR BROTHER,--I must not delay answering your important question, ' What can be done with William Pine ' If he still, after my earnest warning, 'every week publishes barefaced treason,' I beg you would once more warn him in my name and in your own; and if he slights or forgets this warning, then give him his choice either to leave us quietly or to be publicly disowned. At such a time as this, when our foreign enemies are hovering over us and our own nation is all in a ferment, it is particularly improper to say one word which tends to inflame the minds of the people. My strength is gradually increasing. Except the shaking of my hand, I am now nearly as I was before my illness, but I hope more determined to sell all for the pearl. Peace be with you and yours! Adieu! To his Brother Charles LEEDS, August 4, 1775. DEAR BROTHER,--The Conference (a blessed one) was concluded this morning, and I am as strong as I was when it began. I do not advise you to accept of the invitation: I read a letter to-day which I do not like. Nay, Mr. Saunderson is 'settled in Bristol '--that is, as a local preacher. Such an Address to the Americans would be highly seasonable. Have you heard anything of the Africans I hope to be in London on Tuesday evening and the Thursday in the following week at Brecon.

' Sir, our tradesmen are breaking all round me, so that I know not what the end will be.' Even in Leeds I had appointed to dine at a merchant's; but before I came the bailiffs were in possession of the house. Upon my saying, 'I thought Mr.---- had been in good circumstances,' I was answered, 'He was so; but the American war has ruined him.' When I began the enclosed, I designed to send it to Mr. Wharton, according to his desire. But upon reflection, I judged it not improbable that he might make a bad use of it; and thought it might be more advisable to send it directly to your Lordship. To Samuel Bradburn [20] LAUNCESTON, August 31, 1775. DEAR SAMMY,--Trust in the Lord, and do good; so shalt thou dwell in the land, and verily thou shalt be fed. Yours affectionately. Bradburn replied: REVERAND AND DEAR SIR,--I have often been struck with the beauty of the passage of Scripture quoted in your letter, but I must confess that I never saw such useful explanatory notes upon it before. --I am, reverend and dear sir, your obedient and grateful servant, To John Crook [21] BRISTOL, September 22, 1775. MY DEAR BROTHER,--I have wrote to Mr. Harrison, Hume, and Brooks in the Isle, and told them my plan for helping them, which is this. Go you down directly in the White-haven Circuit to labor there as a third preacher. Then let the three preachers visit the Isle in turns, each staying a month at a time. If the Bishop comes, you should immediately send him in my name the First Part of the Earnest Appeal; and you spread among the richer of the Society the Plain Account of the Methodists, and the Advice to the Methodists, with all the single Sermons. Let Mr. Mason go over first, and you next. You see, in your [case] your wife is considered. Your affectionate brother. You may write to Jacob Rowell at Yarm, and tell him I desire the young man he wrote to me of may go into Lincolnshire in your place. The sooner the better. Mr. Mason, at Whitehaven. To be left at the Methodist Preaching-house, Cumberland. To Alexander Hume BRISTOL, September 22, 1775.

MY DEAR BROTHER,--I am sorry for poor Jer. Cocker. Twice or thrice God has lifted him out of the mire. If he fall again, I doubt he will rise no more. It is the business of Tho. Hanson to remit that money to you. I know it was allowed at the Quarterly Meeting, for I was there myself. I wonder Tommy has not sent it to John Atlay. However, you may draw upon Brother Atlay for it. Visit all the Society from house to house, and you will soon see fruit of it.--I am Your affectionate brother. To Thomas Rankin LONDON, October 20, 1775. DEAR TOMMY,--The account given in our newspapers of my death was not wholly without foundation; for I was only not dead, my pulse being quite gone and 'the wheel at the cistern without motion.' But then our Lord stepped in, and The fever owned His touch, and fled. My strength returned by swift degrees; and I am now at least as well as before my illness. In the country places I believe you will have the largest harvest, where they know little and talk little about politics. Their hearts are engaged with something better, and they let the dead bury their dead. I am glad you are going into North Carolina; and why not into South Carolina too I apprehend those provinces would bear much fruit, as most parts of them are fresh, unbroken ground: And as the people are farther removed from the din of war, they may be more susceptible of the gospel of peace.

DEAR BROTHER,--I am just returned from Bedford. I have not seen the King these dozen years. I don't know what you mean by Dr. Smyth's book. It was best to take no notice of the angry ones. At Ramsbury Park, about a mile to the left of the high road, lives James Nind, local preacher, and general steward for the circuit, on a farm of five hundred pounds a year. His wife, Sally Nind, is one of the most amiable women I know. They mightily desire that you would spend a few nights with them. I am just putting into the press 'a new edition of the Address, corrected'; in which my change is accounted for, and two of the questions fully answered To the third, ' Why did not the Parliament tax them before' Mr. Madan answers, ' Because they were wiser; they knew the mischief that would ensue.' Dr. Johnson is in France. I have not heard lately from Shoreham. If the worst comes, you must make shift at the Foundery for a week or two. I can put up another bed in that which was Jenny's room. I do not think you are wise in destroying those papers. Some of them might have been useful to many. When I was in Bristol, I ordered that Hugh Saunderson should preach on Thursday night. None but you should take his place. Joseph Pilmoor may preach on Friday or Monday. Some much like, others much dislike, H. Saunderson; but his audience generally is not small. However, I will refer him to you; but I wish you would fix Thursday. Mr. Fletcher would not be safe without you or me. I should like a conference with Mr. Madan. I have a second friendly letter from him to-day. Peace be with you and yours! Adieu! Pray give my love to T. Lewis, and tell him I thank him for his letter. If the persons now taken up are hanged, it may be the saving of the nation. To Joseph Benson [26] LONDON, October 30, 1775.

Now, there is no possible way to put out this flame or hinder its rising higher and higher but to show that the Americans are not used either cruelly or unjustly; that they are not injured at all, seeing they are not contending for liberty (this they had even in its full extent, both civil and religious); neither for any legal privileges, for they enjoy all that their Charters grant. But what they contend for is the illegal privilege of being exempt from parliamentary taxation;--a privilege this which no charter ever gave to any American colony yet; which no charter can give, unless it be confirmed both by King, Lords, and Commons; which, in fact, our Colonies never had, which they never claimed till the present reign, and probably they would not have claimed it now had they not been incited thereto by letters from England. One of these was read, according to the desire of the writer, not only at the Continental Congress, but likewise in many congregations throughout the Combined Provinces. It advised them to seize upon all the King's officers; and exhorted them, 'Stand valiantly only for six months, and in that time there will be such commotions in England that you may have your own terms.' This being the real state of the question without any coloring or aggravation, what impartial man can either blame the King or commend the Americans With this view, to quench the fire, by laying the blame where it was due, the Calm Address was written--Sir, I am Your humble servant. As to reviewers, newswriters, London Magazines, and all that kind of gentlemen, they behave just as I expected they would. And let them lick up Mr. Toplady's spittle still, a champion worthy of their cause. To Elizabeth Ritchie [32] NORWICH, November 29, 1775. MY DEAR BETSY,--' Temptations,' says one, ' and distinct deliverances from temptations avail much.' I do not doubt but you have found it so with regard to your late trials; although there are none which it is harder to withstand at your time of life. I am glad you were enabled to withstand that plausible temptation which few young women have power to resist, particularly when you had to encounter the persuasions of those you esteemed and loved.

LONDON, January [25], 1776. In one respect I am much obliged to the gentlemen (or gentleman) who spend so much time upon the Primitive Physick; and would humbly entreat them to say something about it (no matter what) in half a dozen more of your papers. If nothing was said about it, most people might be ignorant that there was any such tract in the world. But their mentioning it makes many inquire concerning it, and so disperses it more and move. The gentleman signing himself XXX in your last week's paper (Probably Mr. Antidote) seems now to have shot his last bolt, anti that feebly indeed. But he begins magnanimously: 'Mr. Wesley is too proud, too self-sufficient, and too much wrapped up in his self-importance, to vouchsafe either Mr. Caleb Evans or any other correspondent anything in the shape of an answer.' How grievously does this man stumble at the threshold! with what glaring, palpable falsehood does he set out! Have I not given a direct answer, both to Mr. Evans and Antidote, and S. E. and P. P. in the public papers However, I am obliged to him for informing me of the difference between 'ounces, scruples, drachms, or drams, and grains.' Otherwise, after mistaking a dram for a grain, I might have mistaken an ounce for a dram. But a dreadful objection comes next: 'Some people run as they read. Mr. Wesley's whole progressive life stands as a proof that he is one of that species of readers. In that mode he hath read the Scriptures, and in that mode doth he read every book.’ There is some truth in this. For several years, while my brother and I traveled on foot, our manner was for him that walked behind to read aloud some book of history, poetry, or philosophy. Afterwards for many years (as my time at home was spent mostly in writing) it was my custom to read things of a lighter nature, chiefly when I was on horseback. Of late years, since a friend gave me a chaise, I have read them in my carriage. But it is not in this manner I treat the Scriptures: these I read and meditate upon day and night. It was not in running that I wrote twice over the Notes on the New Testament (to say nothing of those on the Old), containing above 800 quarto pages.

I wish Edward Jackson would go into the Dales. But here is a great difficulty: Robert Wilkinson, you know, is married; therefore he cannot live (though he may starve) in the Dundee Circuit. I designed that he and Brother Lumley should change places. But what can be done now Consider the matter, and advise, dear Joseph, Yours affectionately. To Elizabeth Ritchie LONDON, November 12, 1776. MY DEAR BETSY,--I love you for your freedom and openness. At all times it is of use to have a friend to whom you can pour out your heart without any disguise or reserve. But it will be of peculiar use if you should ever meet with heavy temptation. Then you will find how true that word is, 'A friend is made for adversity.' You have exceeding great reason to praise God for what He has already done for your soul. Take heed lest any one beguile you of your blessing by a voluntary humility. Never deny, never conceal, never speak doubtfully of what God hath wrought, but declare it before the children of God with all plainness and simplicity. Do you set the Lord always before you Do you always see Him that is invisible Are you constantly sensible of His loving presence And is your heart praying without ceasing Have you power in everything to give Him thanks Does He bid you even in sleep go on What do you commonly dream of While you sleep, is your heart awake to Him Just when you have time and opportunity, send an answer to, my dear Betsy, Yours affectionately. To John Mason LONDON, November 21, 1776. MY DEAR BROTHER,--One of Mr. Fletcher's Checks considers at large the Calvinist supposition ' that a natural man is as dead as a stone '; and shows the utter falseness and absurdity of it, seeing no man living is without some preventing grace, and every degree of grace is a degree of life.

MY DEAR BROTHER,--I have wrote to Mr. Creighton. [See letters of May 24, 1773, and July 12, 1778.] Yours of the 12th instant I received this afternoon. I desire one of the preachers in the Armagh Circuit to change with you till Lady Day. Before that time (if my life health are spared) I hope to be in Ireland myself.--I am Your affectionate brother. I shall be glad of a correspondence with the clergyman mention. To Mr. John Bredin, At Mr. Maire's Merchant, In Iniskillan.

I was a little surprised to read in a late publication of yours the following assertions: - 1. Thomas Maxfield was 'some of the firstfruits of Mr. Whitefield's ministry' (page 18). 2. 'When he went abroad, he delivered me and many thousands more into the hands of those he thought he could have trusted them with, and who would have given them back to him again at his return. But, alas! it was not so.' (Ibid.) 'I heard Mr. Whitefield say at the Tabernacle, in the presence of five or six ministers, to Mr. Wesley, a little before he left England for the last time: "I delivered thirty thousand people into the hands of your brother and you when I went abroad. And by the time I came back you had so turned their hearts against me that not three hundred of them would come to hear me." I knew this was true.' (Ibid.) 3. 'I heard Mr. Whitefield say: "When I came back from Georgia, there was no speaking evil of each other. Oh what would I not give or suffer or do to see such times again! But oh that division! that division! What slaughter it has made 'It was doctrine that caused the difference; or, at least, it was so pretended.' (Ibid.) 'He preached a few times in connection with his old friends. But, ah! how soon was the sword of contention drawn!' (Page 19.) 4. 'where can you now find any loving ones of either party They have no more love to each other than Turks.' (Ibid.) 'Read their vile contentions, and the evil characters they give of each other, raking the filthiest ashes to find some black story against their fellow preachers' (page 20). They 'slay with the sword of bitterness, wrath, and envy. Still more their shame is what they have sent out into the world against each other on both sides about five or six years ago, and till this very day.' (Page 21.) To satisfy both friends and foes I propose a few queries' on each of these four heads.

I. As to the first, I read a remarkable passage in the Third Journal, the truth of which may, be still attested by Mr. Durbin, Mr. Westall, and several others then present, who are yet alive: 'A young man who stood behind sunk down as one dead; but soon began to roar out and beat himself against the ground, so that six men could scarce hold him. This was Thomas Maxfield.' [See letter of May 28, 1739; and for Henry Durbin, May 3, 1786, n.] Was this you If it was, how are you 'the first-fruits of Mr. Whitefield's ministry' And how is it that neither I nor your fellow laborers ever heard one word of this during all those years wherein you labored in connection with us II. 'When he went abroad again, he delivered me and many thousands into the hands of Mr. Wesley.' When where in what manner This is quite new to me! I never heard one word of it before! But stay! here is something more curious still! 'I heard Mr. Whitefield say at the Tabernacle, in the presence of five or six ministers, a little before he left England the last time, "I delivered thirty thousand people into the hands of you and your brother when I went abroad."' Mr. Whitefield's going abroad, which is here referred to, was in the year 1741. Did he then deliver you into my hands Was you not in my hands before Had you not then for above a year been a member of the Society under my care Nay, was you not at the very time one of my preachers Did you not then serve me as a son in the gospel Did you not eat my bread and lodge in my house Is not this, then, a total misrepresentation Would to God it be not a willful one!

MY DEAR BROTHER, - From that ill-advised step of poor Brother M'Nab a smoke had issued from the bottomless pit, which darkened and has bled the minds of many as well as yours, and filled them with needless doubts and fears. I am glad you are now emerged out of that darkness, and hope you will feel it no more. I am in hope likewise that those at Bath who deeply sinned on the occasion have now humbled themselves before God; and I trust He will enable you to do far more good than you have done yet at Bath as well as at Bristol. I hope to be at Bath on Tuesday the 29th instant and at Bristol a day or two after. But I cannot and dare not suffer them to be leaders any longer who will not deign to attend the preaching. On Monday, March 13, I expect to be at Stroud; on Tuesday noon at Tewkesbury, Tuesday evening Worcester. Take care you do not preach more than your health allows. You must not offer murder for sacrifice. Pray give my kind love to Sister Newman, whom I thank for her letter, and hope to see at Stroud or Tewkesbury if it be convenient for her. - I am Your affectionate friend and brother. Why should you not give me a short account of the life of John Valton [See letter of April 21.]! To Mr. Valton, At Mr. Lewty's, In Leech Street, Worcester. To Christopher Hopper NEAR LONDON, February 16, 1780. MY DEAR BROTHER, - I do not know that there is any matter of dispute between us, unless it be whether you should do what I desire or no. You are Assistant in Colne Circuit. I desire you to send me a plan of the circuit: you send me an answer, but without the plan. I write again: you send a second answer, telling me you have been very diligent for many years; and that you was the very person who introduced plans among us. Very good; but you send me no plan still, and till this comes everything else is wide of the mark. [See letters of Jan. 16 (to Lancelot Harrison) and Dec. 31.] - I am Your affectionate friend and brother.

10. 'Remark a missionary inflaming the rabble and propagating black slander.' Remark a San Benito cap, painted with devils; but let him put it on whom it fits. It does not fit me: I inflame no rabble; I propagate no slander at all. But Mr. O'Leary does. He propagates an heap of slander in these his Remarks. I say too, 'Let the appeal be made to the public and their impartial reason.' I have nothing to do with the 'jargon or rubbish of the Schools,' lugged in like 'the jargon of the Schools' before. But I would be glad if Mr. O'Leary would tell us what these two pretty phrases mean. The whole matter is this. I have without the least bitterness advanced three reasons why I conceive it is not safe to tolerate the Roman Catholics. But still, I would not have them persecuted; I wish them to enjoy the same liberty, civil and religious, which they enjoyed in England before the late Act was repealed. Meantime I would not have a sword put into their hands; I would not give them liberty to hurt others. Mr. O'Leary, with much archness and pleasantry, has nibbled at one of these three reasons, leaving the other two untouched. If he chooses to attack them in his next, I will endeavor to give him a calm and serious answer.--I am, gentlemen, Your obedient servant. To George Robinson [2] MANCHESTER, March 25, 1780. MY DEAR BROTHER,--I do not see why Brother Norris should not have a part of what is collected on the account of sickness. I am glad to hear so good an account of poor Robert Empringham. As they desire a supernumerary preacher about Whitby, he may go into that circuit directly. I desire Mr. Peacock to put a final stop to the preaching of women in his circuit. If it were suffered, it would grow, and we know not where it would end. I hope to see you and our brethren at Boston before the summer is over. Peace be with you and yours!--I am Your affectionate brother. To Mr. Robinson, At Langham Row, Near Alford, Lincolnshire. p class="Section1" style=" text-autospace:none"Your obedient servant./p div align="center" style="text-align:center;text-autospace:none" span class="MsoNormal"span style="MS Mincho""> To Samuel Bradburn CHESTER, April 2, 1780.

I wrote to Mr. Fletcher some time since, [Fletcher had written to Miss Bosanquet a letter about marriage, which she received on June 8. That accounts for the delay in his reply to Wesley; to whom he wrote, however, on June 24. Fletcher had begun a correspondence with Miss Loxdale in May. See Wesley’s Designated Successoro p. 463; and letter of June 27.] and wonder I have had no answer. I hope you will always write without reserve, my dear Miss Loxdale, to Your truly affectionate. To Samuel Bradburn [13] NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, June 16, 1781. DEAR SAMMY, -- Brother Sharp's proposal is reasonable; I have no objection at all to it. We have no supernumerary preachers: except John Furz, who is so from old age. If John Oliver lives till the Conference, and desires it, I suppose he may be upon the same footing. The more exercise he uses, winter or summer, the more health he will have. I can face the north wind at seventy-seven better than I could at seven-and-twenty. But if you moan over him, you will kill him outright. John Booth is fixed in his own circuit. A word in your ear! I am but half pleased with Christopher Hopper's proceedings. I do not admire fair-weather preachers. You must stop local preachers who are loaded with debt. There are few healthier places in England than Keighley. Neither Dublin nor Cork is to compare to it. But have a care, or you will kill Betsy! Do not constrain God to take her away! -- I am, dear Sammy, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Joseph Harper [14] NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, June 16, 1781. DEAR JOSEPH, -- The contrary [winds continued] so long that I am [much behind] in my plan. I did [not reach this plaice till an hour or [two ago, and mus]t not leave it before [Sunday the 24th. In] consequence of this [I preach in York] on Wednesday the 27th and a[t Selby on Thur]sday 28. On Friday [the 29th (I hope to re]ach) Thorne, and preach [at noon, and Cro]wle evening, Epwor[th also; and if I] can, at Upperthorpe a[nd at Misterton]. Your affection[ate friend and brother]. To Ambrose Foley [15] NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, June 19, 1781.

I am surprised that you could not find a lodging near the City Road. A little while, and we shall need none of these lodgings. I do not expect to see London before my usual time. -- I am, dear Patty, Your affectionate friend and Brother.

If you are employed to assist the children that are brought to the birth, that groan either for the first or the pure love, happy are you l But this is not all your work. No, my Hetty; you are likewise to watch over the new-born babes. Although they have much love, they have not yet either much light or much strength; so that they never had more need of your assistance, that they may neither be turned out of the way nor hindered in running the race that is set before them. I should not have been willing that Miss Bosanquet should have been joined to any other person than Mr. Fletcher; but I trust she may be as useful with him as she was before. [See letter of Dec, 1.] I fear our dear Betsy Ritchie will not stay long with us. I have no answer to my last letter, and Mrs. Downes writes that she is far from well. Yet God is able to raise her up. As to Peggy Roe, [Her cousin. See letter of Sept. 16, 1776.] I have little hope of her life; but she seemed, when I saw her, to be quite simple of heart, de.siring nothing more but God. My dear Hetty, adieu! Remember in all your prayers Yours most affectionately.

I never was fond of multiplying circuits without an absolute necessity. Your remark is unquestionably true, that this is oftener proposed for the ease of the preachers than the profit of the people. But it is clear to me that many of the preachers have already rather too little exercise than too much. [Hanson was Assistant at Colne.] If you are not yet recovered from the disorder in your mouth, I wish you would consult the Primitive Physick or John Floyd. [The second preacher at Bradford. See letter of March 15, 1777.] --I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Alexander Surer LONDON, February 9, 1782. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- You see the wisdom of that advice, ‘O tarry thou the Lord's leisure!’ And there is great reason that we should trust the Invisible God farther than we can see Him. There will need the greatest care and attention possible both in you and John Moon at Exeter. [Moon and Suter were the preachers at Tiverton.] For Satan will surely endeavor to lay stumbling-blocks in the way of the people. It is your part to prevent or remove them as quick as possible. -- I am Your affectionate brother. To Ellen Gretton LAMBETH, February 12, 1782. MY DEAR SISTER, -- If it pleases God to visit us with adversity, undoubtedly He will send a blessing with it. It will be for our profit, a means of weaning us from the world and uniting us more closely to Him. And if afterwards He changes it for prosperity, this also will be for good. It is our wisdom to improve the present state, be it one or the other. With what will be we have nothing to do. We need take no thought for the morrow. As yet I do not see my way clear, but wait for farther evidence, before I can determine whether I should put out toward Ireland or Scotland. If I do set out for Ireland and am driven back again, [As he had been in April 1781. See letter of May 8 of that year.] I shall say, Good is the will of the Lord. ‘With good advice make war.’ Do not hastily engage in anything so far that you cannot retreat. One would be particularly wary in that circumstance, which, as Prior observed, Slay or strife,

DEAR ROBERT, -- I have now before me a particular account of the behavior of W. Gill toward Stephen Proctor and others. I am greatly surprised at the partiality of Brother Harper. [Harper was Assistant at Leicester, and Costerdine the second preacher. For Gill, see letters of Jan. 6, 1780 (to Thomas Carlill), and March 22, 1782; and for Proctor, Oct. 12, 1780, and June 7, 1782.] Besides, he had no authority to administer an oath to any one. I forbid William Gill to preach any more in any of our Societies. And I beg of Joseph Harper not to say anything in his defense either in public or private. Brother Whitehouse informs me you have heard the case at large and do not lay any blame on Stephen Proctor. -- I am, dear Robert, Your affectionate brother. To Ann Bolton [8] BRISTOL, March 8, 1782. MY DEAR NANCY, -- I came hither from Bath this afternoon, and just snatch time to write two or three fines. It gave me pleasure to see your letter dated from Caerleon, as I know your spending a few days there would not be in vain. You will give and receive a blessing. Iron sharpeneth iron, and the countenance of a man his friends--not only the conversation, but the very countenance, as I have often found when I looked upon you. But much more your words shall (by the grace of God) convey health to the soul. You will comfort and quicken my dear Sally, and not suffer her hands to hang down. I can say nothing of Sir Charles Grandison, because I never read a page of his. On Monday the 18th instant I hope to have the pleasure of meeting you at Stroud. On Tuesday I have promised to dine with that amiable woman Mrs. Wathen [Mrs. Wathen, the wife of a rich clothier at Thrupp, Stroud. See W.H.S. v. 251-3.] at New House. But I should not desire it unless you was there. Peace be with all your spirits.mI am, my dear Nancy, Yours most affectionately. To Robert Cart Brackenbury [9] BRISTOL, March 9, 1782.

I do not know anything that is amiss in the behavior either of Brother Fowler or his wife. But I do not know that he is called to preach. Certainly he should not go where they are not willing to hear him. -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mr. Francis Wrigley, At the Preach- ing-house, In Bradford, Wilts. [Wrigley (who was Assistant) was not appointed to Bradford-upon-Avon until the Conference in August. He was probably there earlier.] To John Bredin MANCHESTER, April 6, 1782. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- It is probable I shall be able to hold a little Conference in Dublin before the middle of July. But you will hear more before that time. The four volumes of Sermons with the Notes on the New Testament (small edition) are the best books for Mr. Haslett. Any other of our books you may give to him or Mr. Dillon in my name. If Adam Clarke [See letters of Oct. 19, 1781, and July 9, 1782.] can come to London at the Conference, I will send him to Kingswood directly. You may take those three volumes of Magazines with as many as make up the set. You may likewise have the History of England and of the Church. John McKenny [John McKenny (whose son was one of the first missionaries in Ceylon) was a friend and classmate of Adam Clarke’s.] must take his choice. If he will refrain from going to that house, it will remove the offense. But if he will go, he does thereby put himself out of our Society. -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To John Bredin, In Coleraine, Ireland. To Samuel Mitchell [15] MANCHESTER, April 6, 1782.

MY DEAR MISS LOXDALE,--It raised some wonder in me that I had not a line from you in so long a time. I began to be almost afraid that your love was growing cold. And it would not be at all strange if it did: it is more strange if it does not, especially while you have an affair in hand that naturally tends to engross the whole thought. Whoever follows the few plain directions which are given in the sermon on Enthusiasm [See Works, v. 467-78.] will easily and distinctly see what is the will of God concerning any point in question -- that is, provided the eye be single, provided we have one design and one desire. But it is a just observation, ‘As a very little dust will disorder the motion of a clock, and as a very little sand will hinder the sight of the eye, so a very little desire or selfish design will greatly hinder the eye of the soul.’ By experience, the strongest of all arguments, you have been once and again convinced that salvation from inbred sin is received by simple faith, and by plain consequence in a moment; although it is certain there is a gradual work both preceding and following. Is it not, then, your wisdom not willingly to converse with any that oppose this great and important truth and studiously to avoid any books that reason plausibly against it If you play with fire, will you not be burnt sooner or later nay, have you not been burnt already A thought comes into my mind which I will simply tell you: it is not the will of God that you should on any account whatever contract a near union [See letter of July 24.] with any person tinged with Mysticism. I believe you will take this kindly from, my dear Nancy, Yours affectionately. To Penelope Newman July 12, 1782. MY DEAR SISTER, -- I do not yet see any reason why Jonathan Coussins should not labor next year in the Gloucester-shire Circuit. [He was then in the Sarum Circuit, and in August was duly appointed to Gloucester.] But I do not use to determine things of this kind absolutely before the Conference.

DEAR DUNCAN, -- Epworth, I believe, is not supplied. I think it will be a comfortable place for Peter Mill; and I trust he will be more useful than ever. Yet I was afraid he would be straitened for money, so I have drawn a little note on Mr. Prickard in his favor, who keeps the money of the Contingent Fund in Dr. Coke’s absence. If he wants anything, he shall have it. -- I am, dear Duncan, Yours affectionately. To Mrs. Bradburn [14] YARMOUTH, October 30, 1782. MY DEAR BETSY, -- My disorders are seldom of long continuance; they pass off in a few days, and usually leave me considerably better than I was before. We are always safe while we are either doing or suffering the will of Him that orders all things well. I do not doubt but you will find both profit and pleasure in the conversation of my dear Miss Ritchie. I had marked her out for your acquaintance, or rather friendship, before you set out for England. You are two kindred souls, and I almost, wonder how you could be so long kept apart from each other. Her conversation, I doubt not, will quicken your desires of being all renewed in the image of Him that created you. But let those desires rise ever so high, they need not lessen your thankfulness -- nay, the strongest hunger and thirst after righteousness are found in those that in everything give thanks. I am glad to hear the little jars that were in Bradford are at end. Let them all die and be forgotten. But let brotherly love continue. Peace be with both your spirits! -- I am, my dear Betsy, Yours most affectionately. To Samuel Bradburn [15] LONDON, November 9, 1782. DEAR SAMMY, -- I abhor the thought of giving to twenty men the power to place or displace the preachers in their congregations. How would he then dare to speak an unpleasing truth And if he did, what would become of him This must never be the case while I live among the Methodists. And Birstall is a leading case; the first of an avowed violation of our plan. Therefore the point must be carried for the Methodist preachers now or never: and I alone can carry it; which I will, God being my helper.

MY DEAR BROTHER, -- Many years since, when I read those words in the Lesson for the day, ‘Son of man, I take from thee the desire of thine eyes with a stroke,’ I was so affected that it was not without difficulty I could speak a word more. [See Journal, i. 325-6; and letter of Oct. 7, 1749, where the same words are used about Grace Murray. Compare letter of Feb. 14, 1786.] But it was not long before He enabled me to say, 'Good, is the will of the Lord.' I trust He has taught you that great lesson, which reason alone cannot teach. He has always one end, whether in His pleasing or painful dispensations, to wean us from all things here below and to unite us to Himself. You see the present dispensation of His providence in a true light. He is vindicating His right to your whole heart and claiming you for His own. And He can make you large amends for all He has taken away by giving you Himself. Let not this medicine be without its full effect. ‘It is a great loss to lose an affliction.’ Now is the time that you are loudly called to give up yourself wholly to God. It would be your wisest way to select two or three for your intimate acquaintances who are deeply alive to God; and to have no farther intercourse with those who know not God than necessary business requires. If you form this resolution and keep steadily to it, you will meet our dear friend again in a little time. May God enable you so to do! His grace is sufficient for you. - I am Your affectionate brother. To Matthiss Joyce [21] DEAR BROTHER, -- Not only Mr. Smith but several others gave a satisfactory account of you at the Conference. Mr. Watkinson [Richard Watkinson was the Assistant at Limerick, and Robert Blake his colleague. See letter of Dec. 31.] writes me word that, as Robert Blake has left him, he is in great want of help. I have no objections, if your wife is willing, for you to go upon trial to Limerick. To Robert Hall, Jun. LONDON, December 29, 1782.

I think you may refer the case of the butcher’s wife to the leaders. ‘Not to sell’ would certainly be the more excellent way. But whether she should be expelled upon that account may be matter of doubt. There must be some particular end designed in every extraordinary work of God. But there are instances wherein it is a considerable time before that end appears. And it may be expedient for us to remain in suspense in order to wean us from our own will and our own wisdom. If there was any particular meaning in that appearance, God will reveal it in due time. -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mr. Valton, At the Preaching-house, In Manchester. To Mrs. Fuller [3] [February 1783.] MY DEAR SISTER, -- You did well in giving me a plain and circumstantial account of the manner wherein God has dealt with your soul. Your part is now to stand fast in the glorious liberty wherewith Christ has made you free. There is no need that you should ever be entangled again in the bondage of pride or anger or desire. God is willing to give always what He grants once. Temptations, indeed, you are to expect. But you may tread them all under your feet: His grace is sufficient for you. And the God of all grace, after you have suffered a while, shall establish, strengthen, and settle you.--I am, my dear sister, Yours affectionately. To Zachariah Yewdall [4] LONDON, February 9, 1785. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I am glad you have given another trial to Inishanmon. And why not to Hinscla I am a good deal of your mind. I hope those are only drops before a shower of grace. Over and above the general reasons contained in that tract, a preacher, and above all others a Methodist preacher, has particular reasons for valuing a single life.

BIRMINGHAM, March 22 [or 24], 1783. DEAR BROTHER CHARLES, -- If your view be correct, and this Epistle was the last the Apostle wrote before his martyrdom, it is invested with peculiar interest, as containing the dying counsels of one who was not behind the ‘chiefest of the Apostles.’ -- I am, dear Brother Charles, Yours affectionately. To Mr. ----- [11] BIRMINGHAM, March 23, 1783. DEAR SIR, -- If you would have five or ten more, be so kind as to give an hint to Yours affectionately. To John Valton NOTTINGHAM, April 4, 1783. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- Being more than half recovered from my late illness, [See letters of March 16 and April 4.] I am creeping forward on my way. I purpose staying here till over Sunday; then I think of moving on toward Dublin. Your reasons for desiring to spend another year in Birstall Circuit [He was reappointed to Birstall in 1783.] seem to me to be of weight. It may be so, if nothing occurs to the contrary between this and the Conference. -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mr. Valton, At Birstall, Near Leeds. To his Brother Charles NOTTINGHAM, April 4, 1783. DEAR BROTHER, -- Yesterday my second disorder left me, and I seem now to be recovering strength. [See previous letter.] On Monday next I hope to be at Derby; on Tuesday at Blewcastle-under-Lyme; on Wednesday at Chester; and at Holyhead as soon as God permits. I have no desire to stay above three weeks in Ireland, and hope to be in England again before the end of May. On the day appointed, March 25, I went from Birmingham to Hilton Park. [See Journal, vi.. 401; W.H.S. v. 170n.; and letter of April 25 to his brother.] A little before we reached the Park gate Miss Freeman met us in Sir Philip Gibbes’s chaise. After staring awhile, she came into my chaise, and she was convinced that I was alive.

DEAR SIR, -- You are my father; as such I have loved and honoured you. Forty years I have been in your Connection; thirty-six I have been admitted an helper in the gospel thirty of which my labor have been without charge to my brethren, but not so to myself. Ten pounds a year upon an average (I think) have not discharged my various expense with the Connection, which I am fully conscious was as much as I ought at any time, and for seven years past more than my ability required. I have informed you again and again that I have exceeded my ability. Why would you not believe me If you were not satisfied, why did you not ask me in person You never found me concealed or disguised. Was it right, upon your own suspicion or any vague information, to upbraid me before the congregation and before company at table, and even then refuse to be set right Was it kind, was it common candor, after the plain answer I gave you in person last year to write me as you did Had my conduct at any time merited that you should put a negative upon all I could say or write even when I appealed to my God for the truth of it When I was informed after all this that you censured me in various companies at Bristol and in its vicinity as a man worth thousands and eat up of covetousness and love of this world, I was astonished, and could not avoid exclaiming, What is become of charity are justice and truth also fled from the earth where is the man that doeth to another as he would be done by Whether I have less love or more pride than Mr. Jaques I do not determine; but I hope he have not been treated with so much severity and so totally without cause as your injured To William Robarts BRISTOL, August 8, 1783.

MY DEAR SISTER, - I am glad to hear that Mr. Bailey recovers his health and that he is not quite unemployed. The more both he and you are employed for a good Master the better; seeing it is a sure truth that every man shall receive his own reward according to his own labor. On Monday, April 5 (if nothing unforeseen prevent), I expect to be at Stockport, and Tuesday, 6th, at Manchester. [His route was varied a little, so that he did not reach Manchester till April 10.] - I am, my dear Rachel, Yours affectionately. To Mrs. Rachel Bailey, In Salford, Manchester. To Samuel Bardsley BATH, March 3, 1784. DEAR SAMMY, - I am glad Mr. Smyth [See letter of Feb. 13 to Bardsley.] preached at Macclesfield. He is, indeed, a son of thunder. I believe God employed him to awake several poor sinners at Manchester. Now, Sammy, do all the good you can; be instant in season and out of season 1 Put forth all your strength! - I am Your affectionate brother. To Arthur Keene [8] BATH, March 3, 1784. DEAR ARTHUR, - It is a true saying, 'There is in love a sweetness ready penned.' Copy out only that, and save expense. You mean what you speak, and that is enough. I am glad the school is begun, and am in great hope that it will be continued. Those that are frequently apt to weary of well doing might be frequently stirred up; otherwise the love of many, both in England and Ireland, will in process of time wax cold. I am in hopes that Dr. Coke has spoke to my brother concerning writing a few hymns for the poor widows. [The Widows' Alms House in Dublin.] But, because the Doctor is apt to forget, I have this morning desired Mr. Whitfield to remind him of it. You did well in sending me an account of the widows themselves, living or dead. There is one (if she be yet alive) whom I visited in Cuffe Street several times. Rachael Davis I never recommended before; but I should be glad if she could be admitted - when there is a vacancy.

Pray tell Sister Gayer [See letter of May 27, 1776.] I send her such a sister as she never had before. - I am Your affectionate brother. To Mrs. Johnson BRISTOL, September 26, 1784. MY DEAR SISTER, - How wise are all the ways of God! Just before His providence called you to leave Dublin He sent Sister Rogers thither, in the same spirit of faith and love, to step into your place and prevent that scattering of the little flock which might otherwise have ensued; and if He sees it best, after you have finished the work He is preparing for you to do in Lisburn, you will see Dublin again. Meanwhile redeem the time, catch the golden moments as they fly, and continue to love and pray for, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother. To Alexander Surer [15] BRISTOL, October 3, 1784. MY DEAR BROTHER, - Others consider the state of one or two circuits only; but I see and consider the state of the whole kingdom, and consequently can more easily judge in what circuit each preacher is likely to be useful. And I doubt not you will be useful in Dundee Circuit, provided you (1) strive to strike out into new places (and you know we may preach anywhere in Scotland without any danger of riots), and (2) constantly visit all the Society in course from house to house. To do this exactly will be a cross; but it will be worth your while to bear it. The house at Arbroath should be settled as near the Conference plan as possible. The way of doing this in Scotland you may learn either from Mr. Smith in Aberdeen or Mr. Grant in Edinburgh. If Joseph Sanderson, Brother Bartholomew, and you act in concert, as was agreed when I was in Dundee, much good will be done; especially if you take care in spite of flesh and blood to keep up the morning meetings. Mr. Watkinson at Edinburgh has now the charge of the books in Scotland, and will provide you with any that you want. He is the General Assistant for Scotland this year.

Pray talk with as well as inquire concerning the clergyman you mention. [Peard Dickinson, curate to Vincent Perronet, seemed likely to be his successor, but became Wesley's clerical helper at City Road in Aug. 1786. See letter of June 19.] Many times you see further into men than I do. I suppose you have before now received my Journal, [See letter of May 12.] as well as preceding letter. Probably the first ship that sails after the 6th of July will bring me to Holyhead. I hope to see Dr. Coke in London before the end of it. About once a quarter I hear from Mr. and Mrs. Fletcher. I grudge his sitting still; but who can help it I love ease as well as he does; but I dare not take it while I believe there is another world. [Fletcher died on Aug. 14.] The patriots here are nobody. [See letter of May 12.] They are quite scattered, and have no design, bad or good. All is still in Ireland; only the work of God flourishes, spreading and deepening on every side. Peace be with all your spirits! Adieu! To Alexander Knox [19] COLERAINE, June 8, 1785. DEAR ALLECK, - Having now deeply considered your case, I send you my matured thoughts; which I beg you and Mrs. Knox impartially to consider in the presence of God. But beware you do not fix your judgment before you hear the cause; otherwise I shall lose my labor, and you may lose your life, if not your soul. You say: 'The reason why I do not go out is this, I am afraid of falling in the street; and I do not attend the church or the preaching-house for fear I should fall down there and disturb the congregation.' This is the clear state of the case. The question is, then, Is this reason sufficient, or is it not I am fully persuaded it is not For, (1) you are by no means sure that you shall fall down in the church or in the congregation. You have great reason to hope you shall not; although I should not wonder if your fits were now both more frequent and more severe than they are.

MY DEAR SISTER, - While I had the pleasure of sitting by you I quite forgot [what] I intended before we set out. [Two days previously Wesley had been at Trowbridge, where Miss Cooke lived, See letter of Sept. 24 to her.] Considering the bent of your mind, I cannot doubt but you have many copies of verses by you. Probably you have some (beside those on Mr. Turner) made upon affecting subjects. Will you favor me with two or three of them Do, if you have any desire to oblige, my dear friend, Yours affectionately. To his Brother Charles [5] BATH, September 13, 1785. DEAR BROTHER, - I see no use of you and me disputing together; for neither of us is likely to convince the other. You say I separate from the Church; I say I do not. Then let it stand. Your verse is a sad truth. I see fifty times more of England than you do, and I find few exceptions to it. I believe Dr. Coke is as free from ambition as from covetousness. He has done nothing rashly that I know; but he has spoken rashly, which he retracted the moment I spoke to him of it. To publish as his present thoughts what he had before retracted was not fair play. He is now such a right hand to me as Thomas Walsh was. If you will not or cannot help me yourself, do not hinder those that can and will. I must and will save as many souls as I can while I live without being careful about what may possibly be when I die. I pray do not confound the intellects of the people in London. You may thereby a little weaken my hands, but you will greatly weaken your own. - I am Your affectionate Brother. [The following answer, sent by Charles on the 19th, is given at the foot of his brother's letter:] DEAR BROTHER, - I did not say, You separate from the Church; but I did say, If I could prove it, I would not. That 'sad truth' is not a new truth. You saw it when you expressed in your Reasons such tenderness of love for the unconverted clergy. Of the second T. Walsh we had better talk than write.

Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mrs. Fletcher [11] NORWICH, October 22, 1785. MY DEAR SISTER, - This morning I received and read over your papers. You have done justice to the character of that excellent man as far as you could be expected to do in so small room. I do not observe any sentence that need be left out, and very few words that need to be omitted or altered; only I omit a very little, which I had inserted before I received yours, in that part of my sermon which I had transcribed I hope to procure some more materials in order to the writing of his Life. May the Lord bless you, and keep you! - I am, my dear sister, Yours in tender affection. To Mrs. Fletcher, At Madeley, Near Skifinal, Salop. To Joseph Benson [12] LONDON, October 30, 1785. DEAR JOSEPH, - You have given me a clear and satisfactory account of Mr. Fletcher's behavior at Trevecca and of the reason of his leaving it; the same in effect but far more full than that which he gave me himself. I hope to glean up many more circumstances of his life from a few of his surviving friends, particularly Mr. Ireland, if he is as willing as he is able to inform me. Your caution as to the manner of writing is very proper. For no one should write or speak of him in any other spirit than he wrote and spoke. - I am, dear Joseph, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mary Cooke [13] LONDON, October 30, 1785.

This morning a friend sent me the Gentleman's Magazine for last May, wherein I find another letter .concerning my eldest brother. I am obliged to Mr. Badcock for the candid manner wherein he writes, and wish to follow his pattern in considering the reasons which he urges in defense of what he wrote before. [See 'Some Remarks on Article X of Mr. Mary's New Review for December 1784' in Works, xiii. 408-11; and heading to letter of June 17, 1724.] 1. Mr. B. says: 'His brother cannot be ignorant that he always bore the character of Jacobite, a title to which I really believe he had no dislike.' Most of those who gave him this title did not distinguish between a Jacobite and a Tory; whereby I mean 'one that believes God, not the people, to be the origin of all civil power.' In this sense he was a Tory; so was my father; so am I. But I am no more a Jacobite than I am a Turk; neither was my brother. I have heard him over and over disclaim that character. 2. 'But his own daughter affirmed it.' Very likely she might; and doubtless she thought him such. Nor is this any wonder, considering how young she was when her father died especially if she did not know the difference between a Tory and a Jacobite; which may likewise have been the case with Mr. Badcock's friends, if not with Mr. Badcock himself. 3. Mr. W. says, 'He never published anything political.' This is strictly true. 'He never wrote, much less published, one line against the King.' He never published one. But I believe he did write those verses entitled 'The Regency,' and therein, 'by obliquely exposing the Regents, exposed the King himself.' In this my brother and I differed in our judgments. I thought exposing the King's Ministers was one way of exposing the King himself. My brother thought otherwise; and therefore without scruple exposed Sir Robert Walpole and all other evil Ministers. Of his writing to Sir Robert I never heard before, and cannot easily believe it now.

1786 JANUARY 2, 1786, To DECEMBER 27, 1787 To Rev. Mr. Root [1] LONDON, January 2, 1786. DEAR SIR, - I am glad you are connected with so good a man as Dr. Stonhouse and that you do not want employment. But I am not at all of your mind that you will be useless therein, although you do not immediately see the fruit of your labor. I could send you a clergyman directly, but I won't, because he is a dead man. But I have another in my eye whom I will send to immediately to know if he is willing to accept the offer. [Peard Dickinson.] If I can get time in going to or returning from Bristol, I will call upon you at Cheverell. Peace be with your spirits! - I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To the Rev, Mr. Root, At Great Cheverell, Near the Devizes. To Joshua Keighley [2] LONDON, January 8, 1786. MY DEAR BROTHER, - Poor James seems to have lost al] conscience. You may speak of him in the congregation pro. vided you do not name his name. But I think he will soon have spent his fire. Go you calmly and steadily on your way. Brother Hoskins is a good man and not a bad preacher. He may change with Brother Warrener for a month or two. - I am, dear Joshua, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mr. Keighley, At the Preaching-house, In Carmarthen. To Mrs. Fletcher [3] LONDON, January 13, 1786. MY DEAR SISTER, - When I receive letters from other persons, I let them lie perhaps a week or two before I answer them; but it is otherwise when I hear from you. I then think much of losing a day, for fear I should give a moment's pain to one of the most faithful friends I have in the world. The circumstance you add respecting the behavior of those Custom House officers is very well worth relating. Oh, what pity that it was not then made known to their superiors, that those inhospitable wretches might have been prevented from misusing other strangers! I think your advice is exactly right. With the materials I have already, or can procure in England, I will write and publish as soon as I conveniently can. - I am, my very dear sister, Your ever affectionate brother.

To-morrow we are to set out for Holland. I hope to return before the end of this month; and am, my dear sister, Your affectionate brother. To Samuel Bradburn [4] HARWICH, August 8, 1786. DEAR SAMMY, - I beg there may be no preaching at Deptford in church hours before my return. What need of any innovation there The case does not fall under any of those four that were allowed at the Conference. And pray give an hint to Benj. Rhodes. I do not take it kindly that he should run his head against me. I fear he has underhand abetted the malcontents there. If he loves me, he should bid them 'know when they are well.' We expect to sail in a few hours. [See letter of July 7.] - I am, with kind love to Sophy, dear Sammy, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Dr. Coke [5] LONDON, September 6, 1786. DEAR SIR, - I desire that you would appoint a General Conference of all our Preachers in the United States, to meet at Baltimore on May the 1st, 1787. And that Mr. Richard Whatcoat may be appointed Superintendent with Mr. Francis Asbury. To Mrs. Fletcher [6] LONDON, September 6, 1786. MY VERY DEAR SISTER AND FRIEND, - Excuse me if write just as I feel. I have not of a long season felt so tender an affection for you as I have done in reading your last. If love you much for the care you have taken of my dear Miss Ritchie. If she is worse, send me word to Bristol, where I hope to be on Monday. I would travel day and night to see her before she is called home. But as God has already heard the prayer, I trust He will permit her to stay a little longer with us. If the vomiting returns, apply half a slit onion warmed to the pit of her stomach. The children of traveling preachers only are sent to Kingswood School. David Evans has had uncommon help. I gave him five-and-twenty pounds at once. Peace be with your spirit! - I am, my dear Sister, Yours most affectionately. Tuesday afternoon. I have just received your last, and am glad to hear that my dear sister Ritchie is not worse. My dear friend, Adieu. To Mary Cooke [7] BATH, September 9, 1786.

It is a great point gained if Mr. Coilis is diligent in attending his lectures. If he has likewise resolution to refrain from gay company, there is reason to hope that he will be a valuable man. [See letter of May 30, 1787. This was apparently his stepson, though his wife's first husband was a Mr. Mackrill. See also Methodist Magazine, 1930, p. 43.] You cannot have a better adviser than Mr. Pawson. [Yewdull was at Betwick, John Pawson at Edinburgh.] Take care to husband your time. Peace be with you and yours! - I am Your affectionate brother. To Thomas Hall [24] LONDON, Dec,mber 22, 1785. This is to certify whom it may concern that I give my full and free consent to the sale of our old preaching-house in Bury, Lancashire. Witness my hand, Mr. Thomas Hall, junr., Bury, Lancashire. Pray deliver this with speed. To John Valton LONDON, December 22, 1786. MY DEAR BROTHER, - When I was quite worn down, it pleased God to make my marriage a means of restoring my health and strength. I trust yours will have the same effect upon you; though not by natural but divine efficacy. But this cannot be, unless you intermit preaching. I therefore positively require you, for a month from the date of this, not to preach more than twice in a week; and if you preach less, I will not blame you. But you should at all hazards ride an hour every day, only wrapping yourself up very close. Take care not to lodge in too close a room and not to draw your curtains. For Medicine I should chiefly recommend stewed prunes, and either beef tea or a small cup of fresh churned buttermilk four times a day. Let my dear friend Sister Valton take note of this. As we are just entering upon the affairs of the poor at London, I want to know what has been done at Bristol. A particular account of the steps which have been taken there may both animate and instruct our friends here. That grace and peace may be multiplied upon you both is the prayer of Your affectionate friend and brother. I will speak to Dr. Whitehead.

You will not take it amiss if I ask you another question. I know that neither your father nor uncle is rich; and in traveling up and down you will want a little money. Are you not sometimes straitened Only let me know, and you shall want nothing that is in the power of, my dear Sally, Yours affectionately. To Charles Atmore BRISTOL, March 13, 1788. DEAR CHARLES, -- My journeys now grow rather too long to be taken in one year. I am strongly importuned to shorten them by not attempting to journey through Scotland any more. But this I cannot comply with; only thus far: I do not purpose visiting the North of Scotland. I must move in a smaller circle. I intend with God's help to visit first Dumfries, then Glasgow and Edinburgh, and from Edinburgh to return into England, where (even if I reach Newcastle by the end of May) I shall have full as much work as I can do before I return to London to prepare for the Conference. You must needs pay a short visit to Ayr. That little Society must not be neglected. But I cannot imagine what can be done to build up the infant Society at Dumfries. If I can find a proper person as I come along, I will bring or send them a preacher. Charles, be zealous! -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To the Rev. Mr. Attoore, In Glasgow. To Samuel Bradburn [7] BRISTOL, March 13, 1788. DEAR SAMMY, -- With regard to my brother, I advise you: (1) Whether he will or no (at least, if not done already), carry Dr. Whitehead [See letter of March 7.] to him. (2) If he cannot go out, and yet must have exercise or die, persuade him to use [the wooden horse [See letters of July 17, 1785, and Aug. 18, 1790.] twice or thrice a day, and procure one for him. (3) I earnestly advise him to be electrified; not shocked, but only filled with electric fire. (4) Inquire if he has made his will, though I think it scarcely possible he should have delayed it. The tunes which Brother Rhodes left with you should be immediately printed in the cheap form. Kind love to Sophy. -- I am, dear Sammy, Your affectionate friend and brother. To his Nephew Charles Wesley BRISTOL, March 16, 1788.

DEAR HENRY, --You send me good news. When these soldiers [See letter of Feb. 19 to him.] are removed, you must take the more pains with them henceforth. It is exceedingly strange that the work of God should not yet decay in Dublin. I have not known before a shower of grace continue so long either in Great Britain or Ireland. And it will continue if the people continue genuine Methodists, and do not grieve the Holy Spirit of God. [See letter of Jan. 18 to him.] An organ! Non defensorbus istis tempus eget. ['The time does not need such defenders.'] This will help them just as old Priara helped Troy. If Mr. and Mrs. Smyth are gone to England, I doubt Bethesda will droop; but Dr. Coke will be saved from some embarrassment, anti will have a smoother path to walk in. [See letter of May 6.] I am, if possible, more fully employed than before since my brother's death. Thus far I am come in my way to North Britain, perhaps for the last time. Lately I have been threatened with blindness [He had a pearl on his eye. See letter of May 28 to Mrs. Rogers.]; but still you and I have two good eyes between us. Let us use them while the day is! -- I am, with tender love to Nancy, dear Henry, Your affectionate friend and brother. My brother fell asleep so quietly that they who sat by him did not know when he died. To Mr. Moore, At the New Room, Dublin. To Peard Dickinson [11] NEAR STOCKPORT, April 8, 1788. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- If Mr. Bradburn's letter of March 29 had been directed to Birmingham, where I then was, I should have taken coach on Sunday the 3oth and been with you on Monday the 3Ist. I shall not be at Manchester till the 10th instead. But all is well; by that mistake I am much further on my journey.

'Tis pity but the remains of my brother had been deposited with me. Certainly that ground is holy as any in England, and it contains a large quantity of 'bonny dust.' We have all need to stir ourselves up before the Lord and to improve by this providence; and you may improve it much in speaking to the people, as I have done several times. Betsy must accept of my friendship instead of my brother's. -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. A Printed Notice. MANCHESTER, April 12, 1788. Great are the advantages we have reaped for many years from the continual change of preachers, but this cannot subsist any longer than the places of all the preachers are appointed by one man or body of men. Therefore wherever Trustees are to place and displace the preachers this change, which we call Itinerancy, is at an end. It is for your sakes, not my own, that I wish this may continue, and the appointment of preachers, which now lies upon me, be afterwards executed by the Conference, not the Trustees of any of the Houses. Is it possible that Itinerancy should be continued by any other means This is all the contest, at present, between me and our brethren at Dewsbury. To Mrs. Charles Wesley MANCHESTER, April 12, 1788. DEAR SISTER, The account which Mr. Bradburn gave me of my brother's removal was very short and unsatisfactory. But the account which Sally has given me is just as it should be -- particular and circumstantial. I doubt not but the few solemn words that he spoke before he went hence will not soon be forgotten, but will prove a lasting blessing to all that heard them. [See next letter. Ten days before he died he took Samuel's hand, 'and pronounced with a voice of faith, "I shall bless God to all eternity that ever you were born. I am persuaded I shall!"'] If I may take upon me to give you a little piece of advice, it is, -- To keep little company; you have an handsome occasion of contracting your acquaintance, [See letter of April 21 to her.] and retaining only a small select number, such as you can do good to or receive good from. -- I am, my dear Sister, Your ever affectionate friend and brother. To his Niece Sarah Wesley [12] MANCHESTER, April 12, 1788.

DEAR SIR, -- I came hither this morning. There is a fair opening at Dumfries and a prospect of much good. I like your proposal concerning Joseph Cownley, and will talk with him about it if I live to see Newcastle. As I said before, so I say still, I cannot, I dare not, leave the Church, for the reasons we all agreed to thirty years ago in the conference at Leeds. Thus far only I could go. On condition that our people would receive the Lord's supper once a month either at St. Patrick's or their own parish church (the reasonableness of which should be strongly and largely explained), -- on this condition I would allow Henry Moore to read the morning service at Whitefriar's on the other Sundays. I wonder at the imprudence of Mr. Edward Smyth to say nothing of his unkindness. You did well in changing the stewards at Waterford. -- I am, dear sir, Yours most affectionately. To Henry Moore GLASGOW, May 16, 1788. DEAR HENRY, -- I allow two points: (1) that while Dr. Coke is in Dublin he may have service at eleven on Sunday as before; (2) that, on condition that our brethren will attend St. Patrick's one Sunday in four, you may read prayers the other three in the room. [] When Dr. Coke returns from Dublin, he should immediately send me word who is proper to succeed you there. I shall be glad, if I can contrive it, to have Nancy and you at Bristol next year. It is not unlikely I may finish my course there; and if so, I should love to have her to close my eyes. My brother said I should 'follow him within the year.' But, be that as it may, by God's help I will live to-day. Love to Nancy. -- I am, dear Henry, Ever yours. See previous letter and that of May 20 (to William Whitestone). To Mrs. Cock (Jane Bisson) EDINBURGH, May 20, 1788.

I have sometimes thought you are a little like me. My wife used to tell me, 'My dear, you are too generous. You don't know the value of money.' I could not wholly deny the charge. Possibly you may sometimes lean to the same extreme. I know, you are of a generous spirit. You have an open heart and an open hand. But may it not sometimes be too open, more so than your circumstances will allow. Is it not an instance of Christian (as well as worldly) prudence, 'To cut our coat according to our cloth' If your circumstances are a little narrower, should you not contract your expenses too I need but just give you this hint, which I doubt not you will take kindly from, my dear Sally, Your affectionate friend and brother. To John Crook [5] LONDON, July 27, 1788. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- Is it not enough that I am alive to-day Let God take thought for what is to come. Ten pounds will be allowed for Brother Barrowclough and you; six for you, and four for him. You did well in sending the collections to the Conference according to our rules. You see you are no loser by it. If my life is prolonged, I shall probably set out for Ireland at the usual time--namely, the latter end of March. But how much grace may we receive and how much good may we do before that time! -- I am, with kind love to Sister Crook, Your affectionate friend and brother. To the Trustees of Dewsbury [6] LONDON, July 30, 1788. MY DEAR BRETHREN, -- The question between us is, 'By whom shall the preachers sent from time to time to Dewsbury be judged' You say, 'By the trustees.' I say, 'By their peers -- the preachers met in Conference.' You say, 'Give up this, and we will receive them.' I say, 'I cannot, I dare not, give up this.' Therefore, if you will not receive them on these terms, you renounce connection with Your affectionate brother. To Sarah Mallet LONDON, August 2, 1788.

I have a work in hand that will give you pleasure: I have begun to write my brother's Life. [This work he never accomplished. He died before he had made much progress in collecting material. See Jackson's Charles Wesley, ii. 454; and letter of Sept. 26.] Now, in this you may assist me much. You knew as much of him as most people; and you have the pen of a ready witness. Set down everything you can recollect concerning him. I think between us we shall be able to make something out. You may set down everything you can think of; I can select such a portion as is most proper. You have now leisure for it and for doing good to any whom Providence delivers into your hands. Peace be with your spirit! -- I am, my dear Sally, Yours in tender affection. To Elizabeth Baker BRISTOL, September 16, 1788.

DEAR SISTER, -- As John Atlay has deserted me and George Whitfield is but just come into his place, I do not yet know anything of my own circumstances. But I hope to be in town on Monday; and, either for the sake of you or my dear Sally, I shall certainly do anything that is in the power of, dear sister, Your affectionate friend and brother. To John Atlay [17] BRISTOL, September 24, 1788. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- From the time that you gave me warning of quitting my service and informed me you was determined to stay no longer with me (unless upon impossible conditions) than the 25th instant, I resolved to say nothing more or less about it, but to let the matter go as it would go. Whether you made a wise choice in preferring your present to your former station we shall see, if you and I should live two or three years longer. Meantime I am as ever Your affectionate brother. PS. -- I say nothing about you to the people of Bristol. To his Niece Sarah Wesley BRISTOL, September 26, 1788. DEAR SALLY, -- The reading of those poisonous writers the Mystics confounded the intellects of both my brother and Mr. Fletcher and made them afraid of (what ought to have been their glory) the letting their light shine before men. Therefore I do not wonder that he was so unwilling to speak of himself, and consequently that you knew so little about him. [See letter of Sept. 8.] The same wrong humility continually inculcated by those writers would induce him to discontinue the writing his Journal. When I see those detached papers you speak of, I shall easily judge whether any of them are proper to be published. On Monday I expect to be in town; but I shall leave it again on Wednesday and set out for Norfolk and Suffolk. Afterward I shall visit {if God permit) the other northern circuits till the end of October. Then I visit the classes the first two weeks in November. So that I shall not reach Canterbury before November 24. But do not you want money [See letter of Sept. 22.] You can speak freely to, my dear Sally, Yours most affectionately. To Walter Churchey BRISTOL, September 27, 1788.

It is very remarkable that, as Brother Peacock has been growing in grace for some years, so God has been increasing his gifts and has been giving him more and more favor among the people to whom he was sent. I know no reason why he may not spend another year at Leeds. I have had more pain (chiefly rheumatical) within these few months than I had for forty years before, and in September my strength swiftly decayed. But it has pleased God now to restore it, and I am nearly as I was twenty years ago. Probably, if I live, I shall see you at Leeds in summer. Peace be with all your spirits! -- I am, my dear sister, Your ever affectionate brother. To Joseph Taylor LONDON, November 16, 1788. DEAR JOSEPH, -- I take knowledge of your spirit, and believe it is your desire to do all things right. Our friends at Newark should not have forgotten that we have determined over and over 'not to leave the Church.' Before they had given you that foolish advice they should have consulted me. I desire you would not wear the surplice nor administer the Lord's supper any more. [Taylor had been ordained for Scotland. See letters of Nov. 11 1786, and Feb. 11 1789, to him.] -- I am, dear Joseph, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Edward Coates LONDON, December 1788. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I have all my life been a lover of peace, and am not less so now than I was fifty years ago. Therefore, as to warm words spoken to you or any other, let them pass; they are not worth rehearsing. There is only one charge which is of consequence, that you will not settle the house on the Methodist plan. This is exactly the case of the Dewsbury house; and if you persist in the resolution, you will constrain us to proceed in the same manner. [See letters of November 1788 to William Smith, and April 11, 1789, to Peter Mill.] -- I am Your affectionate brother. To Henry Moore CHATHAM, December 2, 1788.

It has seemed good to our Lord for many years to lead you in a rough and thorny way. But still His hand has held you up, and His care. Therefore you have no need to take [thought] for to-morrow, but trust in Him to-day. But how does poor Neddy Bolton go on Does he go forward or backward Has he an hard bargain still Or is he likely to keep his head above water [See letter of Jan. 5, 1783.] He has need of patience as well as you; and when you have been tried you shall both come forth as gold. The young woman who has foretold that I should follow my brother before the end of March added that I should be incapable of preaching for two months before my death. But if so, how shall we reconcile one part of the prophecy with the other For at present I am as capable of preaching as ever I was in my life. But be that as it may, while we live let us live to Him that died for us. -- I am, my dear Nancy, Affectionately yours. On Wednesday, March 4, I expect to be at Bristol; and on Monday, March T7, at Stroud. To Sarah Mallet [9] LONDON, February 21, 1789. MY DEAR SISTER, -- As your speaking at Mr. Hunt's was not a premeditated thing, I see no harm in it, and indeed you was so hedged in by a concurrence of circumstances that I do not know how you could well avoid it. Perhaps there was some end of Divine Providence (not known to us) to be answered thereby. Therefore I am not at all sorry that it so fell out. But you must expect to be censured for it. But I was a little surprised a while ago when one speaking of you said, 'Sally Mallet is not so serious as Betty Reeve.' I thought Sally Mallet was as serious as any young woman in Norfolk. Be wary in all your actions, and you will never [want] any assistance which is in the power of, my dear Sally, Yours affectionately. To John Stretton [10] LONDON, February 27, 1789.

At present I have nothing to do with Dr. Coke; but I answer for myself. I do not separate from the Church, nor have any intention so to do. Neither do they that meet on Sunday noon separate from the Church any more than they did before; nay less, for they attend the church and sacrament oftener now than they did two years ago. 'But this occasions much strife.' True; but they make the strife who do not attend the service. Let them quietly either come or stay away, and there will be no strife at all. 'But those that attend say those that do not are fallen from grace.' No, they do not give them a bad word; but they surely will fall from grace if they do not let them alone that follow their own consciences. But you 'fear this will make way for a total separation from the Church.' You have no ground for this fear. There can be no such separation while I live. Leave to God what may come after. But, to speak plainly, do not you separate from the Church Yea, much more than those you blame Pray, how often have you been at church since Christmas twelve times in twelve weeks And how long have you been so fond of the Church Are you fond of it at all Do not you go oftener to a Dissenting meeting than either to St. Patrick's or your parish church My dear brethren, you and I have but a short time to stay together. My race of glory's run, and race of shame; And I shall shortly be with those that rest. [Milton, Samson Agonistes, ll. 597-8.]

MY DEAR BROTHER, -- As soon as ever Sister Dickinson is able to go abroad let her enter upon her labor of love. In things of this kind particularly delays are dangerous. Every good purpose will cool and die away if it is not as soon as possible put in execution. Only let us not undertake too much at a time. Generally one visit will be enough for one day, and that should not last above half an hour, or an hour at farthest. I wrote a few days since to Mr. Hanby concerning his baptizing and administering the Lord's supper wherever he goes. He answers me, 'He intends to do still, for he believes it to be his duty.' I wish Brother Creighton and Moore and Rankin and you would spend an hour together, as it is a point of the utmost importance, and consider what steps are to be taken in this matter. Can this be connived at If so, I fear it is a blow at the very root of Methodism. And if not, you see the consequence: he will join John Atlay. Consider likewise another point: ought we to suffer Dr. Coke to pick out one after another the choicest of our young preachers [Evidently for his missionary work.] Peace be with your spirits! -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To Lancelot Harrison [17] DUBLIN, April 11, 1789. MY DEAR BROTHER, -- A letter which I received two or three days ago from George Whitfield [His Book Steward.] informs me that I outran my income so far last year as to be now above two hundred pounds in debt. I have therefore promised him not to draw upon him any more before the end of next month. But do you not remember the rule in the Minutes of Conference that we are not to begin the building of any preaching-house before two-thirds of the money is subscribed This rule we may not dispense with. And I am afraid this is not the case with regard to the house you are speaking of at Lincoln. I doubt, therefore, whether the time be come for your building there. But you have cause to rejoice that the work of God prospers there, as well as at poor Blighton. -- I am, etc. To Alexander Knox [18] DUBLIN, April 11, 1789.

MY DEAR BROTHER, -- I am glad to hear that there is so fine a prospect at Dalkeith. So is generally the way of our Lord, to try us first, and then to comfort. It is pity but James Ridall [See letter of Dec. 17, 1787.] had thoroughly settled his affairs before he attempted to travel. If that had been done, there is no doubt but he would have been useful wheresoever he went. I wish, however, Brother Dall may make a good conclusion with regard to the chapel at Dumfries. [See letter of Jan. 28.] Peace be with you and yours! -- I am, dear Zachary, Your affectionate brother. To Mrs. Armstrong [20] TULLAMORE, April 22, 1789. MY DEAR SISTER, -- You told me 'I forgot you once in not answering your letter'; but if I did, I shall not be in much danger of forgetting you again. I love you too well to forget you, and the more because I find you still looking upward and endeavoring to secure a better portion than this short-enduring world can give. I am glad you are in Athlone at this season, because peacemakers are wanted there, and I know you love making peace. I hope you will comfort your sister Rutledge. She has been sadly distressed; and a word spoken in season, how good it is I I think you will lose no opportunity of doing good to her or to any one. That you and yours may be a pattern to all is the sincere wish of, my dear sister, Yours affectionately. To Mrs. James Armstrong, Athlone. To Arthur Keene [21] PORTARLINGTON, April 23, 1789. MY DEAR ARTHUR, -- I will not, I dare not draw the saw of controversy any longer; especially with James Deaves, [See letters of Aug. 2, 1788 (to Mrs. Ward), and May 20.] who will dispute through a stone wall.

My DEAR BROTHER, -- I am afraid Henry Floyd's estate is unsaleable, unless he can find the writing, for I cannot. I shall not be in London before October at soonest; but if Henry Moore will revise the copy, [Moore was at City Road, near to the printer of Churchey's Poems. See letters of March 3 and May 25 to him.] he will do almost as well as me. I hope the beginning of the work is in the press, else the book will not be printed off before Michaelmas. I wonder you do not understand mankind better, especially those wretches the great vulgar. If two in three of your subscribers stand to their word, it will be strange indeed. It was a deadly step not to secure half the money at the time of subscription. I receive the whole. I have now about sixty guineas, and hope to receive as many more. But where have you lived that you have found so many generous men It is strange that you should know more of them than I do. I am utterly against printing above five hundred copies. [Wesley's prudence and business sagacity contrast favorably with the lawyer's. See letters of Jan. 27 and May 25 to him.] If you and I between us can procure four hundred subscriptions, it is all we can expect. -- I am, in haste, Your affectionate brother. To Mr. Churchey, Near the Hoy, Brecon. To Samual Bradburn BRISTOL, May 6, 1789.

As Mr. L----- was at [Temple Church] too distant for me to see his behavior, I am in hopes there was a mistake, and that the case was really such as he describes it. The rather because I do not remember there was anything tending to move laughter either in the subject or the sermon. Mr. Henderson [Richard Henderson, of Hunham. See letter of Sept. 9, 1765.] has been ill for a long time and is far from well now. I saw him yesterday and he seems to have himself small hopes of recovery. I should be glad [to meet] any of the Miss Mores [Hannah More and her sisters, who were her friends. Charles Wesley and Wilberforce first met at Miss More's. See Telford's C. Wsslay, pp. 266, 280.]; but I doubt my conversation would not suit them, I have little relish for anything which does not [concern] the upper world. Peace be with all your spirits! -- I am, my dear Sally, Your ever affectionate Uncle. To Miss Wesley, In Chesterfield Street, Marybone, London. To William Wilberforce [4] BRISTOL, July 1790. Last month a few people met together in Lincolnshire to pray and praise God in a friend's house. There was no preaching at all. Two neighboring Justices fined the man of the house twenty pounds. I suppose he was not worth twenty shillings. Upon this his household goods were distrained and sold to pay the fine. He appealed to the Quarter Sessions; but all the Justices averred the Methodists could have no relief from the Act of Toleration because they went to church, and that so long as they did so the Conventicle Act should be executed upon them. Last Sunday, when one of our preachers was beginning to speak to a quiet congregation, a neighboring Justice sent a constable to seize him, though he was licensed, and would not release him till he had paid twenty pounds, telling him his license was good for nothing because he was a Churchman.

DEAR SALLY, -- I am glad you are situated so comfortably. Mrs. Whitcomb does really fear God, and I hope before you leave her house will know what it is to love Him. Providence has not sent you to spend a little time in Margate merely on your own account. [See previous letter.] Before you leave it she with several others shall have reason to praise God that you came. See that you lose no time. A word spoken in season, how good is it! Warn every one and exhort every one, if by any means you may save some. 'In the morning sow thy seed, and in the evening withhold not thy hand; for thou knowest not which shall prosper.' Say not, 'I can do nothing, I am slow of speech.' True; but who made the tongue You have seen Sister Boon, a loving, simple-hearted woman. [Wife of Charles Boon, now at Canterbury. She was probably living at Chatham. See letter of Aug. 15.] Be a follower of her, as she is of Christ. Why should you not meet in her class I think you will not be ashamed. Is it not a good opportunity of coming a little nearer to them that love you well Let me have the comfort of one relation at least that will be an assistant to me in the blessed work of God. I must visit other places before I come into Kent, as well as visit the classes in London; so that I cannot be at Margate till the latter end of next month. If you stay there till then, you will see me, otherwise probably in London. Everywhere you will be welcome to, my dear Sally, Your affectionate Uncle. To Joseph Sutcliffe [10] COLCHESTER, October 12, 1790.

MY DEAR BROTHER, -- You have great reason to praise God for the late glorious work at and near Newry. And I make no doubt but it will continue, yea and increase, if the subjects of it continue to walk humbly and closely with God. Exhort all our brethren steadily to wait upon God in the appointed means of prayer and fasting. The latter of which has been almost. universally neglected by the Methodists both in England and Ireland. But it is a true remark of Kempis, 'The more thou deniest thyself, the more thou wilt grow in grace.' -- I am Your affectionate friend and brother. To Thomas Roberts LONDON, October 23, 1790. DEAR TOMMY, -- 'Tis well if you do not bring upon yourself more trouble than you are aware of by going out of the circuit before all things are thoroughly settled therein. However let it be so, if you can provide tolerably well for it in your absence. You have great [need] to make haste back; for a circuit does ill without its assistant. [Wesley had sent him to Carmarthen, though he was stationed at Bristol. See letters of Aug. 13, 1790, and Feb. 8, 1791.] -- I am, dear Tommy, Your affectionate friend and brother. To Mr. Roberts, At the Preaching-house belonging To the Rev. Mr. Wesley in Carmarthen. To his Niece Sarah Wesley HINXWORTH, October 27, 1790. MY DEAR SALLY, -- I am glad you have found benefit at Margate; and am persuaded the sea and the journey together will help you, not only as to your particular complaint but as to your health in general. On Saturday I am to return to London, and to remain a fortnight before I begin my next journey. So you should contrive to be with us when you can. You know you are always welcome. I [stay] here to write two or three lines before I set out for Bedford, [He left Hinxworth at twelve that morning for Bedford.] lest you should fear your letter had miscarried. -- Dear Sally, adieu! To Adam Clarke BEDFORD, October 28, 1790.

MY DEAR SISTER, -- As I do not have much money before-hand, I have not at present an hundred pounds in possession. [See letter of Dec. 21, 1788.] But I have desired Mr. Whitfield to gather up so much as soon as possible. I hope he will be able to do it in a week or two; and then you will be welcome to that or any other help that is in the power of Your affectionate brother. To Mrs. Wesley, In Chesterfield Street, Marybone.

In treating of which, you strongly intimate, -First, that such gifts did never subsist; and, Secondly, that the Apostles were equally wise and good with the “wonder workers” (your favourite term) that followed them. When therefore you add, “My opinion is this, that, after our Lord’s ascension, the extraordinary gifts he had promised were poured out on the Apostles, and the other primary instruments of planting the gospel, in order to enable them to overrule the inveterate prejudices both of the Jews and Gentiles, and to bear up against the discouraging shocks of popular rage and persecution;” (page 28;) I look upon all this to be mere grimace. You believe not one word of what you say. You cannot possibly, if you believe what you said before. For who can believe both the sides of a contradiction? 10. However, I will suppose you do believe it, and will argue with you from your own words. But first let us have a few more of them: “In process of time, as miraculous powers began to be less and less wanted, so they began gradually to decline, till they were finally withdrawn.” (Page 29.) “And this may probably be thought to have happened while some of the Apostles were still living.” These were given, you say, to the first planters of the * Non omnibus omnia-ita tamen cuilibet credenti tune data sit admirabilis Jacultas, quae se, non semper Quidem, sed dalá occasione explicaret.-GROTI Us in Marcum xvi. 17. 6 LETTER. To gospel, “in order to enable them to overrule the inveterate prejudices both of Jews and Gentiles, and to bear up against the shocks of persecution.” Thus far we are agreed. They were given for these ends. But if you allow this, you cannot suppose, consistently with yourself, that they were withdrawn till these ends were fully answered. So long, therefore, as those prejudices subsisted, and Christians were exposed to the shocks of persecution, you cannot deny but there was the same occasion for those powers to be continued, as there was for their being given at first. And this, you say, is “a postulatum which all people will grant, that they continued as long as they were necessary to the Church.” (Page 11.) 11. Now, did those prejudices cease, or was persecution at an end, while some of the Apostles were still living? You have yourself abundantly shown they did not.

4. Yet you courteously add: “If from the passages referred to above, or any other, it should appear probable to any, that they were favoured on some occasions with some extraordinary illuminations, visions, or divine impressions, I shall not dispute that point; but remind them only, that these gifts were granted for their particular comfort; and do not therefore, in any manner, affect or relate to the question now before us.” (Page 10.) I ask pardon, Sir. These do so deeply affect, so nearly relate to, the question now before us, even as stated by your self, (Preface, page 28,) that in allowing these you give up the substance of the question. You yourself have declared, that one great end of the extraordinary gifts conferred on the Apostles was, “to enable them to bear up against the shocks of popular rage and persecution.” Now were not “extra ordinary illuminations, visions, and impressions,” if given at all, given for this very end; “for their particular comfort,” as you now word it? Therefore, in allowing these to the apostolic Fathers, you allow extraordinary gifts which had been formerly granted to the Apostles, to have subsisted in the church after the days of the Apostles, and for the same end as they did before. 5. Therefore the apostolic writers have not left us in the dark, with regard to our present argument; and consequently your triumph comes too soon: “Here then we have an interval of half a century, in which we have the strongest reason to pre sume that the extraordinary gifts of the apostolic age were withdrawn.” (Page 9.) No; not if all the apostolic Fathers speak of spiritual gifts as abounding among the Christians of that age; not if “extraordinary illuminations, visions, and divine impressions still subsisted among them.” For as to your now putting in, “as exerted openly in the Church for the con viction of unbelievers,” I must desire you to put it out again; it comes a great deal too late. The question between you and me was stated without it, above a hundred pages back. Although, if it be admitted, it will do you no service; seeing your proposition is overthrown, if there were “miraculous gifts after the days of the Apostles,” whether they were “openly exerted for the conviction of unbelievers” or not. 6.

And this, it seems, is “all you have been able to draw from any of the primitive writers, concerning the persons who were endued with the extraordinary gifts of the Holy Ghost!” (Page 21.) Permit me, Sir, to apply to you what was spoken on another occasion: “Sir, the well is deep, and thou hast nothing to draw with ; ” neither sufficient skill, nor industry and appli cation. Besides, you are resolved to draw out of the well what was never in it, and must, of course, lose all your labour. III. 1. You are, “Thirdly, to show the particular characters and opinions of those Fathers who attest these gifts.” Suffer me to remind you that you mentioned nine of these, Justin, Irenaeus, Theophilus, Tertullian, Minutius Felix, Origen, Cyprian, Arnobius, and Lactantius. You are there fore now to show what were “the particular characters and opinions of these Fathers.” Indeed, I should think their opinions had small relation to the question. But, since you think otherwise, I am prepared to hear you. You premise, “that an unexceptionable witness must have ’’ (page 26) both judgment and honesty; and then, passing over the apostolic Fathers, as supposing them on your side, endeavour to show that these other Fathers had neither. 2. You begin with Justin Martyr, who, you say, “frequently affirms, that the miraculous gift of expounding the Holy Scriptures, or the mysteries of God, was granted to himself, by the special grace of God.” (Page 27.) Upon which I observe, (1.) It has not yet been agreed among learned men, that declaring “the mysteries of God” is the same thing with “expounding the Holy Scriptures.” (2.) It is not clear that Justin does affirm his being endued either with one or the other; at least, not from the passages which you cite. The first, literally translated, runs thus: “He hath revealed to us what soever things we have understood by his grace from the Scrip tures also.” * The other: “I have not any such power; but * Arekawyev sv muw wavla oaa kal aro row opaqwy Bia rms xapdos avra wevonkauev.-Dial. par. 2. 30 LETTER. To God has given me the grace to understand his Scriptures.” Now, Sir, by which of these does it appear that Justin affirms he had the miraculous gift of expounding the Scriptures? 3.

xiv. 12.) If there be no comparison betwixt the reward and our sufferings for it, then no one has merit to transfer to another; and if every man must give an account of himself, then no man can be saved by the merits of another. But suppose there is a superabundance of satisfactions in the saints; yet what need “Hail Mary ! full of grace : The Lord be with thee, thy grace with me ! Blessed be thou among women; and blessed be St. Ann thy mother, from whom, O Virgin Mary, thou hast proceeded without sin and spot; but of thee hath Jesus Christ been born, the Son of the living God. Amen.” Thesaur. War. Exercit. in Grat. Sodal. B. V. M. Bruxel. Edit. 2 An. 1658, p. 287. * “That supererogation is necessary to indulgence, no one can deny,” saith Bellarm. de Indulg. l. 1, c. 2, init. + So Pope Clem. VI., Constit. Extrav. in Bellarm. ibid. sec. ult, is there of them, when there is such an infinite value in the sufferings of Christ, who “by one offering hath for ever perfected them that are sanctified;” (Heb. x. 14;) or who gave the Church the power so to apply them? Q. 20. Whither do the souls of those go that die in a state of grace, but are not sufficiently purged from their sins, or have not had a plenary indulgence for the remission of them? A. Such go to purgatory, a place of torment in the other world, near to hell, (Bellarm. de Purg., l. 2, c. 6, sec. Quinta est,) where they are to continue till they have made full satisfaction for their sins, and are throughly purged and prepared for heaven, whereinto no unclean thing can enter. (Catech. Rom., par. 1, c. 6, n. 3.) Q. 21. How come those persons to be punished in the other world, who depart in a state of grace out of this ? A. Because they have not here fulfilled the penance imposed upon them, or due from them to God. (Bellarm. de Indulg, l. 1, c. 6, 7.) See Quest. 19. REPLY. That those that die in a state of grace are yet in a state of torment, and are to be purged in the other world, is contrary to Scripture and antiquity.

22, c. 5;) or, as others, were instituted by the Holy Ghost; (Bellar minus, cap. de Sacr. Mis. ;) and that they serve for the majesty of that sacrifice, and to raise the mind to the contemplation of the divine things concealed in it; so none of them are superfluous and vain. (Catech., par. 2, c. 4, n.81.) But how shall we reconcile this to the numerous crossings and sprinklings, used in the celebration of the mass? For example: When the Priest is clothed with the garments rehearsed before, he comes to the altar; and, standing on the lowest step, just against the middle of it, he makes a profound reverence to the altar and crucifix. Then he ascends, and, having placed the books, &c., in order, he descends to the lowest step, and, turning himself to it, with his hands joined before his breast, and making a reverence to the altar or crucifix, he begins the mass, standing upright, and drawing with his right hand (his left hand laid on his breast) the sign of the cross from his forehead to his breast. Then he joins his hands before his breast; the Minister standing on his left hand behind him, bowing, saith, Ad Deum, &c. Then the Priest, with the Minister, say the psalm, Judica me, with Gloria Patri, at which he is to bow his head to the cross. Then he repeats the Introibo, making with his right hand the sign of the cross from the forehead to the breast. Then he bows his head and body to the altar, and there he stands bowing till the Minister saith, Misereatur. When he saith, Mea culpa, he smites thrice upon his breast with the right hand; and thus the Missal proceeds in its ceremonies in all the remaining parts of the service. Q. 75. WHAT is the matter and form of the sacrament of penance? A. The matter is contrition, confession, and satisfaction. The form is, “I absolve.” (Catech. Rom., par. 2, c. 5, n. 14, 15.) REPLY. We are told, that the matter of a sacrament is somewhat sensible; (Catech. Rom., par. 2, c. 1, n. 11;) then how is penance a sacrament, which has no such matter? For where is the matter that is sensible in contrition? The Council, to avoid this, call it, Quasi materia,--“A matter after a sort.” (Concil. Trid, Sess. 14, can. 3.) Q.

Mr. W.'s Letters in Defence of the Protestant Associations in England; to which are prefixed Mr. Wesley's Letters.” Is it by negligence or by design, that there are so many mistakes even in a title page? 1. “To which are prefixed Mr. W.'s Letters.” No : the second of those Letters is not mine. I never saw it before. 2. But where are the two Letters published in the Freeman's Journal P Why is a spurious Letter palmed upon us, and the genuine one suppressed ? 3. “Letters in Defence of the Protestant Associations in England.” Hold ! In my first Letter I have only three lines in defence of a Tract published in London. But I have not one line “in Defence of the Associations,” either in London or elsewhere. If Mr. O'Leary will seriously answer the two following Letters, he may expect a serious reply. But if he has only drollery and low wit to oppose to argument, I shall concern myself no further about him. Lon Don, Dec. 29, 1780. 1. MR. O'LEARY does well to entitle his Paper “Remarks,” as that word may mean anything or nothing; but it is no more an answer to my Letter, than to the Bull Unigenitus. He likewise does wisely in prefacing his “Remarks” with so FIRST LETTER TO THE FREEMAN's Journal. 163 handsome a compliment: This may naturally incline you to think well of his judgment, which is no small point gained. 2. His manner of writing is easy and pleasant; but might it not as well be more serious? The subject we are treating of is not a light one: It moves me to tears rather than to laughter. I plead for the safety of my country; yea, for the children that are yet unborn. “But cannot your country be safe, unless the Roman Catholics are persecuted for their religion?” Hold! Religion is out of the question: But I would not have them persecuted at all; I would only have them hindered from doing hurt. I would not put it in their power (and I do not wish that others should) to cut the throats of their quiet neighbours.

But more of this by and by. “He gave notice that he would stand his trial; but he attempted to escape.” No, never; this is pure invention. “He is arrested at Constance,”--whence he never attempted to escape, -“and confined. His friends plead his safe-conduct. The Council then declared, “No safe-conduct granted by THE FREEMAN's Journal. 169 the Emperor or any other Princes, to heretics, ought to hinder them from being punished as justice shall require. And the person who has promised them security shall not be obliged to keep his promise, by whatever tie he may be engaged.’” And did the Council of Constance declare this? “Yes,” says Mr. O’Leary. I desire no more. But, before I argue upon the point, permit me to give a little fuller account of the whole affair:-- The Council of Constance was called by the Emperor Sigismund and Pope John XXIII., in the year 1414. Before it began, the Emperor sent some Bohemian gentle men to conduct John Huss to Constance, solemnly promising that he should “come and return freely, without fraud or interruption.” But before he left Prague, he waited on the Bishop of Nazareth, Papal Inquisitor for that city and diocese, who, in the presence of many witnesses, gave him the following testimonial:-- “We, Nicholas, do by these presents make known to all men, that we have often talked with that honourable man, Master John Huss, and in all his sayings, doings, and behaviour, have proved him to be a faithful man; finding no manner of evil, sinister, or erroneous doings in him, unto this present. PRAGUE, August 30, 1414.” This was attested by the hand and seal of the public notary, named Michael Pruthatietz. After this, Conrade, Archbishop of Prague, declared before all the Barons of Bohemia, that “he knew not that John Huss was culpable or faulty in any crime or offence whatever.” So neither the Inquisitor nor the Archbishop knew anything of “his making Bohemia a theatre of intestine war!” In October he began his journey, accompanied by two noblemen, Wencelat de Duba, and John de Clum. On November 3d, he came to Constance, and was treated with great respect. But not long after, he was suddenly arrested and cast into a noisome prison. Here he quickly fell sick. During his sickness, his accusers exhibited twelve articles against him. But none of them charge him with sedition.

But none of them charge him with sedition. They relate purely to the Church. May 14, 1415. The Nobles of Bohemia complained to the Council, “When Master John Huss came to the Council, under the Emperor's safe-conduct, he was, in violation of the public faith, imprisoned before he was heard.” They add : “And he is now grievously tormented, both with fetters, and with hunger and thirst.” June 8. His accusers brought thirty-nine articles more, and afterward twenty-six others. But both the former and the latter relate wholly to the Church. Seven more were brought next. The First of these is, “If the Pope, Bishop, or Prelate be in deadly sin, he is then no Pope, Bishop, or Prelate.” But this he himself explains in the same tract whence it is taken. “Such, as touching their deserts, are not worthily Popes or Pastors before God; yet, as touching their office, are Popes and Pastors.” After these, six more articles were exhibited; but all relate to the Church, as do nineteen more that followed them. In fine, nineteen others were preferred by the Chancellor and University of Paris. One of these was, “No man being in deadly sin is a true Pope, Prelate, or Lord.” This seems to be the same with the preceding charge; only they have mended it by adding the word Lord. Another was, “Subjects ought publicly to reprove the vices of their rulers.” It does not appear that ever he held this. In the Seventeenth Session, the sentence and condemna tion of John Huss was read and published. The Emperor then commanded the Duke of Bavaria to deliver him to the executioners; for which glorious exploit he was thus addressed by the Bishop of Landy, in the name of the Council: “This most holy and goodly labour was reserved only for thee, O most noble Prince | Upon thee only doth it lie, to whom the whole rule and ministration of justice is given. Wherefore thou hast established thy praise and renown; even by the mouths of babes and sucklings thy praise shall be celebrated for evermore.” From this whole transaction we may observe, 1. That John Huss was guilty of no crime, either in word or action; even his enemies, the Archbishop of Prague, and the Papal Inquisitor, being Judges. 2.

Not only the Apostles, who first preached it, but even the lay-believers were sufficiently instructed in all the articles of faith, and were inspired with the power of working miracles, and the gift of speaking in languages unknown to them before. But when the gospel was spread, and had taken root through the world; when Kings and Princes became Christians, and when temples were built and magnificently adorned for Chris tian worship; then the zeal of some well-disposed Christians brought pictures into the churches, not only as ornaments, but as instructors of the ignorant; and from thence they were called libri laicorum,-“the books of the people.” Thus the walls of the churches were beset with pictures, representing all the particular transactions mentioned. And they who did not understand a letter of a book knew how to give a very good account of the gospel, being taught to understand the 176 oRIGIN or IMAGE-worship AMoNG CHRISTIANs. particular passages of it in the pictures of the church. Thus, as hieroglyphics were the first means of propagating know ledge, before writing by letters and words was invented; so the more ignorant people were taught compendiously by pictures, what, by the scarcity of teachers, they had not an opportunity of being otherwise fully instructed in. But these things, which were at first intended for good, became, by the devil’s subtlety, a snare for the souls of Chris tians. For when Christian Princes, and the rich and great, vied with one another, who should embellish the temples with greatest magnificence, the pictures upon the walls were turned into gaudy images upon the altars; and the people being deceived by the outward appearance of the Priests’ bowing and kneeling, (before those images,) as the different parts of their devotion led them, they imagined that those gestures were designed to do honour to the images, before which they were performed; (which they certainly were not;) and so, from admiring, the people came to adore them. Thus, what were at first designed as monuments of edification, became the instru ments of superstition.

Mark i. 4: “John baptized in the wilderness, and preached the baptism of repentance;” and, verse 5, “They were baptized of him in Jordan, confessing their sins.” Now, either the order of words in Scripture does not always imply the same order of things; or it follows, that John baptized before his hearers either confessed or repented. But, (2.) The words are manifestly mistranslated. For if we read, “Go and teach all nations, baptizing them,--teaching them to observe all things,” it makes plain tautology, vain and senseless repetition. It ought to be translated, (which is the literal meaning of the words,) “Go and make disciples of all nations, by baptizing them.” That infants are capable of being made proselytes or disciples has been already proved; therefore this text, rightly trans lated, is no valid objection against infant baptism. 2. Their next objection is: “The Scripture says, “Repent and be baptized; believe and be baptized. Therefore, repent ance and faith ought to go before baptism. But infants are incapable of these; therefore they are incapable of baptism.” I answer: Repentance and faith were to go before circum cision, as well as before baptism. Therefore, if this argument held, it would prove just as well, that infants were incapable of circumcision. But we know God himself determined the contrary, commanding them to be circumcised at eight days old. Now, if infants were capable of being circumcised, not withstanding that repentance and faith were to go before circumcision in grown persons, they are just as capable of being baptized; notwithstanding that repentance and faith are, in grown persons, to go before baptism. This objection, therefore, is of no force; for it is as strong against circum cision of infants as infant baptism. 3. It is objected, Thirdly, “There is no command for it in Scripture. Now, God was angry with his own people, because they did that which, he said, ‘I commanded them not.’ (Jer. vii. 31.) One plain text would end all the dispute.” I answer, (1.) We have reason to fear it would not: It is as positively commanded in a very plain text of Scripture, that we should “teach and admonish one another with psalms, and hymns, and spiritual songs, singing to the Lord with grace in our hearts,” (Eph. v. 19,) as it is to honour our father and mother: But does this put an end to all dispute?

For there is no peace to the wicked; and such thou art doomed to continue, even from thy mother’s womb. Accordingly, God giveth thee of this world’s goods, on purpose to enhance thy damnation. He giveth thee now substance or friends, in order hereafter to heap the more coals of fire upon thy head. He filleth thee with food, he maketh thee fat and well liking, to make thee a more specious sacrifice to his vengeance. Good nature, generosity, a good under standing, various knowledge, it may be, or eloquence, are the flowers wherewith he adorneth thee, thou poor victim, before thou art brought to the slaughter. Thou hast grace too ! but what grace? Not saving grace. That is not for thee, but for the elect only. Thine may properly be termed, damning grace; since it is not only such in the event, but in the intention. Thou receivedst it of God for that very end, that thou mightest receive the greater damnation. It was given, not to convert thee, but only to convince; not to make thee without sin, but without excuse; not to destroy but to arm the worm that never dieth, and to blow up the fire that never shall be quenched. 44. Now, I beseech you to consider calmly, how is God good or loving to this man? Is not this such love as makes your blood run cold P as causes the ears of him that heareth to tingle 7 And can you believe there is that man on earth or in hell, who can truly tell God, “Thus hast thou done?” Can you think, that the loving, the merciful God, ever dealt thus with any soul which he hath made? But you must and do believe this, if you believe unconditional election. For it holds reprobation in its bosom; they never were, never can be, divided. Take then your choice. If, for the sake of election, you will swallow reprobation, well. But if you cannot digest this, you must necessarily give up unconditional election. 45. “But you cannot do this; for then you should be called a Pelagian, an Arminian, and what not.” And are you afraid of hard names? Then you have not begun to be a disciple of Jesus Christ. “No, that is not the case.

We allow, it is the work of God alone to justify, to sanctify, and to glorify; which three comprehend the whole of salvation. Yet we cannot allow, that man can only resist, and not in any wise “work together with God;” or that God is so the whole worker of our salvation, as to exclude man’s working at all. This I dare not say; for I cannot prove it by Scripture; nay, it is flatly contrary thereto; for the Scripture is express, that (having received power from God) we are to “work out our own salvation;” and that (after the work of God is begun in our souls) we are “workers together with Him.” 48. Your objection, proposed in another form, is this: “It is not so much for the glory of God, to save man as a free agent, put into a capacity of either concurring with, or resisting, his grace; as to save him in the way of a necessary agent, by a power which he cannot possibly resist.” O that the Lord would answer for himself! that he would arise and maintain his own cause ! that he would no longer suffer his servants, few as they are, to weaken one another’s hands, and to be wearied not only with the “contradiction of sinners,” but even of those who are in a measure saved from sin “Woe is me, that I am constrained to dwell with Meshech! among them that are enemies to peace | I labour for peace; but when I speak thereof, they still make themselves ready for battle.” 49. If it must be, then, let us look one another in the face. How is it more for the glory of God to save man irresistibly, than to save him as a free agent, by such grace as he may either concur with or resist? I fear you have a confused, unscriptural notion of “the glory of God.” What do you mean by that expression? The glory of God, strictly speak ing, is his glorious essence and his attributes, which have been ever of old. And this glory admits of no increase, being the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever.

And this glory admits of no increase, being the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever. But the Scripture frequently speaks of the glory of God, in a sense something different from this; meaning thereby, the mani festation of his essential glory, of his eternal power and godhead, and of his glorious attributes, more especially his justice, mercy, and truth. And it is in this sense alone that the glory of God is said to be advanced by man. Now then, this is the point which it lies on you to prove: “That it does more eminently manifest the glorious attributes of God, more especially his justice, mercy, and truth, to save man irresist ibly, than to save him by such grace as it is in his power either to concur with, or to resist.” 50. But you must not imagine I will be so unwise as to engage you here on this single point. I shall not now dispute (which yet might be done) whether salvation by irresistible grace, (which indeed makes man a mere machine, and, conse quently, no more rewardable and punishable,) whether, I say, salvation by irresistible grace, considered apart from its consequences, manifest the glory of God more or less than salvation by grace which may be resisted. Not so; but, by the assistance of God, I shall take your whole scheme toge ther; irresistible grace for the elect, implying the denial of saving grace to all others; or unconditional election with its inseparable companion, unconditional reprobation. The case is clearly this: You may drive me, on the sone hand, unless I will contradict myself, or retract my principles, to own a measure of free-will in every man; (though not by nature, as the Assembly of Divines;) and, on the other hand, I can drive you, and every assertor of unconditional election, unless you will contradict yourself, or retract your principles, to own unconditional reprobation. Stand forth, then, free-will on the one side, and reproba tion on the other; and let us see whether the one scheme, attended with the absurdity, as you think it, of free-will, or the other scheme, attended with the absurdity of reprobation, be the more defensible.

It is nowhere asserted in holy writ; and it would cost you some pains to prove it. It is true, Pharaoh’s death was a punishment from God; but it does not follow, that he was punished everlastingly. And if he was, it was not by the mere sovereign will of God, but because of his own stubbornness and impenitence. Of this Moses has given us a particular account: Accordingly we read, “When Pharaoh saw that there was respite,” (after he was delivered from the plague of frogs,) “he hardened his heart, and hearkened not unto them.” (Exod. viii. 15.) So after the plague of flies, “Pharaoh hardened his heart at this time also, neither would he let the people go.” (Verse 32.) Again: “When Pharaoh saw that the rain and the hail were ceased, he sinned yet more, and hardened his heart, he and his servants.” (ix. 34.) After God had given him all this space to repent, and had expostulated with him for his obstinate impeni tence, in those solemn words, “How long wilt thou refuse to humble thyself before me?” (x. 3;) what wonder is it, if God then “hardened his heart,” that is, permitted Satan to harden it? if he at length wholly withdrew his softening grace, and “gave him up to a reprobate mind?” 56. The case of Esau is widely different from this; although his conduct also is blamable in many points. The first was, the selling his birth-right to Jacob. (Gen. xxv. 31, &c.) The next, his marrying against his father’s consent. (xxvi. 34, 35.) But it is highly probable he was sensible of his fault; because Isaac appears to have been fully recon ciled to him when he said, “My son, make me savoury meat, that my soul may bless thee before I die.” (xxvii. 4.) In the following verses we have an account of the manner wherein he was supplanted by his brother Jacob.

(4) They are not only “cast forth,” but “withered;” consequently, never grafted in again. (5.) They are not only “cast forth and withered,” but also “cast into the fire.” And, (6) “They are burned.” It is not possible for words more strongly to declare that those who are branches of the true vine may finally fall. “But this,” you say, “furnishes an argument for, not against, the persevering of the saints.” Yes, just such an argument for final perseverance, as the above cited words of St. Paul to Timothy. But how do you make it out? “Why thus: There are two sorts of branches in Christ the vine; the one fruitful, the other unfruitful. The one are eternally chosen; and these abide in him, and can never withdraw away.” Nay, this is the very point to be proved. So that you now immediately and directly beg the question. “The other sort of branches are such as are in Christ only by profession; who get into Churches, and so are reckoned in Christ; and these in time wither away. These never had any life, grace, or fruitfulness from him.” Surely you do not offer this by way of argument! You are again taking for granted the very point to be proved. But you will prove that “those are branches in Christ, who never had any life or grace from him, because the Churches of Judea and Thessalonica are said to be in Christ, though every individual member was not savingly in him.” I deny the consequence; which can never be made good, unless you can prove that those very Jews or Thessalonians who never had any life or grace from him are nevertheless said by our Lord to be “branches in him.” It remains, that true believers, who are branches of the true vine, may nevertheless finally fall. 73. Fifthly. Those who so effectually know Christ, as by that knowledge to have escaped the pollutions of the world, may yet fall back into those pollutions, and perish everlastingly. For thus saith the Apostle Peter, “If, after they have escaped the pollutions of the world, through the knowledge of the Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,” (the only possible way of escaping them,) “they are entangled again therein and overcome, the latter end is worse with them than the beginning.” (2 Peter ii.

38.) “The just” (the justified person, of whom only this can be said) “shall live by faith;” even now shall live the life which is hid with Christ in God; and if he endure unto the end, shall live with God for ever. “But if any man draw back,” saith the Lord, “my soul shall have no pleasure in him;” that is, I will utterly cast him off: And accordingly the drawing back here spoken of, is termed in the verse immediately following, “drawing back to perdition.” “But the person supposed to draw back, is not the same with him that is said to live by faith.” I answer, (1.) Who is it then? Can any man draw back from faith who never came to it? But, (2) Had the text been fairly translated, there had been no pretence for this objec tion. For the original runs thus: O Bixalog ex arissa's masla. xon sav wrossixnlai. If o Bixxios, “the just man that lives by faith,” (so the expression necessarily implies, there being no other nominative to the verb,) “draws back, my soul shall have no pleasure in him.” “But your translation too is inaccurate.” Be pleased to show me wherein. “I grant he may draw back; and yet not draw back to perdition.” But then it is not the drawing back which is here spoken of. “However, here is only a supposition, which proves no fact.” I observe, you take that as a general rule, Suppo sitions prove no facts. But this is not true. They do not always; but many times they do. And whether they do or no in a particular text, must be judged from the nature of the supposition, and from the preceding and following words. “But the inserting any man into the text is agreeable to the grammatical construction of the words.” This I totally deny. There is no need of any such insertion. The preceding nominative suffices. “But one that lives by faith cannot draw back. For ‘whom he justified, them he also glorified.” This proves no more than, that all who are glorified are pardoned and sanctified first. “Nay, but St. Paul says, “Ye are dead; and your life is hid with Christ in God. When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory.’” Most sure, if you endure to the end.

When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in glory.’” Most sure, if you endure to the end. “Whosoever believeth in him” to the end “shall never die.” 77. “But, to come more home to the point: I say, this text is so far from militating against perseverance, that it greatly establishes it.” You are very unhappy in your choice of texts to establish this doctrine. Two of these establish it, just as this does, as we have seen already. Now, pray let us hear how you prove perseverance from this text. “Very easily. Here are two sorts of persons mentioned; he that lives by faith, and he that draws back to perdition.” Nay, this is the very question. I do not allow that two persons are mentioned in the text. I have shown it is one and the same person, who once lived by faith, and afterwards draws back. Yet thus much I allow : Two sorts of believers are in the next verse mentioned; some that draw back, and some that persevere. And I allow, the Apostle adds, “We are not of them who draw back unto perdition.” But what will you infer from thence? This is so far from contradicting what has been observed before, that it manifestly confirms it. It is a farther proof, that there are those who draw back unto perdition, although these were not of that number. “I must still aver, that the text is rightly translated; which I prove thus:-- “The original text runs thus: ‘Behold, his soul who is lifted up is not upright in him: But the just shall live by his faith.” (Hab. ii. 4.) “This the Seventy render, Exy vros sixntal, ex su?oxsi n Jux" as sw avra o 8s 3.xxios ex arissa; we &nts rai, “If a man draw back, my soul hath no pleasure in him. But the just shall live by my faith;’ that is, faith in me. “Now, here the man, in the former clause, who ‘draws back, is distinguished from him, in the following clause, who lives by faith.

“Alas,” says he, “what can I do ! You know, man can do nothing.” If you reply: “But you do not desire salvation; you are not willing to be saved:” “It may be so,” says he, “but God shall make me willing in the day of his power.” So, waiting for irresistible grace, he falls faster asleep than ever. See him again, when he throughly awakes out of sleep; when, in spite of his principles, fearfulness and trem bling are come upon him, and an horrible dread hath overwhelmed him. How then will you comfort him that is well-nigh swallowed up of over-much sorrow? If at all, by applying the promises of God. But against these he is fenced on every side. “These indeed,” says he, “are great and precious promises. But they belong to the elect only. Therefore they are nothing to me. I am not of that number. And I never can be; for his decree is unchangeable.” Has he already tasted of the good word, and the powers of the world to come? Being justified by faith, hath he peace with God? Then sin hath no dominion over him. But by and by, considering he may fall foully indeed, but cannot fall finally, he is not so jealous over himself as he was at first; he grows a little and a little slacker, till ere long he falls again into the sin from which he was clean escaped. As soon as you perceive he is entangled again and overcome, you apply the scriptures relating to that state. You conjure him not to harden his heart any more, lest his last state be worse than the first. “How can that be?” says he: “Once in grace, always in grace; and I am sure I was in grace once. You shall never tear away my shield.” So he sins on, and sleeps on, till he awakes in hell. 88. The observing these melancholy examples day by day, this dreadful havoc which the devil makes of souls, especially of those who had begun to run well, by means of this anti scriptural doctrine, constrains me to oppose it from the same principle whereon I labour to save souls from destruction. Nor is it sufficient to ask, Are there not also many who wrest the opposite doctrine to their own destruction?

We are not very solicitous as to the credit or the use of any particular set of phrases. Only let men be humbled as repenting criminals at the Redeemer's feet; let them rely as devoted pensioners on his precious merits; and they are undoubtedly in the way to a blissful immortality.” (Dialogues, vol. i., p. 43. Dublin edition.) DUBLIN, April 5, 1762. To whEREIN ALL THAT 1s PERson AL, IN LETTERs JUST TURL1s HEn, UNDER THE NAME of THE REv. MR. HERVEY, 1s ANswen ED. 1. PERHAPs I should not have submitted, at least not so soon, to the importunity of my friends, who have long been soliciting me to abridge and publish the ensuing treatise, had not some warm people published a tract, entitled, “The Scrip ture Doctrine of Imputed Righteousness Defended.” I then judged it absolutely incumbent upon me to publish the real Scripture doctrine. And this I believed I could not either draw up or defend better than I found it done to my hands by one who, at the time he wrote this book, was a firm and zealous Calvinist. This enabled him to confirm what he advanced by such authorities, as well from Calvin himself, as from his most eminent followers, as I could not have done, nor any who had not been long and critically versed in their writings. 2. A greater difficulty was, to know what notice I ought to take of Mr. Hervey’s treatise, wrote, as the Leeds publisher says, with a “becoming and well-tempered tartness.” The case was peculiar. My acquaintance with Mr. Hervey com menced about thirty years ago, when I was a Fellow, and he was a Commoner, of Lincoln College in Oxford. At my request he was permitted, as was Mr. Whitefield some time after, to make one of a little company who used to spend the evenings together, in reading the Holy Scriptures. And I rejoiced in having many opportunities of assisting him both in his studies and in his Christian warfare; which he acknowledged in very strong terms, by a letter now in my hands, wrote not long after the publication of his “Medita tions among the Tombs.” In my answer to this, I told him frankly, there were one or two passages in that book, which, if I had seen before it was printed, I should have advised him not to insert.

I purposely declined entering into the question throughout that whole treatise. Every candid man will therefore naturally suppose, that both the misplacing the commas, and the putting mankind for this kind, were the printer’s fault, not mine; a part of those numerous errors of the press, which were occasioned by my absence from it, and the inaccuracy of the corrector. 18. I will not tire either my reader or myself, by citing any more passages of this kind; although the circumstances are so plausibly related, and so strongly amplified, that, upon the first reading of each, I was myself ready to cry out, “Surely this must be true !” I hope the preceding specimen may suffice, and prevent impartial men from judging rashly. I shall add but one passage more; but it is a very extra ordinary one; such as none can deny to be a home thrust, a blow under the fifth rib : “My dear Sir, let me give you a word of friendly advice. Before you turn Turk, Deist, or Atheist, see that you first become an honest man. They will all disown you, if you go over to their party destitute of common honesty.” (Page 277.) Upon what is this wonderful advice grounded? and this peremptory declaration, that, as I am now, even Turks and Deists, yea, Atheists, would disown me? Why, upon the printer's blunder,-putting mankind for this kind, and setting the commas in the wrong place | “And is this thy voice, my son David?” Is this thy tender, loving, grateful spirit? No, “the hand of Joab is in all this!” I acknowledge the hand, the heart, of William Cudworth. I perceive, it was not an empty boast, (as I was at first inclined to think,) which he uttered to Mr. Pearse, at Bury, before my friend went to paradise,--“Mr. Hervey has given me full power to put out and put in what I please.” But he too is gone hence; and he knows now whether I am an honest man or no. It cannot be long, even in the course of nature, before I shall follow them. My race of glory's run, and race of shame; And I shall shortly be with them that rest. I could wish till then to be at peace with all men; but the will of the Lord be done !

The Arminians hold, God has decreed, from all eternity, touching all that have the written word, “He that believeth shall be saved: He that believeth not, shall be condemned:” And in order to this, “Christ died for all, all that were dead in trespasses and sins;” that is, for every child of Adam, since “in Adam all died.” 8. The Calvinists hold, Secondly, that the saving grace of God is absolutely irresistible; that no man is any more able to resist it, than to resist the stroke of lightning. The Arminians hold, that although there may be some moments wherein the grace of God acts irresistibly, yet, in general, any man may resist, and that to his eternal ruin, the grace whereby it was the will of God he should have been eternally saved. 9. The Calvinists hold, Thirdly, that a true believer in Christ cannot possibly fall from grace. The Arminians hold, that a true believer may “make shipwreck of faith and a good conscience;” that he may fall, not only foully, but finally, so as to perish for ever. 10. Indeed, the two latter points, irresistible grace and infallible perseverance, are the natural consequence of the former, of the unconditional decree. For if God has eternally and absolutely decreed to save such and such persons, it follows, both that they cannot resist his saving grace, (else they might miss of salvation,) and that they cannot finally fall from that grace which they cannot resist. So that, in effect, the three questions come into one, “Is predestination absolute or conditional?” The Arminians believe, it is conditional; the Calvinists, that it is absolute. 11. Away, then, with all ambiguity Away with all expressions which only puzzle the cause! Let honest men speak out, and not play with hard words which they do not understand. And how can any man know what Arminius held, who has never read one page of his writings? Let no man bawl against Arminians, till he knows what the term means; and then he will know that Arminians and Calvinists are just upon a level. And Arminians have as much right to be angry at Calvinists, as Calvinists have to be angry at Arminians. John Calvin was a pious, learned, sensible man; and so was James Harmens. Many Cal vinists are pious, learned, sensible men; and so are many Arminians.

“But it is inconsistent with what you said elsewhere: “To make it a point of conscience to differ from others, as the Quakers do, in the shape or colour of their apparel, is mere superstition.’” Not inconsistent at all. It is mere superstition to make wearing a broad-brimmed hat, or a coat with four buttons, (the very thing I referred to in the preceding page,) a point of conscience; that is, a thing necessary to salvation. “Why then,” says Mr. H., “we are to increase our reward, and brighten our crown in heaven, by doing what is ‘mere superstition, and without acting from a ‘point of conscience l’” 436 REMARKs on MR. HILL’s Was ever such twisting of words? Has he not great reason to cry out, “O rare Logica Wesleiensis / Qui bene distinguit bene docet !”* I bless God, I can distinguish reason from sophistry; unkind, unjust, ungenteel sophistry, used purely for this good end,--to asperse, to blacken a fellow-Christian, because he is not a Calvinist ! No, Sir; what I call “superstition, and no point of conscience,” is wearing a Quaker hat or coat; which is widely different from the plainness of dress that I recom mend to the people called Methodists. My logic, therefore, stands unimpeached; I wish your candour did so too. I would engage to answer every objection of Mr. H.’s, as fairly and fully as this. But I cannot spare so much time; I am called to other employment. And I should really think Mr. H. might spend his time better than in throwing dirt at his quiet neighbours. Of Tea. 37. “Mr. W. published a tract against drinking tea, and told the tea-drinkers he would set them an example in that piece of self-denial.” (Farrago, p. 41.) “I did set them an example for twelve years. Then, at the close of a consumption, by Dr. Fothergill’s direction, I used it again.” (Remarks, p. 393.) “Why then did Mr. W. re-publish this tract, making the world believe it brought a paralytic disorder upon him?” Before I was twenty years old, it made my hand shake, so that I could hardly write. “Is it not strange then, that Dr. Fothergill should advise Mr. W. to use what had before thrown him into the palsy ?” I did not say so.

W.” Then you will reduce your Farrago to a page, and your Review to a penny pamphlet. But still “personal vilification” will not suit my pen. I have better employment for it. 44. You say, “Let us now proceed to Mr. W.’s assertions on sinless perfection.” (Page 26.) As I observed before, I am not now to dispute whether they are right or wrong. I keep therefore to that single point, Do I herein contradict myself, or not? When I said, “If some of our hymns contradict others,” I did not allow they do. I meant only, if it were so, this would not prove that I contradict myself. “But still it proves, the people must sing contradictions.” Observe, that is, if--. In your account of perfection, blot out “no wandering 440 REMARKs on MR. HILL’s thoughts.” None in the body are exempt from these. This we have declared over and over; particularly in the sermon wrote upon that subject. If in the sermon on Ephesians ii. 8, (not xi. 5, as your blunderer prints it,) the words which I had struck out in the preceding edition, are inserted again, what will this prove? Only that the printer, in my absence, printed, not from the last, but from an uncorrected, copy. However, you are hereby excused from unfairness, as to that quotation. But what excuse have you in the other instance, with regard to Enoch and Elijah? On which I asked, “Why is Mr. Hill so careful to name the first edition? Because in the second the mistake is corrected. Did he know this? And could he avail himself of a mistake which he knew was removed before he wrote?” (Remarks, p. 395.) It is now plain he could ! Nay, instead of owning his unfairness, he endeavours to turn the blame upon me ! “You are as inconsistent in your censures as in your doctrines: You blame me for quoting the last edition of your Sermon ; whereas you call me to account for quoting the first edition of your Notes, concerning Enoch and Elijah; each of whom you have proved, by a peculiar rule of Foundery-logic, to be both in heaven and out of heaven.” So, without any remorse, nay, being so totally unconcerned as even to break jests on the occasion, you again “avail yourself of a mistake which you knew was removed before you wrote.” 45.

For it was unquestion ably the sentiment of Adam soon after he had eaten of the forbidden fruit. He imputes what he had done, not to himself, but another, “The woman whom thou gavest me.” It was also the sentiment of Eve, “The Serpent, he beguiled me, and I did eat.” “It is true, I did eat; but the cause of my eating, the spring of my action, was in another.” 2. The same opinion, that man is not self-determined, took root very early, and spread wide, particularly in the eastern world, many ages before Manes was born. Afterwards indeed, he, and his followers, commonly called Manichees, formed it into a regular system. They not only maintained, that all the actions of man were necessarily determined by a power exterior to himself, but likewise accounted for it, by ascribing the good to Oromasdes, the parent of all good; the evil to the other independent being, Arimanius, the parent of all evil. 3. From the eastern world, “when arts and empire learned to travel west,” this opinion travelled with them into Europe, and soon found its way into Greece. Here it was earnestly espoused and vehemently maintained by the Stoic philoso phers; men of great renown among persons of literature, and some of the ablest disputants in the world. These affirmed with one mouth, that from the beginning of the world, if not rather from all eternity, there was an indissoluble chain of causes and effects, which included all human actions; and that these were by fate so connected together, that not one link of the chain could be broken. 4. A fine writer of our own country, who was a few years since gathered to his fathers, has with admirable skill drawn the same conclusion from different premises. He lays it down as a principle, (and a principle it is, which cannot reasonably be denied,) that as long as the soul is vitally united to the body, all its operations depend on the body; that in particular all our thoughts depend upon the vibrations of the fibres of the brain; and of consequence vary, more or less, as those vibrations vary. In that expression, “our thoughts,” he comprises all our sensations, all our reflections and passions; yea, and all our volitions, and consequently our actions, which, he supposes, unavoidably follow those vibrations.

Again: If all the actions, and passions, and tempers of men are quite independent on their own choice, are governed by a principle exterior to themselves; then none of them is either rewardable or punishable, is either praise or blame worthy. The consequence is undeniable: I cannot praise the sun forwarming, nor blame the stone for wounding me; because neither the sun nor the stone acts from choice, but from neces sity. Therefore, neither does the latter deserve blame, nor the former deserve praise. Neither is the one capable of reward, nor the other of punishment. And if a man does good as necessarily as the sun, he is no more praiseworthy than that; if he does evil as necessarily as the stone, he is no more blame worthy. The dying to save your country is noway rewardable, if you are compelled thereto; and the betraying your country is noway punishable, if you are necessitated to do it. 3. It follows, if there be no such thing as virtue or vice, as moral good or evil, if there be nothing rewardable or punish able in the actions or passions of men, then there can be no judgment to come, and no future rewards and punishments. For might not God as well judge the trees of the wood, or the stones of the field, as man, if man was as totally passive as they? as irresistibly determined to act thus or thus? What should he be commended or rewarded for, who never did any good but when he could not help it, being impelled thereto by a force which he could not withstand? What should he be blamed or punished for, who never did any evil, to which he was not determined by a power he could no more resist, than he could shake the pillars of heaven? This objection the author of the Essay gives in its full strength: “The advocates for liberty reason thus: If actions be necessary, and not in our own power, what ground is there for blame, self-condemnation, or remorse? If a clock were sensible of its own motions, and knew that they proceeded according to necessary laws, could it find fault with itself for striking wrong? Would it not blame the artist, who had so ill adjusted the wheels?

It could not be fire; for then some mark of it must have appeared, either at the time, or after it. But no such mark does appear, nor ever did; not so much as the least smoke, either when the first or second rock was removed, or in the whole space between Tuesday and Sunday. It could not be water; for no water issued out, when the one or the other rock was torn off. Nor had there been any rains for some time before. It was in that part of the country a remarkable dry season. Neither was there any cavity in that part of the rock, wherein a sufficient quantity of water might have lodged. On the contrary, it was one single, solid mass, which was evenly and smoothly cleft in sunder. There remains no other natural cause assignable, but imprisoned air. I say imprisoned; for as to the fashionable opinion, that the exterior air is the grand agent in earth quakes, it is so senseless, unmechanical, unphilosophical a dream, as deserves not to be named but to be exploded. But it is hard to conceive, how even imprisoned air could produce such an effect. It might indeed shake, tear, raise, or sink the earth; but how could it cleave a solid rock? Here was not room for a quantity of it sufficient to do anything of this nature; at least, unless it had been suddenly and violently expanded by fire, which was not the case. Could a small quantity of air, without that violent expansion, have torn so large a body of rock from the rest, to which it adhered in one solid mass? Could it have shivered this into pieces, and scattered several of those pieces some hundred yards round? Could it have transported those promon torics of carth with their incumbent load, and set them down unbroken, unchanged, at a distance? Truly I am not so great a volunteer in faith as to be able to believe this. He that supposes this, must suppose air to be not only very strong, (which we allow,) but a very wise agent; while it bore its charge with so great caution, as not to hurt or dislocate any part of it. What, then, could be the cause?

What, then, could be the cause? What indeed, but God, who arose “to shake terribly the earth;” who purposely chose such a place, where there is so great a concourse of nobility and gentry every year; and wrought in such a manner, that many might see it and fear,-that all who travel one of the most frequented roads in England might see it, almost whether they would or no, for many miles together? It must like wise for many years, maugre all the art of man, be a visible monument of His power; all that ground being now so incumbered with rocks and stones, that it cannot be either ploughed or grazed. Nor can it well serve any use, but to tell all that see it, Who can stand before this great God? Who can account for the late motion in the waters; not Aonly that of the sea, and rivers communicating therewith, but even that in canals, fishponds, cisterns, and all either largc or small bodies of water? It was particularly observed, that while thc watcr itself was so violently agitated, neither did the G SERIOUS ThouGHTS ON earth shake at all, nor any of the vessels which contained that water. Was such a thing ever known or heard of before? I know not, but it was spoken of once, near eighteen hundred years ago, in those remarkable words, “There shall be assauoi" (not only “earthquakes,” but various “concussions” or “shakings”) “in divers places.” And so there have been in Spain, in Portugal, in Italy, in Holland, in England, in Ireland; and not improbably in many other places too, which we are not yet informed of. Yet it does not seem that a concussion of this kind has ever been known before, since either the same or some other comet revolved so near the earth. For wc know of no other natural causc in the universe which is adequate to such an effect. And that this is the real cause, we may very possibly be convinced in a short time. but alas! why should we not be convinced sooner, while that conviction may avail, that it is not chance which governs the world? Why should we not now, before London is as Lisbon, Lima, or Catanea, acknowlcdge the hand of the Almighty, arising to maintain his own cause?

You may buy intelligence, where the shock was yesterday, but not where it will be to-morrow, to-day. It comes I The roof trembles J The beams crack | The ground rocks to and fro! Hoarse thunder resounds from the bowels of the earth ! And all these are but the beginning of sorrows. Now, what help? What wisdom can prevent, what strength resist, the blow 7 What money can purchase, I will not say deliverance, but an hour's reprieve? Poor honourable fool, where are now thy titles? Wealthy fool, where is now thy golden god? If any thing can help, it must be prayer. But what wilt thou pray to? Not to the God of heaven; you suppose him to have nothing to do with earthquakes. No; they proceed in a merely natural way, either from the earth itself, or from included air, or from subterraneous fires or waters. If thou prayest, then, (which perhaps you never did before,) it must be to some of these. Begin: “O earth, earth, earth, hear the voice of thy children : Hear, O air, water, fire !” And will they hear? You know it cannot be. How deplorable, then, is his condition, who in such an hour has none else to flee to ! How uncom fortable the supposition, which implies this, by direct necessary consequence, namely, that all these things are the pure result of merely natural causes! But supposing the earthquake which made such havoc at Lisbon should never travel so far as London, is there nothing else which can reach us? What think you of a comet? Are we absolutely out of the reach of this? You cannot say we are; seeing these move in all directions, and through every region of the universe. And would the approach of one of these amazing spheres be of no importance to us? especially in its return from the sun; when that immense body is (according to Sir Isaac Newton’s calculation) heated two thousand times hotter than a red-hot cannon-ball. The late ingenious and accurate Dr. Halley (never yet suspected of enthusiasm) fixes the return of the great comet in the year 1758; and he observes that the last time it revolved, it moved in the very same line which the earth describes in her annual course round the sun; but the earth was on the other side of her orbit.

But I think they are not one jot worse than those that went before them; nor than any set of Ministers who have been in place for at least thirty years last past. I think they are not a jot worse than their opponents, than those who bawl the loudest against them, either with regard to intellectual or moral abilities, with regard to sense or honesty. Set twenty against twenty, or ten against tem; and is there a pin to choose? “However, are not these commotions owing to the extra ordinary bad measures they have taken ? Surely you will not attempt to defend all their measures !” No, indeed. I do not defend General Warrants. But I observe, 1. The giving these, be it good or bad, is no extraordinary measure. Has it not been done by all Ministers for many years, and that with little or no objection? 2. This ordinary measure is of exceeding little importance to the mation in general: So little, that it was never before thought worthy to be put into the list of public grievances: So little, that it never deserved the hundredth part of the outcry which has been made concerning it.- I do not defend the killing of Mr. Allen. But I would have the fact truly represented. By the best information I can gain, I believe it stands just thus: About that time the mob had been very turbulent. On that day they were likely to be more insolent than ever. It was therefore judged proper *o send a party of soldiers to prevent or repress their violence. Their presence did not prevent it; the mob went so far as to throw stones at the soldiers themselves. One of them hit and wounded a soldier; two or three pursued him; and fired -at one whom, being in the same dress, they supposed to be the same man. But it was not; it was Mr. Allen. Now, "though this cannot be excused, yet, was it the most horrid villany that ever was perpetrated? Surely, no. Notwith standing all the tragical exclamations which have been made concerning it, what is this to the killing a man in cool blood? And was this never heard of in England? I do not defend the measures which have been taken relative to the Middlesex election.

The Christians, landing upon their coasts, seized as many as they found, men, women, and children, and transported them to America. It was about 1551 that the English began trading to Guinea; at first, for gold and elephants’ teeth; but soon after, for men. In 1556, Sir John Hawkins sailed with two ships to Cape Verd, where he sent cighty men on shore to catch Negroes. But the natives flying, they fell farther down, and there set the men on shore, “to burn their towns and take the inhabitants.” But they met with such resist ance, that they had seven men killed, and took but ten Negroes. So they went still farther down, till, having taken enough, they proceeded to the West Indies and sold them. 2. It was some time before the Europeans found a more compendious way of procuring African slaves, by prevailing upon them to make war upon each other, and to sell their prisoners. Till then they seldom had any wars; but were in general quiet and peaceable. But the white men first taught them drunkenness and avarice, and then hired them to sell one another. Nay, by this means, even their Kings are induced to scll their own subjects. So Mr. Moore, factor of the African Company in 1730, informs us: “When the King of Barsalli wants goods or brandy, he sends to the English Governor at James's Fort, who immediately sends a sloop. Against the time it arrives, he plunders some of his neigh bours towns, selling the people for the goods he wants. At other times he falls upon one of his own towns, and makes bold to sell his own subjects.” So Monsieur Brue says, “I wrote to the King,” (not the same,) “if he had a sufficient number of slaves, I would treat with him. He seized three hundred of his own people, and sent word he was ready to deliver them for the goods.” He adds: “Some of the natives are always ready” (when well paid) “to surprise and carry off their own countrymen. They come at night without noise, and if they find any lone cottage, surround it and carry off all the people.” Barbot, another French factor, says, “Many of the slaves sold by the Negroes are prisoners of war, or taken in the incursions they make into their enemies’ territories. Others are stolen.

each other no more. Here you may see mothers hanging over their daughters, bedewing their naked breasts with tears, and daughters clinging to their parents, till the whipper soon obliges them to part. And what can be more wretched than the condition they then enter upon? Banished from their country, from their friends and relations for ever, from every comfort of life, they are reduced to a state scarce anyway pre ferable to that of beasts of burden. In general, a few roots, not of the nicest kind, usually yams or potatoes, are their food; and two rags, that neither screen them from the heat of the day, nor the cold of the night, their covering. Their sleep is very short, their labour continual, and frequently above their strength; so that death sets many of them at liberty before they have lived out half their days. The time they work in the West Indies, is from day-break to noon, and from two o'clock till dark; during which time, they are attended by overseers, who, if they think them dilatory, or think anything not so well done as it should be, whip them most unmercifully, so that you may see their bodies long after wealed and scarred usually from the shoulders to the waist. And before they are suffered to go to their quarters, they have commonly something to do, as collecting herbage for the horses, or gathering fuel for the boilers; so that it is often past twelve before they can get home. Hence, if their food is not pre pared, they are sometimes called to labour again, before they can satisfy their hunger. And no excuse will avail. If they are not in the field immediately, they must expect to feel the lash. Did the Creator intend that the noblest creatures in the visible world should live such a life as this? Are these thy glorious work, Parent of Good P 8. As to the punishments inflicted on them, says Sir Hans Sloane, “they frequently geld them, or chop off half a foot: After they are whipped till they are raw all over, some put pepper and salt upon them; some drop melted wax upon their skin; others cut off their ears, and constrain them to broil and eat them.

If any one doubt of this, let him look at the subjects of Venice, of Genoa, or even of Holland. Should any man talk or write of the Dutch Government, as every cobbler does of the English, he would be laid in irons before he knew where he was. And then, woe be to him | Republics show no mercy. 13. “But if we submit to one tax, more will follow.” Perhaps so, and perhaps not. But if they did; if you were taxed (which is quite improbable) equal with Ireland or Scot land, still, were you to prevent this, by renouncing connexion with England, the remedy would be worse than the disease. For O ! what convulsions must poor America feel, before any other Government was settled? Innumerable mischiefs must ensue, before any general form could be established. And the grand mischief would ensue when it was established; when you had received a yoke which you could not shake off. 14. Brethren, open your eyes! Come to yourselves! Be no longer the dupes of designing men! I do not mean any of your countrymen in America; I doubt whether any of these are in the secret. The designing men, the Ahithophels, are in England; those who have laid their scheme so deep, and covered it so well, that thousands, who are ripening it, suspect nothing at all of the matter. These well-meaning men, sincerely believing that they are serving their country, exclaim against grievances, which either never existed, or are aggra wated above measure; and thereby inflame the people more and more, to the wish of those who are behind the scene. But be not you duped any longer; do not ruin yourselves for them that owe you no good-will, that now employ you only for their own purposes, and in the end will give you no thanks. They love neither England nor America, but play one against the other, in subserviency to their grand design of overturning the English Government. Be warned in time; stand and consider, before it is too late; before you have entailed confusion and misery on your latest posterity. Have pity upon your mother-country ! Have pity upon your own | Have pity upon yourselves, upon your children, and upon all that are near and dear to you !

But they never had, either before or after they left England, any such power of making laws for themselves as exempted them from the King and Parliament; they never pretended to any such power till now; they never advanced any such claim; nay, when this was laid to their charge, they vehemently denied it, as an absolute slander. But you go further still: “When this power” (of independency) “is lost, the people have always a right to resume it.” Comfortable doctrine indeed! perfectly well calculated for the support of civil government! 39. To the same good end, you observe: “Without an equal representation of all that are governed, government becomes complete tyranny.” (Page 27.) Now, you had told us before, “There is not such an equal representation in England:” It follows, “The English Government is complete tyranny!” We have, however, the comfort to know that it never was any better since the Parliament subsisted. For who can say that there ever was an equal representation since the conquest? We know further, that we have only neighbour's fare; for we cannot find there is any nation in Europe, no, nor in the habitable world, where the Govern ment is not as complete tyranny as our own; we find none wherein there is “an equal representation of all that are governed.” But will any man affirm, in cool blood, that the English Government is “complete tyranny?” We have certainly enjoyed more complete liberty since the Revolution, than England ever enjoyed before; and the English Govern ment, unequal as the representation is, has been admired by all impartial foreigners. 40. “But the sword is now to determine our rights: Detested be the measures which have brought us to this.” (Page 33.) I once thought those measures had been originally concerted in our own kingdom; but I am now persuaded they were not. obSERVATIONS ON LIBERTY. 109 I allow that the Americans were strongly exhorted by letters from England, “never to yield or lay down their arms till they had their own terms, which the Government would be constrained to give them in a short time:” But those mea sures were concerted long before this; long before either the Tea Act or the Stamp Act existed; only they were not digested into form,-that was reserved for the good Congress.

Are they “animated by piety?” So are we; although “not unto us be the praise.” “But can we declare, in the face of the sun, that we are not aggressors in this war?” We can. “And that we mean not, by it, to acquire dominion or empire, or to gratify resentment?” (Page 99.) I humbly believe, both the King and his Ministers can declare this before God: “But solely to gain reparation for injury,” from men who have already plundered very many of His Majesty’s loyal subjects, and killed no small number of them. 53. You now proceed to answer objections; and mention, as the First, “Are they not our subjects?” You answer: “They are not your subjects; they are your fellow-subjects.” Are they indeed? Do you affirm this? Then you give up the whole question; then their independency, which you have so vehemently maintained, falls to the ground at once. A Second objection, you say, is this: “But we are taxed; why should not they?” You answer: “You are taxed by yourselves; they insist on the same privilege.” I reply, They are now taxed by themselves, in the very same sense that nine-tenths of us are. We have not only no vote in the Parliament, but none in electing the members: Yet Mr. Evans says, “We are virtually represented:” And if we are, so are the Americans. You add: “They help you to pay your taxes, by giving you a monopoly of their trade.” They consented, as you observed before, to do this; but they have not done it for many years: They have, in fact, traded to Holland, to France, to Spain, and everywhere they could. And how have they helped us, by purchasing our manufac tures? Take one instance out of a thousand: They have taken large quantities of our earthenware, for which they regularly required three years’ credit. These they sold to the Spaniards, at a very advanced price, and for ready money only. And did they not hereby help themselves, at least, as much as they helped us? And what have we lost by losing their custom? We have gained forty, fifty, or sixty per cent. The Spaniards now come directly to Bristol; and pay down ready money, pieces of eight, for all the earthenware that can possibly be procured. 54.

We are of yesterday, and know nothing” of to-morrow. What then must we do to save (not to destroy) our kingdom, and to save (not to destroy) our American brethren? Do, my brethren | Why, what would we do, if either our own or our neighbour's house were on fire? We should bring, if in our senses, no combustible matter to increase the flame, but water and a helping hand to extinguish it. This we should certainly do, and our labour would not be in vain. Now, apply this to America and Great Britain. The former is like an house on fire; the devouring flames of an unnatural civil war are already kindled, and some hundreds of lives have fallen a prey to its insatiable violence. And how long before this may be our case here, God only knows! Stop here then, my brethren, and survey the desolation. Behold the weeping and disconsolate widow refusing to be comforted | Her beloved husband is fallen l is fallen l and is no more ! See the affectionate parent hanging down his head like the bulrush | Hear the broken language of his heart | “My son I my son I would God I had died in thy place I O my son I my son 1’’ This is far from the flight of imagination, or the colouring of fancy. It is the real and actual condition of many amongst that unhappy people, and ..a part only of their manifold distress. In a word, they and we appear to be a people infatuated like the Jews of old, and ripening for destruction; and no marvel if, while we are biting and devouring one another, some stronger beasts of prey step in and divide the spoil!

However, little as it was, they bore it not without huge indignation, and strong marks of resentment. And whenever a matter of this kind came before an American jury, (which could not but frequently be the case,) it was easy to foresee the event. The officer was sure to have his labour for his pains; for they were too good patriots to condemn their countrymen I By this means the customs of North-America, which ought to have brought in so considerable a sum as would have gone far toward defraying the expense of the government, were reduced to a very small pittance. 9. In consideration of this, the English Government a few years ago thought it equitable to lay a small duty upon the stamps in America, in order, if not to bear themselves harm less, yet to lessen their burden. Immediately a cry arose, as if all America was just going to be swallowed up. It was echoed across the Atlantic Ocean, from America to England. The patriots (so they styled themselves) in England eagerly joined the cry, and spared no labour and no expense to pro pagate it throughout the nation. Do you suppose they did this out of stark love and kindness to the poor, ruined Americans? No such matter. They understood the case too well; they knew they cried before they were hurt. But they laid hold on this as a fair occasion to throw an aspersion on those that were in power, being very willing, and supposing themselves very worthy, to supply their place. However, the Ministry finding the clamour increasing, and the storm spreading on both sides the ocean, were persuaded to give way to the torrent. They did so; and the Stamp Act was repealed. 10. The American leaders now apprehending that they had a sufficient number of fast friends in England, began to entertain higher designs; the New-England men in particular. They had no longer anything to fear from Canada, which the English had conquered for them. And they had nothing to fear from England, when they judged their allies were growing stronger and stronger. They therefore paved the way for the execution of their favourite scheme; first, by diligently cultivating the republican motions which they had received from their forefathers; and then by speaking and writing in the most contemptuous and reproachful manner of the English Government. 11.

You will then wish you had been wise in time, when your wisdom comes too late; when the King of kings “laughs at your calamity, and mocks while your fear cometh.” To FRIENDs AND CountRYMEN, I would fain lay a few plain considerations before you, before all men of candour and common sense, who are not so totally swallowed up of prejudice as to be incapable of hearing reason. I beg you to weigh the matter calmly; not to be overborne by noisy or wordy men, but to use your own senses, your own eyes and ears, and your own understanding. Do not run away (as many do) with part of a story; but hear the whole, and then judge. Have patience to lay all circumstances together, and then you may form a just judgment. ThE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND, 141 A solemn inquiry was lately made concerning the state of the nation. If such an inquiry were properly made, so that the real state of the nation might be clearly and distinctly shown, it might be attended with excellent consequences. It might enable the legislative power to redress or prevent numerous evils. And it might lead those who conduct public affairs to take the most effectual measures for promoting the solid and lasting welfare of all their fellow-subjects. On the other hand, if such an inquiry were improperly made, and consequently the state of the nation misrepre sented,--if it were represented as far worse than it really is, --exceeding bad consequences might follow. It would naturally tend to disturb, to frighten, to discourage the people. It would tend to depress and sour their spirits, to embitter them against others, and to make them disaffected to His Majesty, and all that act under him. It would make them utterly unthankful to God, for all the blessings that surround them; the ready way to weaken our hands and strengthen the hands of our common enemies. Should not then an inquiry of so important a nature be made with the greatest accuracy? And in order to this, should not the question be stated with all possible exactness? But in a late inquiry, I cannot find that the question was stated at all. The inquirers jumped into the middle of it at once, in defiance of all logic and common sense.

Yet, comparatively speaking, it is not so great now, as it was in 1759. For if the nation is now (as has been clearly shown) very considerably richer, then it is better able to bear an equal or a greater load of national debt, than it was at that juncture. “To illustrate this by a familiar instance: A private trader, who has but an hundred pounds in the world, is greatly in debt if he owes but twenty pounds; and is in danger of stopping payment for want of cash, or of being crushed by some wealthy rival. But if he has a thousand pounds in stock, and owes two hundred, he is in far less danger. And if he has ten thousand pounds stock, and owes two thousand, he is in no danger; nay, he is a rich man. “Not that I would encourage the running any farther in debt. I only intend to show that our distresses, which raise such tragical exclamations, are more imaginary than real.” Thus far the Dean of Gloucester. And what can be more fair and candid than these reasonings? What can be more satisfactory to you who are of no party, but an honest inquirer after truth? Perhaps you lately heard a strange, broken, maimed account all on one side of the question, of debts without any credits to balance ! And what could you learn from this? Now you hear both sides, and thence may easily see what is the real state of the nation. And how much better is it, in all the preceding respects, than it was eighteen years ago ! What becomes then of all those passionate outcries concerning the “dreadful condition we are in,” when it undeniably appears, to every candid inquirer, that we have not been in so good a condition these fifty years! On how totally insufficient grounds is the contrary supposition built !

Shall I not be avenged on such a nation as this?” Let us be wise in time ! Let us be as wise, at least, as the inhabitants of Nineveh ; let us make our peace with God, and then we may defy all the men upon earth ! A nation God delights to bless, Can all our raging foes distress, Or hurt whom they surround? Hid from the general scourge we are, Nor see the bloody waste of war, Nor hear the trumpet's sound. O might we, Lord, the grace improve, By labouring for the rest of love, The soul-composing power ! Bless us with that internal peace, And all the fruits of righteousness, Till time shall be no more ! LoNDoN, Feb. 20, 1778. To LIMERICK, May 10, 1778. 1. BEFoRE I left London (two or three months ago) a general panic prevailed there. Some vehemently affirmed, and others potently believed, that the nation was in a most desperate state; that it was upon the very brink of ruin, past all hopes of recovery. Soon after, I found that the same panic had spread throughout the city of Bristol. I traced it likewise wherever I went, in Gloucestershire, Worcestershire, Staffordshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire. When I crossed the Channel, I was surprised to find it had got before me to Ireland; and that it was not only spread through Dublin first, and thence to every part of Leinster, but had found its way into Munster too, into Cork, Bandon, and Limerick: In all which places people were terrifying themselves and their neighbours, just as they did in London. 2. “How is it possible,” say they, “that we should contend with so many enemies together? If General Washington has (as Mr. Franklin of Limerick computes) sixty-five thousand men; if the powerful fleet and numerous armies of France are added to these; if Spain, in consequence of the family compact, declares war at the same time; and if Portugal join in confederacy with them, what will become of us? Add to these the enemies of our own household, ready to start up on every side; and when France invades us from without, and these from within, what can follow but ruin and destruction ?” 3. I would fain speak a word of comfort to my poor neigh bours, that they may not be frightened to death.

But still the King is wounded through their sides; the blame glances from them to him. Yet if we say a word in defence of them, (which is in effect defending him,) this also is preaching politics. 6. It is always difficult and frequently impossible for private men to judge of the measures taken by men in public offices. We do not see many of the grounds which determine them to act in this or the contrary manner. Generally, therefore, it behoves us to be silent, as we may suppose they know their own business best; but when they are censured without any colour of reason, and when an odium is cast on the King by that means, we ought to preach politics in this sense also; we ought publicly to confute those unjust censures: Only remem bering still, that this is rarely to be done, and only when fit occasion offers; it being our main business to preach “repent ance towards God, and faith in our Lord Jesus Christ.” LEw Isua M, January 9, 1782. 1. SoME years ago an ingenious man published a treatise with this title. According to him, the characteristics of the English at present are sloth and luxury. And thus much we may allow, that neither the one nor the other ever abounded in England as they do at this day. With regard to sloth, it was the constant custom of our ancestors to rise at four in the morning. This was the stated hour, summer and winter, for all that werc in health. The two Houses of Parliament met “at five;” hord quintá antemeridianá, says their Journal. But how is it with people of fashion now? They can hardly huddle on their clothes before eight or nine o'clock in the morning; perhaps some of them not before twelve. And when they are risen, what do they do? They waste away In gentle inactivity the day. How many are so far from working with their hands, that they can scarce set a foot to the ground ! How many, even young, healthy men, are too lazy either to walk or ride : They must loll in their carriages day by day; and these can scarce be made easy enough ! And must not the minor Gentry have their coaches too? Yea, if they only ride on the outside.

Bless my friends, forgive my enemies; and grant unto all mankind the know ledge and love of thee. Have mercy upon all who are afflicted in mind, body, or estate. Give them patience under their sufferings, and a happy issue out of all their afflictions; and receive them and me at last into thy blessed kingdom, for Jesus Christ's sake. Amen. Grace before Meat. O Lord, I beseech thee, give thy blessing with what thy mercy has here provided me with, that whether I eat or drink, or whatsoever I do, I may do all to thy glory and praise, through Jesus Christ my Lord. Amen. After Meals. O LoRD my God, I bless thy holy name for this mercy, which I have now received from thy bounty and goodness. Feed now my soul with thy grace, that I may make it my meat and drink to do thy gracious will, through Jesus Christ my Saviour. Amen. oF Sequor, non passibus aequis '+ * I follow him, but at a great distance.-EDIT. No man in England has had so long an acquaint ance with Mr. Fletcher as myself. Our acquaintance began almost as soon as his arrival in London, about the year 1752, before he entered into Holy Orders, or, I believe, had any such intention; and it continued uninterrupted between thirty and forty years, even till it pleased God to take him to himself. Nor was ours a slight or ordinary acquaintance; but we were of one heart and of one soul. We had no secrets between us for many years; we did not purposely, hide anything from each other. From time to time he consulted me, and I him, on the most important occasions; and he constantly professed, not only much esteem, but, what I valued far more, much affection. He told me in one of his letters,--I doubt not from his heart, Tecum vivere amem; tecum obeam lubens. “With thee I gladly would both live and die.” I therefore think myself obliged by the strongest ties to pay this small tribute to his memory.

Very easily: It only shows, that his piety declined while he was at the University. (And this is too often the case of other youths in our own Universities.) But it pleased God at or before his journey to England to lift up his head again. 10. His desire of being an Officer in the army continued after he returned from Lisbon. And when he was informed, that his uncle, then a Colonel in the Dutch service, had procured a commission for him, he joyfully set out for Flanders. But just at that time the peace was concluded; and his uncle dying quickly after, his hopes were blasted, and he gave up all thoughts of going into the army; and, being disengaged from all business, he thought it would not be amiss to spend a little time in England. 11. Coming to the Custom-House in London, with some other young gentlemen, none of whom could speak any English, they were treated with the utmost surliness and ill manners by some brutish Custom-House Officers. These not only took out and jumbled together all the things that were in their portmanteaus, but took away their letters of recommend ation; telling them, “All letters must be sent by the post.” They are such saucy and ill-mannered wretches as these that bring up an evil report on our nation. Britons might well be styled, hospitibus feri,” if they were all like these vermin. 12. From hence they went to an inn; but here they were under another difficulty. As they spoke no English, they could not tell how to exchange their foreign into English money; till Mr. Fletcher, going to the door, heard a well-dressed Jew talking French. He told him the difficulty they were under, with regard to the exchange of money. The Jew replied, “Give me your money, and I will get it changed in five minutes.” Mr. Fletcher without delay gave him his purse, in which were ninety pounds. As soon as he came back to his company, he told them what he had done. They all cried out with one voice, “Then your money is gone. You need never expect to see a crown or a doit of it any more. Men are constantly waiting about the doors of these inns, on * Rude and inhospitable to foreigners.-EDIT.

At the close of the exhortation which was then given, one man was so grievously offended, that he could not refrain from breaking out into scurrilous, yea, menacing language. But, notwithstanding all his struggling against it, the word fastened upon his heart. At first, indeed, he roared like a lion; but he soon wept like a child. Not long after, he came to Mr. Fletcher in the most humble manner, asking pardon for his outrageous behaviour, and begging an interest in his prayers. This was such a refreshment as he stood in need of; and it was but a short time before this poor broken-hearted sinner was filled with joy unspeakable. He then spared no pains in exhorting his fellow-sinners “to flee from the wrath to come.” 3. It was not long after, when, one Sunday evening, Mr. Fletcher, after performing the usual duty at Madeley, was about to set out for Madeley-Wood, to preach and catechise as usual. But just then notice was brought (which should have been given before) that a child was to be buried. His waiting till the child was brought, prevented his going to the Wood. And herein the providence of God appeared. For at this very time many of the colliers, who neither feared God nor regarded men, were baiting a bull, just by the preaching house; and having had plenty of drink, they had all agreed, as soon as he came, to bait the Parson. Part of them were appointed to pull him off his horse, and the rest to set the dogs upon him. One of these very men afterwards confessed that he was with them when this agreement was made; and that afterwards, while they were in the most horrid manner cursing and swearing at their disappointment, a large china punch-bowl, which held above a gallon, without any apparent cause (for it was not touched by any person or thing) fell all to shivers. This so alarmed him, that he forsook all his companions, and determined to save his own soul. 4. From the beginning he did not confine his labours to his own parish. For many years he regularly preached at places, eight, ten, or sixteen miles off; returning the same night, though he seldom got home before one or two in the morning.

Shirley, inviting the Clergy of all denomina tions to assemble in a body at Bristol to oppose you and the Preachers met in Conference, and oblige you to revoke the dreadful heresies contained in those Minutes; and as Mr. Fletcher thought the Churches throughout Christendom to be verging very fast toward Antinomianism; he thought the propositions contained in those Minutes ought rather to be confirmed than revoked. And as he was now retired to his parish, he had more leisure for such a work than before. So, after much prayer and consideration, he determined to write in defence of them. In how able a manner he did this, I need not tell any that have read those incomparable writings. I know not how to give the character of them better, than in the words of Dr. D , to whom I sent Mr. Fletcher's Checks, with a recommendatory letter. He answered me,-- “‘WHEN I first read yours, I must own, I suspected your friendship for Mr. Fletcher had made you too lavish in your commendation of his writings; and that when I came to read them, I should find some abatements necessary to be made. But now I have read them, I am far from thinking you have spoken extravagantly; or indeed, that too much can be said in commendation of them. I had not read his first Letter, before I was so charmed with the spirit as well as abilities of the writer, that the gushing tear could not be hin dered from giving full testimony of my heart-felt satisfaction. Perhaps some part of this pleasure might arise from finding my own sentiments so fully embraced by the author. But sure I am the greatest share of it arose from finding those benevolent doctrines so firmly established, and that with such judgment, clearness, and precision, as are seldom, very seldom to be met with. What crowns the whole is, the amiable and Christian temper, which those who will not be convinced must however approve, and wish that their own doctrines may be constantly attended with the same spirit.’” 17. How much good has been occasioned by the publication of that Circular Letter! This was the happy occasion of Mr.

This was the happy occasion of Mr. Fletcher's writing those “Checks to Antinomianism;” in which one knows not which to admire most, the purity of the language, (such as scarce any foreigner wrote before,) the strength and clearness of the argument, or the mildness and sweetness of the spirit that breathes throughout the whole; insomuch that I nothing wonder at a serious Clergyman, who, being resolved to live and die in his own opinion, when he was pressed to read them, replied, “No; I will never read Mr. Fletcher's Checks; for if I did, I should be of his mind.” 18. A short extract from another of his letters will show what was his state of mind at this crisis. “How much water,” says he, “may at last rush out from a little opening ! What are our dear L--’s jealousies come to? Ah, poor College | Their conduct, among other reasons, has stirred me up to write in defence of the Minutes. Methinks I dream, when I reflect I have wrote controversy the last subject I thought I should meddle with. I expect to be roughly handled on the account. Lord, prepare me for everything thou callest me to ! ge J. F.” 1. THE frequent journeys he took to and from Trevecka while he presided over the College, in all weathers, and at all seasons of the year, farther impaired the firmness of his constitution; and in some of those journeys, he had not only difficulties, but dangers likewise, to encounter. One day, as he was riding over a wooden bridge, just as he got to the middle thereof, it broke in. The mare's forelegs sunk into the river, but her breast and hinder parts were kept up by the bridge. In that position she lay, as still as if she had been dead, till he got over her neck, and took off his bags, in which were several manuscripts, the spoiling of which would have occasioned him much trouble. He then endea voured to raise her up; but she would not stir, till he went over the other part of the bridge. But no sooner did he set his foot upon the ground, than she began to plunge. Imme diately the remaining part of the bridge broke down, and sunk with her into the river. But presently she rose up again, swam out, and came to him.

To show in how great a degree he was disengaged from Wealth, honour, pleasure, or what else This short-enduring world could give, Mr. Vaughan gives us another little memoir, which fell within his own knowledge: “After he had published two or three small political pieces, in reference to our contest with the Americans, ‘I carried one of them,” says he, in a letter to me, ‘to the Earl of D. His Lordship carried it to the Lord Chancellor, and the Lord Chancellor handed it to the King.” One was immediately commissioned to ask Mr. Fletcher, whether any preferment in the Church would be acceptable; or whether he (the Chancellor) could do him any service. He answered, ‘I want nothing, but more grace.” 9. “In 1776, he deposited with me a bill of one hundred and five pounds, being (as I understood) the yearly produce of his estate in Switzerland. This was his fund for charitable uses; but it lasted only a few months before he drew upon me for the balance, which was twenty-four pounds, to complete the preaching-house in Madeley-Wood.” 10. In the same year, his health being more than ever impaired by a violent cough, accompanied with spitting of blood, of which I had had large experience myself; having frequently seen the surprising effects of constant exercise, together with change of air; I told him, nothing was so likely to restore his health as a long journey. I therefore proposed his taking a journey of some months with me, through various parts of England and Scotland; telling him, “When you are tired, or like it best, you may come into my carriage; but remember, that riding on horseback is the best of all exercises for you, so far as your strength will permit.” He looked upon this as a call from Providence, and very willingly accepted of the proposal. We set out (as I am accustomed to do) early in the spring, and travelled, by moderate journeys, suited to his strength, which gradually increased, eleven or twelve hundred miles. When we returned to London, in the latter end of the year, he was considerably better. And I verily believe, if he had travelled with me, partly in the chaise and partly on horseback, only a few months longer, he would have quite recovered his health.

On the 15th our chaise arrived in good repair. Travelling steadily forward, (though the country was all covered with snow,) on the 27th we reached Dijon. During the whole journey, Mr. Fletcher showed visible marks of a recovery. He bore both the fatigue and piercing cold as well as the best of us. On the 31st we put up at Lyons, and solemnly closed the year; bowing our knees before the Throne, which indeed we did not fail to do, all together, every day. January 4, 1778, we left Lyons, and came on the 9th to Aix. Here we rest; the weather being exceeding fine and warm. Mr. Fletcher walks out daily. He is now able to read, and to pray with us, every morning and evening. He has no remains of his cough, or of the weakness in his breast. His natural colour is restored, and the sallowness quite gone. His appetite is good, and he takes a little wine.” 11. In another letter Mr. Ireland writes thus: “Soon after our arrival here, I rode out most days with my dear and valuable friend. He now and then complained of the uneasi ness of the horse, and there were some remains of soreness in his breast. But this soon went off. The beginning of February was warm, which, when he walked in the fields, relaxed him too much. But when the wind got north or east, he was braced again. His appetite is good; his complexion as healthy as it was eleven years ago. As his strength increases, he increases the length of his rides. Last Tuesday he set out on a journey of a hundred and twelve miles. The first day he travelled forty miles without feeling any fatigue. The third day he travelled fifty-five. He bore his journey as well as I did; and was as well and as active at the end of it as at the beginning. During the day he cried out, ‘Help me to praise the Lord for his goodness: I never expected to see this day. He now accepted a pressing invitation to preach to the Protestants here. He did so on Sunday morning, on these words: “Examine yourselves, whether ye be in the faith. For some days before, he was afraid he had done wrong in accepting the invitation.

For some days before, he was afraid he had done wrong in accepting the invitation. But O how shall I be able to express the power and liberty which the Lord gave him Both the French and English were greatly affected; the word went to the heart both of saints and sinners. If the Lord continues his strength and voice, (which is now as good as ever it was,) he has an earnest invitation to preach where we are going, near Montpelier. You would be astonished at the entreaties of Pastors as well as people. He has received a letter from a Minister in the Levine mountains, who intends to come to Montpelier, sixty miles, to press him to go and preach to his flock. Soon after this, his brother came to fetch him to Switzerland. He purposes to spend the next summer in his own country, and the following winter in these parts, or in some part of the south of France. 12. “His brother conducted him from Montpelier to Nyon, the place of his nativity. Here he lived in that which was his father’s house, in the midst of his affectionate relations, who took care that he should neither want the best advice, perhaps equal to any in Europe, nor anything that could possibly contribute to the full recovery of his health.” 13. About this time a letter was wrote to that venerable old man, Mr. Perronet, Vicar of Shoreham, informing him, that there was a valuable estate at his native place, which properly belonged to him, and which might easily be recovered, if he sent one of his sons to claim it. All his friends whom he consulted on the occasion judged this information was not to be slighted; and his youngest son, Mr. William Perronet, was willing to undertake the journey. But before he set out, he wrote to Mr. Fletcher, desiring his advice. Part of his answer was as follows: “NYoN, June 2, 1778. “WHILE I write to you to make your title clear to a precarious estate on earth, permit me to remind you of the heavenly inheritance entailed upon believers. The Will (the New Testament) by which we can recover it is proved; the Court is equitable, the Judge loving and gracious.

These meetings he attended, with the utmost diligence, to the very Thursday before his illness. In order to encourage the children, his method was to give them little Hymn-Books, pointing them to some friend or neighbour, who would teach them the hymns, and instruct them to sing. The little creatures were greatly taken with this new employment; insomuch that many of them would scarce allow themselves time to eat or sleep, for the desire they had of learning their lessons. At every meeting, after inquiring who had made the greatest proficiency, he distinguished them by some little reward. 3. In the instructing of children, one great difficulty is, to draw and fix their attention. He had a singular gift for doing this, by making advantage of any incident that offered. One day, while he had a considerable number of children before him in the preaching-house, as he was persuading them to mind what they were about, and to remember the text which he was going to mention, just then a robin flew into the house, and their eyes were presently turned after him. “Now,” said he, “I see you can attend to that robin. Well, I will take that robin for my text.” He then gave them an useful lecture on the harmlessness of that little creature, and the tender care of its Creator. 4. When he observed that the number of children, instead of falling off, as was expected, increased continually, he wrote some proposals to the parish, which were received with the greatest unanimity. Many of the rich, as well as the trading people, lent their helping hand, not only to defray the expense of teachers, but also to raise a convenient house in Coalbrook-Dale for the instruction of the numerous children that were on that side of the parish. 5. The proposal was as follows:-"Our national depravity turns greatly on these two hinges, the profanation of the Lord’s day, and the neglect of the education of children. Till some way is found of stopping up these two great inlets of wickedness, we must expect to see our workhouses filled with aged parents forsaken by their prodigal children, with wives forsaken by their faithless husbands, and with the wretched offspring of lewd women and drunken men.

They have attempted to remedy these evils by setting up. Sunday-schools, which, by keeping children from corrupting one another, by promoting their attendance on divine worship, and by planting the first principles of useful knowledge in their minds and of piety in their hearts, bid fair for a public reformation of manners, and for nipping in the bud the ignorance and impiety which is everywhere so common among the lower and more numerous classes of people.” 8. The proposals concerning Sunday-schools in the parish of Madeley, were as follows: “I. It is proposed, that Sunday-schools be set up in this parish, for such children as are employed all the week, and for those whose education has been hitherto totally neglected. “II. That the children admitted into these be taught reading, writing, and the principles of religion. “III. That there be a school for boys and another for girls, in Madeley, Madeley-Wood, and Coalbrook-Dale, six in all. “IV. That a subscription be opened, to pay each Teacher one shilling per Sunday, and to buy tables, forms, books, pens, and ink. “V. That two Treasurers be appointed to ask and receive the contributions of the subscribers. “VI. That whoever subscribes one guinea a year shall be a Governor. “VII. That three or four Inspectors be appointed, who are to visit the schools once a week, to see that the children attend regularly, and the Masters do their duty. “VIII. That a book be provided, for setting down all receipts and expenses; and another for the names of the Teachers and the scholars. “IX. That the schools be solemnly visited once or twice a year; and a premium given to the children that have made the greatest improvement.” 9. As to the success of his unwearied labours, although he was much discouraged when he first returned from abroad, find ing so many of those who had once run well, grown weary and faint in their mind; yet it was not long before he found fresh cause to rejoice, and to know that God was with him of a truth. It was not long before he observed that a general reformation had taken place in the parish.

Not that he was so by nature, but of a fiery, passionate spirit. But so thoroughly had grace subdued nature, so fully was he renewed in the spirit of his mind, that, for many years before his death, I believe he was never observed by any one, friend or foe, to be out of temper. And yet he did not want provocation, and that sometimes in a high degree; especially from those whose religious sentiments he thought it his duty to oppose. One of these, who once loved him so well, as to be ready to pull out his eyes for him, was so exasperated on reading his Second Check, that he wrote to 354 LIFE of MR, FLETCHER. him in the most bitter terms. But none of these things moved him; no, not in the least degree. The keenest word he used upon the occasion was, ‘What a world, what a religious world we live in l’ “Hence arose his readiness to bear with the weaknesses, and forgive the faults, of others; the more remarkable, considering his flaming zeal against sin, and deep concern for the glory of God. Such hatred to sin, and such love to the sinner, I never saw joined together before. This very circumstance con vinced me of the height of his grace, bearing so much of his Master’s image, whose hatred to sin and love to sinners are equally infinite. He took all possible pains to detect what was evil in any of those that were under his care; pursuing it through all its turnings and windings, and stripping it of all its disguises. Yet none so ready to excuse when it was confessed, and to conceal it even from his most intimate friends. “He never mentioned the faults of an absent person, unless absolute duty required it: And then he spoke with the utmost tenderness, extenuating, rather than aggravating. None could draw his picture more exactly than St. Paul has done, in the thirteenth of the first Epistle to the Corinthians. Every feature in that masterly piece of apostolic painting was found in him.

“A. The loving God with all our heart, and mind, and soul. (Deut. vi. 5.) “Q. Does this imply, that all inward sin is taken away? “A. Undoubtedly; or how can we be said to be ‘saved from all our uncleannesses?” (Ezek. xxxvi. 29.)” Our Second Conference began August 1, 1745. The next morning we spoke of sanctification as follows:- “Q. When does inward sanctification begin? “A. In the moment a man is justified. (Yet sin remains in him, yea, the seed of all sin, till he is sanctified through out.) From that time a believer gradually dies to sin, and grows in grace. “Q. Is this ordinarily given till a little before death? “A. It is not, to those who expect it no sooner. “Q. But may we expect it sooner? “A. Why not? For, although we grant, (1.) That the generality of believers, whom we have hitherto known, were not so sanctified till near death; (2.) That few of those to whom St. Paul wrote his Epistles were so at that time; nor, (3.) He himself at the time of writing his former Epistles; yet all this does not prove, that we may not be so to-day. “Q. In what manner should we preach sanctification? “A. Scarce at all to those who are not pressing forward: To those who are, always by way of promise; always drawing, rather than driving.” Our Third Conference began Tuesday, May 13, 1746. In this we carefully read over the Minutes of the two preceding Conferences, to observe whether anything con tained therein might be retrenched or altered on more mature consideration. But we did not see cause to alter in any respect what we had agreed upon before. Our Fourth Conference began on Tuesday, June the 16th, 1747. As several persons were present, who did not believe the doctrine of perfection, we agreed to examine it from the foundation. In order to this, it was asked, “How much is allowed by our brethren who differ from us with regard to entire sanctification ? “A. They grant, (1.) That every one must be entirely sanctified in the article of death. (2.) That till then a believer daily grows in grace, comes nearer and nearer to: perfection. (3.) That we ought to be continually pressing: after it, and to exhort all others so to do. “Q. What do we allow them ? “A.

“A. According as that displeasure is: If they are angry, it is a proof against them; if they are grieved, it is not. They ought to be grieved, if we disbelieve a real work of God, and thereby deprive ourselves of the advantage we might have received from it. And we may easily mistake this grief for anger, as the outward expressions of both are much alike. “Q. But is it not well to find out those who fancy they have attained when they have not? “A. It is well to do it by mild, loving examination. But it is not well to triumph even over these. It is extremely wrong, if we find such an instance, to rejoice as if we had found great spoils. Ought we not rather to grieve, to be deeply concerned, to let our eyes run down with tears? Here is one who seemed to be a living proof of God’s power to save to the uttermost; but, alas, it is not as we hoped. He is weighed in the balance, and found wanting ! And is this matter of joy? Ought we not to rejoice a thousand times more, if we can find nothing but pure love? “‘But he is deceived.” What then? It is a harmless smistake, while he feels nothing but love in his heart. It is a mistake which generally argues great grace, an high degree both of holiness and happiness. This should be a matter of real joy to all that are simple of heart; not the mistake itself, but the height of grace which for a time occasions it. I rejoice that this soul is always happy in Christ, always full of prayer and thanksgiving. I rejoice that he feels no unholy temper, but the pure love of God continually. And I will rejoice, if sin is suspended till it is totally destroyed. “Q. Is there no danger then in a man’s being thus deceived ? “A. Not at the time that he feels no sin. There was danger before, and there will be again when he comes into fresh trials.

I advise those who are able to receive this saying, Buy no velvcts, no silks, no fine linen, no superfluities, no mere ornaments, though cver so much in fashion. Wear nothing, though you have it already, which is of a glaring colour, or which is in any kind gay, glistering, or showy, nothing made in the very height of the fashion, nothing apt to attract the eyes of the by-standers. I do not advise women to wear rings, ear-rings, inccklaces, lace, (of whatever kind or colour,) or ruffles, which, by little and little, may easily shoot out from one to twelve inches decp. Neither do I advise men to wear coloured waistcoats, shining stockings, glittering or costly buckles or buttons, either on their coats, or in their sleeves, any more than gay, fashionable, or expensive perukes. It is true, these arc little, very little things, which are not worth defending; therefore, give them up, let them drop, throw them away without another word; else, a little needle may cause much pain in your flesh, a little self-indulgence much hurt to your soul. III. 1. For the preceding exhortation I have the authority of God, in clear and express terms: “I will that women” (and, by parity of reason, men too) “adorn themselves in modest apparel, with shamefacedness and sobriety; not with broidered” (curled) “hair, or gold, or pearls,” (one kind of precious stones, which was then most in use, put for all,) “or costly apparel; but (which becometh women professing godliness) with good works.” (1 Tim. ii. 9, 10.) Again: “Whose adorning let it not be that outward adorning of plaiting” (curling) “the hair, and of wearing of gold, or of putting on of apparcl. But let it be the ornament of a meek and quiet spirit, which is in the sight of God of great price.” (1 Peter iii. 3, 4.) Nothing can be more express; the wearing of gold, of precious stones, and of costly apparel, together with curling of hair, is here forbidden by name: Nor is there any restriction made, either here, or in any other scripture. Whoever, therefore, says, “There is no harm in these things,” may as well say, “There is no harm in stealing or adultery.” 2. There is something peculiarly observable in the nauner wherein both St. Peter and St. Paul speak of these things. “Let not your adorning,” says St.

Whitefield's ministry.” (Page 18.) 2. “When he went abroad, he delivered me, and many thousands more, into the hands of those he thought he could have trusted them with, and who would have given them back to him again at his return. But, alas! it was not so.” (Ibid.) REV. TrioMAS MAXFIELD. 470 “I heard Mr. Whitefield say, at the Tabernacle, in the presence of five or six Ministers, to Mr. -- a little before he left England for the last time, ‘I delivered thirty thou sand people into the hands of your brother and you, when I went abroad. And by the time I came back, you had so turned their hearts against me, that not three hundred of them would come to hear me.” I knew this was true.” (Ibid.) 3. “I heard Mr. Whitefield say, ‘When I came back from Georgia, there was no speaking evil of each other. O what would I not give, or suffer, or do, to see such times again But O that division I that division ? What slaughter jt has made l’ “It was doctrine that caused the difference; or, at least, it was so pretended.” (Ibid.) “He preached a few times in connexion with his old friends. But, ah! how soon was the sword of contention drawn l’’ (Page 19.) 4. “Where can you now find any loving ones, of either party? They have no more love to each other than Turks.” (Ibid.) “Read their vile contentions, and the evil characters they give of each other, raking the filthiest ashes, to find some black story against their fellow-Preachers.” (Page 20.) They “slay with the sword of bitterness, wrath, and envy. Still more their shame is what they have sent out into the world against each other, on both sides, about five or six years ago, and till this very day.” (Page 21.) To satisfy both friends and foes, I propose a few queries on each of these four heads. I. As to the first, I read a remarkable passage in the third Journal, (vol.I., page 196,) the truth of which may be still attested by Mr. Durbin, Mr. Westell, and several others then present, who are yet alive:-" A young man who stood behind, sunk down, as one dead; but soon began to roar out, and beat himself against the ground, so that six men could scarce hold him.

Westell, and several others then present, who are yet alive:-" A young man who stood behind, sunk down, as one dead; but soon began to roar out, and beat himself against the ground, so that six men could scarce hold him. This was Thomas Maxfield.” Was this you? If it was, how are you “the first-fruits of Mr. Whitefield's ministry?” And how is it, that neither I, nor your fellow-labourers, ever heard one word of this during all those years wherein you laboured in connexion with us? II. “When he went abroad again, he delivered me, and many thousands, into the hands of Mr. -.” When? where? in what manner? This is quite new to me! I never heard one word of it before ! But stay! here is something more curious still ! “I heard Mr. Whitefield say, at the Tabernacle, in the presence of five or six Ministers, a little before he left England the last time, ‘I delivered thirty thousand people into the hands of you and your brother when I went abroad.’” Mr. Whitefield’s going abroad, which is here referred to, was in the year 1741. Did he then deliver you into my hands? Was you not in my hands before? Had you not then, for above a year, been a member of the society under my care? Nay, was you not, at the very time, one of my Preachers? Did you not then serve me as a son in the Gospel? Did you not eat my bread, and lodge in my house? Is not this then a total misrepresentation? Would to God it be not a wilful one ! “I heard,” you say, “Mr. Whitefield say, at the Taber macle, in the presence of five or six Ministers, a little before he left England the last time:”--Who then can doubt the truth of what follows? For here is chapter and verse! Here both the time, the place, and the persons present, are specified. And they ought to be; seeing the crime alleged is one of a very heinous mature. Many a man has been justly sentenced to death for sins which, in the sight of God, were not equal to this. The point, therefore, requires a little more examination. And, first, I desire to know what are the names of those five or six Ministers? and which of them heard Mr.

But when these grow in grace, and in the knowledge of Christ, a wise builder would c preach the law to them again; only taking particular care to" place every part of it in a gospel light, as not only a com mand, but a privilege also, as a branch of the glorious liberty of the sons of God. He would take equal care to remind them, that this is not the cause, but the fruit, of their acceptance with God; that other cause, “other foundation can no man lay, than that which is laid, even Jesus Christ;” that we are still forgiven and accepted, only for the sake of what he hath done and suffered for us; and that all true obedience springs from love to him, grounded on his first loving us. He would labour, therefore, in preaching any part of the law, to keep the love of Christ continually before their eyes; that thence they might draw fresh life, vigour, and strength, to run the way of his commandments. Thus would he preach the law even to those who were pressing on to the mark. But to those who were careless, or drawing back, he would preach it in another manner, nearly as he did before they were convinced of sin. To those, meanwhile, who were earnest, but feeble-minded, he would preach the gospel chiefly; yet variously intermixing more or less of the law, according to their various necessities. By preaching the law in the manner above described, he would teach them how to walk in Him whom they had received. Yea, and the same means (the main point wherein, it seems, your mistake lies) would both sustain and increase their spiritual life. For the commands are food, as well as the promises; food equally wholesome, equally substantial. These, also, duly applied, not only direct, but likewise nourish and strengthen, the soul. Of this you appear not to have the least conception; therefore, I will endeavour to explain it. I ask, then, Do not all the children of God experience, that when God gives them to see deeper into his blessed law, whenever he gives a new degree of light, he gives, likewise, a new degree of strength ? Now I see, he that loves me, bids me do this; and now I feel I can do it, through Christ strengthening Ine.

Tell me, or thou shalt never go, “Thy prayer is heard, it shall be so : " The word hath passed thy lips, -and I Shall with thy people live and die. Let the righteous smite me friendly, and reprove me. Psalm crli. 5. IN a former treatise I declared, in the plainest manner I could, both my principles and practice; and answered some of the most important, as well as the most common, objections to each. But I have not yet delivered my own soul. I believe it is still incumbent upon me to answer other objections, par ticularly such as have been urged by those who are esteemed religious or reasonable men. These partly relate to the doctrines I teach, partly to my manner of teaching them, and partly to the effects which are sup posed to follow from teaching these doctrines in this manner. I. 1. I will briefly mention what those doctrines are, before I consider the objections against them. Now, all I teach respects either the nature and condition of justification, the nature and condition of salvation, the nature of justifying and saving faith, or the Author of faith and salvation. 2. First: The nature of justification. It sometimes means our acquittal at the last day. (Matt. xii. 37.) But this is alto gether out of the present question; that justification whereof our Articles and Homilies speak, meaning present forgiveness, pardon of sins, and, consequently, acceptance with God; who therein “declares his righteousness” (or mercy, by or) “for the remission of the sins that are past;” saying, “I will be merciful to thy unrighteousness, and thine iniquities I will remember no more.” (Rom. iii. 25; Heb. viii. 12.) I believe the condition of this is faith : (Rom. iv. 5, &c.:) I mean, not only, that without faith we cannot be justified; but, also, that as soon as any one has true faith, in that moment he is justified. Good works follow this faith, but cannot go before it: (Luke vi. 43.) Much less can sanctification, which implies a con timued course of good works, springing from holiness of heart. But it is allowed, that entire sanctification goes before our justification at the last day. (Heb. xii. 14.) It is allowed, also, that repentance, and “fruits meet for repentance,” go before faith. (Mark i. 15; Matthew iii.

Wherefore that we are justified by faith only, is a most wholesome doctrine, and very full of com fort, as most largely is expressed in the Homily of Justification.” I believe this Article relates to the meritorious cause of jus tification, rather than to the condition of it. On this, therefore, I do not build anything concerning it, but on those that follow. “Albeit, that good works, which are the fruits of faith and follow after justification, cannot put away our sins; yet are they pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ, and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively faith : Insomuch that by them a lively faith may be as evidently known as a tree may be known by the fruit.” We are taught here, (1.) That good works in general follow after justification. (2.) That they spring out of a true and lively faith, that faith whereby we are justified. (3.) That true, justifying faith may be as evidently known by them as a tree discerned by the fruit. Does it not follow, that the supposing any good work to go before justification is full as absurd as the supposing an apple, or any other fruit, to grow before the tree? But let us hear the Church, speaking yet more plainly:-- AltTICLE XIII.-OF WORKS DONE BEFORE JUSTIFICATION. “Works done before the grace of Christ, and the inspiration of his Spirit,” (that is, before justification, as the title expresses it.) “are not pleasant to God, forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesu Christ. Yea, rather, for that they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done, we -doubt not they have the nature of sin.” Now, if all works done before justification have the nature of sin, (both because they spring not of faith in Christ, and because they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done,) what becomes of sanctification previous to justi fication? It is utterly excluded; seeing whatever is previous to justification is not good or holy, but evil and sinful.

3. Do not men who imagine they have attained this despise others, as only going on in what they account the low and imper fect way, that is, as growing in grace and goodness by degrees? A. (1.) Men who only imagine they have attained this may probably despise those that are going on in any way. (2.) But the growing in grace and goodness by degrees is no mark of a low and imperfect way. Those who are fathers in Christ grow in grace by degrees, as well as the new-born babes. Q. 4. Do they not despise those who are working out their salvation with an humble reliance upon the merits of Christ for the pardon of their sins, and the acceptance of their sincere though imperfect services? A. (1.) They who really love God despise no man. But, (2.) They grieve to hear many talk of thus relying on Christ, who, though perhaps they are grave, honest, moral men, yet by their own words appear not to love God at all; whose souls cleave to the dust; who love the world; who have no part of the mind that was in Christ. 6. Query the Sixth --“Whether the same exalted strains and notions do not tend toweaken the natural and civil relations among men, by leading the inferiors, into whose heads those notions are infused, to a disesteem of their superiors; while they consider them as in a much lower dispensation than themselves; though those superiors are otherwise sober and good men, and regular attendants on the ordinances of religion.” I havementioned beforewhat those exalted notions are. These do not tend to weaken either thenatural or civil relations among men; or to lead inferiors to a disesteem of their superiors, even where those superiors are neither good nor sober men.

Their domestic foes will, in many cases, hinder, embroil, and disturb the course of their affairs. And their relations, who assisted them before, or promised at least so to do, will probably withdraw or deny that assistance, unless they will be advised by them: Perhaps their nearest relations; it being no new thing for parents to disown their children, if “after the way which they call heresy, these worship the God of their fathers.” Hence, therefore, some haveless of this world’s goods than they had in times past, either because they earn less, or because they receive less from them on whom they depend. Thirdly. It is written, that “those who received not the mark of the beast, either on their foreheads, or in their right hands,” either openly or secretly, were not permitted “to buy or sell any more.” Now, whatever the mystery contained herein may be, I apprehend the plain mark of the beast is wickedness; inward and outward unholiness; whatever is secretly or openly contrary to justice, mercy, or truth. And certain it is, the time is well nigh come when those who have not this mark can nei ther buy nor sell, can scarce follow any profession so as to gain a subsistence thereby. Therefore, many of those who attend on my ministry are, by this means, poorer than before. They will not receive the mark of the beast, either on their forehead or in their hand; or if they had received it before, they rid themselves of it as soon as possible. Some cannot follow their former way of life at all; (as pawnbrokers, smugglers, buyers or sellers of uncustomed goods;)--others cannot follow it as they did before; for they cannot oppress, cheat, or defraud their neighbour; they cannot lie, or say what they do not mean; they must now speak the truth from their heart. On all these accounts, they have less of this world’s goods; because they gain less than they did before. Fourthly.

Here you have to struggle with all the same difficul ties as before, and perhaps many new ones too. However, if you have money enough, you may succeed; but if that fails, your cause is gone. Without money, you can have no more law; poverty alone utterly shuts out justice. But “cannot an honest Attorney procure me justice?” An honest Attorney ! Where will you find one? Of those who are called exceeding honest Attorneys, who is there that makes any scruple,-- (1) To promote and encourage needless suits, if not unjust Ones too : (2.) To defend a bad cause, knowing it so to be,-- By making a demur, and then withdrawing it; By pleading some false plea, to the plaintiff’s declaration; By putting in an evasive answer to his bill; By protracting the suit, if possible, till the plaintiff is ruined: (3.) To carry a cause not amounting to ten shillings into Westminster-Hall, by laying it in his declaration as above forty: (4.) To delay his own client's suit knowingly and wilfully, in order to gain more thereby: (5.) To draw himself the pleadings or conveyances of his client, instead of giving them to be drawn by able Counsel: (6) To charge his client with the fees which should have been given to such Counsel, although they were not given: (7.) To charge for drawing fair copies, where none were drawn : (8.) To charge fees for expedition given to clerks, when not one farthing has been given them: (9.) To send his clerk a journey (longer or shorter) to do business with or for different persons; and to charge the horse hire and expense of that journey to every person severally: (10.) To send his clerk to Westminster, on the business of ten (it may be) or twenty persons, and to charge each of these twenty for his attendance, as if he had been sent on account of one only : (11.) To charge his own attendance in like manner: And, (12.) To fill up his bill with attendances, fees, and term fees, though his client is no whit forwarder in his cause ? This is he that is called an honest Attorney ! How much homester is a pickpocket! But there is a Magistrate whose peculiar office it is to redress the injured and oppressed.

And whose shall those things be which thou hast prepared ?” 26. And yet doth not our pride, even the pride of those whose soul “cleaves to the dust, testify against us?” Are they not “wise in their own eyes, and prudent in their own conceit?” Have not writers of our own remarked, that there is not upon earth a more self-conceited nation than the English; more opi niated both of their own national and personal wisdom, and courage, and strength? And indeed, if we may judge by the in habitants of London, this is evident to a demonstration; for are not the very meanest of them able to instruct both the King and all his Counsellors? What cobbler in London is not wiser than the principal Secretary of State? What coffee-house disputer is not an abler Divine than his Grace of Canterbury? And how deep a contempt of others is joined with this high opinion of our selves ! I know not whether the people of all other nations are greater masters of dissimulation; but there does not appear in any nation whateversuch a proneness to despise their neighbour; to despise, not foreigners only, (near two thousand years ago they remarked, Britannos hospitibus feros,”) but their own country men; and that very often for such surprising reasons as nothing but undeniable fact could make credible. How often does the gentleman in his coach despise those dirty fellows that go a-foot; and these, on the other hand, despise full as much those lazy fellows that loll in their coaches ! No wonder then that those who have “the form of godliness” should despise them that have * This quotation from Horace is thus translated by Francis : -“Britons of inhospitable strain.”-EDIT. it not; that the saint of the world so frequently says to the gross sinner, in effect, if not in terms, “Stand by thyself; come not near unto me; for I am holier than thou !” 27. Yet what kind of holiness is this? May not God justly declare of us also, “This people draw near me with their mouth, but they have removed their hearts far from me: They do but flatter me with their mouth, and dissemble with me in their tongue?” Is it not so with you? When you speak to God, do your lips and your heart go together?

4. But there is no room for dispute, touching these doctrines in general, seeing our Lord gives you so plain a rule, by which you may easily and infallibly know whether they be of God: “The tree is known by its fruit: Either therefore make the tree good, and its fruit good; or else make the tree corrupt, and its fruit corrupt.” (Matt. xii. 33.) Now, what fruit does the tree before us bring forth? Look and see; believe your own eyes and ears. Sinners leave their sins: The servants of the devil become the servants of God. Is this good or evil fruit; that vice loses ground, and virtue, practical religion, gains? Odispute no more! Know the tree by its fruit. Bow, and own the finger of God. 5. But many who own these doctrines to be of God, yet cannot be reconciled to the instruments he hath made use of. A very common exception taken against these is, and was from the beginning, that “they are so young: ” Therefore, (abundance of men have readily inferred,) this work cannot be of God. Perhaps they are not so young as you conceive. Mr. Whitefield is now upwards of thirty; my brother is thirty seven years of age; I have lived above forty-two years; and a gentleman in Cornwall, for whom I often preach, has the merit of having lived threescore and seventeen years. But, supposing the antecedent true, what a consequence is this! What shadow of Scripture have you to support it? Doth not God “send by whom he will send?” And who shall say to him, “What doest thou?” “These are too young; send elder men.” What shadow of reason? Is it not possible that a person of thirty or forty may have as true a judgment in the things of God, and as great a blessing attending his preaching, as one of fifty or fourscore? I wish you would explain yourself a little on this head:-- Scire velin, verbo, pretium quotus arroget annus * * How old do you require a man to be, before God should have leave to speak by his mouth ?

How then can you reconcile it to the love that “hopeth all things?” 31. But whatever state they are in, who causelessly separate from the Church of England, it affects not those of whom we are speaking; for they do not separate from it at all. You may easily be convinced of this, if you will only weigh the particulars following: (1) A great part of these went to no church at all before they heard us preach. They no more pretended to belong to the Church of England, than to the Church of Muscovy. If, therefore, they went to no church now, they would be no farther from the Church than they were before. (2.) Those who did sometimes go to church before, go three times as often now. These, therefore, do not separate from the Church. Nay, they are united to it more closely than before. (3.) Those who never went to church at all before, do go now, at all opportunities. Will common sense allow any one to say, that these are separated from the Church? (4.) The main question is, Are they turned from doing the works of the devil, to do the works of God? Do they now live soberly, righteously, and godly, in the present world? If they do, if they live according to the directions of the Church, believe her doctrines, and join in her ordinances; with what face can you say, that these men separate from the Church of England? 32. But in what state are they whom the Clergy and Gentry (and perhaps you for one) have successfully laboured to preserve from this damnable sin of schism, whom you have kept from hearing these men, and separating from the Church? Is not the drunkard that was, a drunkard still? Inquire of his poor wife and family. Is not the common swearer still hor ribly crying to God for damnation upon his soul? Is not the sinner in every other kind, exactly the same man still? Not better at least, if he be not worse, than he was ten years ago. Now, consider, (1.) Does the Church of England gain either honour, or strength, or blessing, by such wretches as these calling themselves her members? by ten thousand drunkards, or whoremongers, or common swearers? Nay, ought she not immediately to spew them out, to renounce all fellowship with them?

But I do not include that venerable man, Mr. Philip Henry, nor any that were of his spirit, in this number. I know they abhorred contending about externals. Neither did they sepa rate themselves from the Church. They continued therein till they were driven out, whether they would or no. I cannot but tenderly sympathize with these; and the more, because this is in part our own case. Warm men spare no pains, at this very day, to drive us out of the Church. They cry out to the peo ple, wherever one of us comes, “A mad dog, a mad dog !” if haply we might fly for our lives, as many have done before us. And sure it is, we should have complied with their desire, we should merely for peace and quietness have left the Church long before now, but that we could not in conscience do it. And it is on this single motive, it is for conscience sake, that we still continue therein; and shall continue, (God being our helper) unless they by violence thrust us out. 9. But to return : What are the stumbling-blocks in the present case, compared to those in any of the preceding? We do not dispute concerning any of the externals or cir cumstantials of religion. There is no room; for we agree with you therein. We approve of, and adhere to, them all; all that we learned together when we were children, in our Catechism and Common-Prayer Book. We were born and bred up in your own Church, and desire to die therein. We always were, and are now, zealous for the Church; only not with a blind, angry zeal. We hold, and ever have done, the same opinions which you and we received from our forefathers. But we do not lay the main stress of our religion on any opinions, right or wrong; neither do we ever begin, or willingly join in, any dispute con cerning them. The weight of all religion, we apprehend, rests on holiness of heart and life. And consequently, wherever we come, we press this with all our might. How wide then is the difference between our case and the case of any of those that are above mentioned ! They avowedly separated from the Church: We utterly disavow any such design.

Set this home with a more earnest voice than you spoke before. Get to the heart, or you do nothing. (10.) Conclude all with a strong exhortation, which should enforce, (1.) The duty of the heart, in order to receive Christ. (2.) The avoiding former sins, and constantly using the out ward means. And be sure, if you can, to get their promise, to forsake sin, change their company, and use the means. And do this solemnly, reminding them of the presence of God, who hears their promises, and expects the performance. (11.) Before you leave them, engage the head of each family to call all his family together every Sunday before they go to bed, and hear what they can repeat, and so continue, till they have learned the “Instructions” perfectly; and afterwards let him take care that they do not forget what they have learned. Do this in earnest, and you will soon find what a work you take in hand, in undertaking to be a Travelling Preacher! Q. 14. How shall we prevent improper persons from insinuating into the society? A. (1.) Give tickets to none till they are recommended by a Leader, with whom they have met at least two months on trial. (2.) Give notes to none but those who are recommended by one you know, or till they have met three or four times in a class. (3.) Give them the Rules the first time they meet. See that this be never neglected. Q. 15. When shall we admit new members? A. In large towns, admit them into the Bands at the quarterly love-feast following the visitation: Into the society, on the Sunday following the visitation. Then also read the names of them that are excluded. Q. 16. Should we insist on the Band rules, particularly with regard to dress? A. By all means. This is no time to give any encourage ment to superfluity of apparel. Therefore give no Band-tickets to any till they have left off superfluous ornaments. In order to this, (1.) Let every Assistant read the “Thoughts upon Dress” at least once a year, in every large society. (2.) In visiting the classes, be very mild, but very strict. (3.) Allow no exempt case, not even of a married woman. Better one suffer than many. (4) Give no ticket to any that wear calashes, high-heads, or enormous bonnets.

As for those who cannot, (1.) Let every Travelling Preacher contribute half-a-guinea yearly at the Conference. (2.) Let every one when first admitted as a Travelling Preacher pay a guinea. (3) Let this be lodged in the hands of the Stewards. (4.) The present Stewards are John Murlin and John Pawson. (5.) Out of this let provision be made, first for the worn out Preachers, and then for the widows and children of those that are dead. (6.) Every worn-out Preacher shall receive, if he wants it, at least ten pounds a-year. (7.) Every widow of a Preacher shall receive yearly, if she wants it, during her widowhood, a sum not usually exceeding ten pounds. (8.) Every child left by a Preacher shall receive, once for all, a sum not usually exceeding ten pounds. (9.) But none is entitled to anything from this fund, till he has subscribed two guineas. (10.) Nor any who neglects paying his subscription for four years together. (11.) Let every Preacher who does not bring or send his sub scription to the Conference, be fined two shillings and sixpence. (12.) Let the fund never be reduced to less than a hun dred pounds. (13.) Let a Committee be named to see these Rules duly executed. The present Committee are,--Christopher Hopper, Thomas Coke, Thomas Hanby, John Allen, Robert Roberts, Henry Moore, Thomas Taylor, William Thompson, Andrew Blair. (14.) Let an exact account of all receipts and disbursements be produced at the Conference. (15.) Let every Assistant bring to the Conference the contribution of every Preacher in his Circuit. Q. 54. Are not many of the Preachers' wives still straitened for the necessaries of life? A. Some certainly have been. To prevent this for the time to come, (1.) Let every Circuit either provide each with a lodg ing, coals, and candles, or allow her fifteen pounds a year. (2.) Let the Assistant take this money at the Quarterly Meeting, before anything else be paid out of it. Fail not to do this. Q. 55. How can we account for the decrease of the work of God in some Circuits, both this year and the last? A.

65. But how can we secure their sitting apart there? A. I must do it myself. If I come into any new House, and see the men and women together, I will immediately go out. I hereby give public notice of this: Pray let it be observed. Q. 66. But there is a worse indecency than this creeping in among us,--talking in the preaching-houses, before and after service. How shall this be cured ? A. Let all the Preachers join as one man, and the very next Sunday they preach in any place, enlarge on the impropriety of talking before or after service, and strongly exhort them to do it no more. In three months, if we are in earnest, this vile practice will be banished out of every Methodist congre gation. Let none stop till he has carried his point. Q. 67. Is there not another shocking indecency frequently practised by filthy men against the wall of a preaching-house; enough to make any modest woman blush? A. There is: But I beg any one who sees another do this will give him a hearty clap on the back. Q. 68. Complaint has been made that sluts spoil our houses. How may we prevent this? A. Let none that has spoiled one, ever live in another. But what a shame is this! A Preacher's wife should be a pattern of cleanliness in her person, clothes, and habitation. Let nothing slatternly be seen about her; no rags, no dirt, no litter. And she should be a pattern of industry; always at work, either for herself, her husband, or the poor. I am not willing any should live in the Orphan-House at Newcastle, or any preaching-house, who does not conform to this rule. Q. 69. It has been complained also, that people crowd into the Preachers' houses, as into coffee-houses, without any invita tion. Is this right? A. It is utterly wrong. Stop it at once. Let no person come into the Preacher's house, unless he wants to ask a question. Q. 70. May any new preaching-houses be built? A. Not unless, (1.) They are proposed at the Conference: No, nor (2.) Unless two-thirds of the expense be subscribed. And if any collection be made for them, it must be made between the Conference and the beginning of February. Q. 71.

With respect, therefore, both to your name, prin ciples, and practice, you may be considered as a new people. Another peculiar circumstance of your present situation is, that you are newly united together; that you are just gathered, or (as it seems) gathering rather, out of all other societies or congregations; nay, and that you have been hitherto, and do still subsist, without power, (for you are a low, insignificant" people,) without riches, (for you are poor almost to a man, having no more than the plain necessaries of life,) and without either any extraordinary gifts of nature, or the advantages of education; most even of your Teachers being quite unlearned, and (in other things) ignorant men. There is yet another circumstance, which is quite peculiar to yourselves: Whereas every other religious set of people, as soon as they were joined to each other, separated themselves from their former societies or congregations; you, on the con trary, do not; nay, you absolutely disavow all desire of sepa rating from them. You openly and continually declare you have not, nor ever had, such a design. And whereas the con gregations to which those separatists belonged have generally spared no pains to prevent that separation; those to which you belong spare no pains (not to prevent, but) to occasion this separation, to drive you from them, to force you on that divi sion to which you declare you have the strongest aversion. Considering these peculiar circumstances wherein you stand, you will see the propriety of a Second advice I would recom mend to you: “Do not imagine you can avoid giving offence.” Your very name renders this impossible. Perhaps not one in a hundred of those who use the term Methodist have any ideas of what it means. To ninety-nine of them it is still heathen Sreek. Only they think it means something very bad,--either a Papist, a heretic, an underminer of the Church, or some unheard-of monster; and, in all probability, the farther it goes, it must gather up more and more evil. It is vain, therefore, for any that is called a Methodist ever to think of not giving offence. And as much offence as you give by your name, you will give still more by your principles.

12. You need not therefore “imagine, that either the strong pretencesorwarm professions ofthe Moravians,” ortheir “agree ing with me on some favourite topics,” (for my love to them was antecedent to any such agreement,) “induce me to overlook their iniquity, and to forgive their other crimes.” (Remarks, p. 23.) No. I love them upon quite different grounds; even because I believe, notwithstanding all their faults, they “love the Lord Jesus in sincerity,” and have a measure of “the mind that was in him.” And I am in great earnest when I declare once more, that I have a deep, abiding conviction, by how many degrees the good which is among them overbalances the evil; that I cannot speak of them but with tender affection, were it only for the benefits I have received from them; and that, at this hour, I desire union with them (were those stumbling-blocks once put away, which have hitherto made that desire ineffectual) above all things under heaven. II. 1. Your second charge is, “That I hold, in common with them, principles from which their errors naturally follow.” You mean justification by faith alone. To set things in the clearest light I can, I will first observe what I hold, and what you object; and then inquire what the consequences have been. First. As to what I hold. My latest thoughts upon justi fication are expressed in the following words:-- “Justification sometimes means our acquittal at the last day. But this is out of the present question; that justification whereof our Articles and Homilies speak, meaning present pardon and acceptance with God; who therein declares his righteousness and mercy, by or for the remission of the sins that are past. “I believe, the condition of this is faith: I mean, not only, that without faith we cannot be justified; but also, that, as soon as any one has true faith, in that moment he is justified. “Good works follow this faith, but cannot go before it. Much less can sanctification, which implies a continued course of good works, springing from holiness of heart. But--entire sanctification goes before our justification at the last day. “It is allowed, that repentance, and ‘fruits meet for repent ance, go before faith. Repentance absolutely must go before faith; fruits meet for it, if there be opportunity.

9. On the second proposition you remark, (1.) That I “ought to have said, the merits of Christ are (not the sole cause, but) the sole meritorious cause of this our justification.” (Page 41.) (2.) That “ St. Paul and the Church, by justifying faith, mean, faith in the gospel and merits of Christ.” The very thing; so I contend, in flat opposition to those who say they mean only the object of this faith. Upon the third proposition, “By our being justified by faith only, both St. Paul and the Church mean, that the condition of our justification is faith alone, and not good works;” you say, “Neither of them mean any such thing. You greatly wrong them, in ascribing so mischievous a sentiment to them.” (Ibid.) Let me beg you, Sir, to have patience, and calmly to consider, (1.) What I mean by this proposition. Why should : you any longer run as uncertainly, and fight as one that beateth the air? (2.) What is advanced touching the sentiments of the Church, in the tract referred to above. Till you have done this, it would be mere loss of time to dispute with you on this head. I wave, therefore, for the present, the consideration of some of your following pages. Only I cannot quite pass over that (I believe, new) assertion, “that the Thirteenth Article, enti tled, “Of Works done before Justification, does not speak of works done before justification, but of works before grace, which is a very different thing!” (Page 45.) I beseech you, Sir, to consider the Eleventh, Twelfth, and Thirteenth Arti cles, just as they lie, in one view: And you cannot but see that it is as absolutely impossible to maintain that proposition, as it is to prove that the Eleventh and Twelfth Articles speak not of justification, but of some very different thing. 10. Against that part of the fourth proposition, “Faith is a sure trust which a man hath, that Christ loved him and died for him,” you object, “This definition is absurd; as it sup poses that such a sure trust can be in one who does not repent of his sins.” (Page 48.) I suppose quite the contrary, as I have declared over and over; nor, therefore, is there any such danger as you apprehend.

13. Another consequence which you charge on my preaching justification by faith, is, the introducing the errors of the Mora vians. “Had the people,” say you, “gone on in a quiet and regular practice of their duty, as most of them did before you deluded them, it would have been impossible for the Moravian tenets to have prevailed among them. But when they had been long and often used to hear good works undervalued, I cannot wonder that they should plunge into new errors, and wax worse and worse.” (Page 12.) This is one string of mistakes. “Had the people gone on in a quiet and regular practice of their duty, as most of them did before you deluded them.” Deluded them Into what? Into the love of God and all mankind, and a zealous care to keep his commandments. I would to God this delusion (if such it is accounted) may spread to the four corners of the earth ! But how did most of them go on before they were thus deluded ? Four in five, by a moderate computation, even as other baptized Heathens, in the works of the devil, in all the “wretchlessness of most unclean living.” “In a quiet and re gular practice of their duty!” What duty? the duty of cursing and swearing; the duty of gluttony and drunkenness; the duty of whoredom and adultery; or of beating one another, and any that came in their way? In this (not very “quiet or regular”) practice did most of those go on before they heard us, who have now “put off the old man with his deeds,” and are “holy in all manner of conversation.” Have these, think you, “been long and often used to hear good works undervalued?” Or are they prepared for receiving the Moravian errors, by the knowledge and love of God? O Sir, the Moravians know, if you do not, that there is no such barrier under heaven against their tenets as those very people whom you suppose just prepared for receiving them. But “complaints,” you say, “of their errors, come very ill from you, because you have occasioned them.” Nay, if it were so, for that very cause they ought to come from me.

You complain also of my mentioning all at once sentences which you placed at a distance from each other. I do so; and I think it quite fair and ingenuous to lay together what was before scattered abroad. For instance: You now speak of the conditions of justification, in the eighteenth and following pages; again, from the eighty-ninth to the hundred and second; and yet again, in the hundred and twenty-seventh page. Now, I have not leisure to follow you to and fro. Therefore, what I say on one head, I set in one place. I. 1. This premised, I come to the letter itself. I begin, as before, with the case of the Moravians; of whom you say, “I collected together the character which you had given of these men; the errors and vices which you had charged upon them, and the mischiefs--they had done among your followers. And I proved that, in several respects, you had been the occasion of this mischief; and are therefore, in some measure, accountable for it. Let us see what answer you give to all this. “‘With regard to the denying degrees in faith, you men tioned, that the Moravian Church was cleared from this mis take. But did you not mention this as one of the tenets of the Moravians? Do you not say, that you ‘could not agree with Mr. Spangenberg, that none has any faith so long as he is liable to any doubt or fear? Do you not represent Mr. Molther, and other Moravians in England, as teaching the same? In short, I have not charged the Moravian Church with anything; but only repeat after you. And if you have accused them when you knew them to be guiltless, you must bear the blame. “‘They do use the ordinances of God with reverence and godly fear.’ You have charged Mr. Spangenberg and Mr. Molther with teaching that we ought to abstain from them. And the same you say in general of the Moravian brethren, in your letter to them. “But Mr. Molther was quickly after recalled into Germany.’ This might be on other accounts. You do not say it was out of any dislike of his doctrines or proceed ings.

Here, therefore, you have certainly overshot your self.” (Page 85.) Perhaps not. “These English brethren were, I presume, your followers.” No; this is your first mistake. I was but a single, private member of that society. “After wards you represent them as perverted by the Moravians.” I do; but not yet connected with them. “Before they spoke these wicked things, they had joined these men, and acted under their direction.” This is another mistake. They did not join these men, nor act by their direction, till long after. “If they did not learn them from these new teachers, from whom did they learn them? You cannot bring off the Moravians with out condemning your own people.” They learned them from Mr. Molther chiefly; whom I am not at all concerned to bring off. Now let all men judge which of us two has overshot himself. 11. “In answer to my objections against the inconsistent accounts you have given of the Moravians, you say, ‘They are, I believe, the most self-inconsistent people under the sun. Would not one imagine that you here speak of the same persons, or of the whole body of them in general?” I do, thus far: I ascribe the good to the body of them in general; the evil to part only of that body, to some of those same persons. “Your method of getting over the contradictions I had charged upon you is much the same, -to distinguish either between the Moravians and the English brethren, though these had been their disciples,”--this has been abundantly answered,--“ or between some of the Moravians and others.” (Page 86.) I think a very good method; for propositions are not contradictory unless they both speak of the same persons. However, since youpersist toaffirm that I am guilty of the con tradictions you charged upon me, (page 87.) I think there can not be a sufficient reply without reciting the several instances. 12. First. “You commend them (the Moravians) for loving one another; and yet charge them with biting and devouring one another.” I answered, “Them Whom? Not the Moravians, but the English brethren of Fetter-Lane, before their union with the Moravians.

Not the Moravians, but the English brethren of Fetter-Lane, before their union with the Moravians. Herein, then, is no shadow of contradiction; for the two sentences do not relate to the same persons.” You reply, “Would you then have us to think that so much anger and contradiction reigned among your Methodists?” I “would have you think” this is nothing to the purpose. Prove the contradiction, and you speak to the point. “It is plain they had before this been perverted by the Moravians; and that they were unwilling to be taught by any others.” They; that is, nearly half of the society. But here is no proof of the contradiction still. (2) “You say, ‘They had well nigh destroyed brotherly love from among us, partly by cautions against natural love, partly by occasioning almost continual disputes.” So they had; but we had then no connexion with them. Neither, therefore, does this contradict their loving one another. You reply, “As if they can truly love each other, who teach you not to do it, and stir up divisions and disturbances among you.” You should say, if you would repeat after me, “Who caution you against natural love, and occasion many disputes among you.” Well; allowing they do this, (which is utterly wrong,) yet where is the contradiction? Yet they may love one another. (3.) “You praise them for using no diversions, but such as become saints; and yet say,” (I recite the whole sentence,) “‘I have heard some of you affirm that Christian salvation implies liberty to conform to the world, by joining in worldly diversions in order to do good.’” And both these are true. The Moravians, in general, use no diversions but such as be come saints. And yet I have heard some of them affirm, in contradiction to their own practice, that “one then mentioned did well when he joined in playing at tennis in order to do good.” To this you make no reply. Silence then consents, that there is no contradiction here. (4) “You ‘praise them for not regarding outward adorn ing.’” So I do, the bulk of the congregation.

But I am disappointed: For in your Second Letter I read thus: “The instances of enthusiasm and presumption which your last Journal had furnished me with remain now to be reviewed. The first was of a private revelation, which you appeared to pay great credit to. You had represented everything the woman had spoke in her agony as coming to pass.” (Page 130.) But I had not represented anythingshe spoke then, whether it came to pass or no, as coming from the Spirit of God, but from the devil. You say, “When I read this first, I was amazed, and impa tient to look again into your Journal. But I had no sooner done this, but I was still more astonished. For you have very grievously misrepresented the case.” If I have, then I will bear the blame; but if not, it will light on your head. “It is not this account which you had thus introduced; but another, and a very different one, of what happened a day or two before. Sunday, you mention her as being guilty of gross presumption, which you attribute to the power of the devil. But on Monday and Tuesday the opposite revelations happened, which you relate without the least mark of diffidence or blame.” (Ibid. p. 131.) I am grieved that you constrain me to say any more. In the sixty-sixth and sixty-seventh pages of the last Journal,” I gave account of Mrs. Jones, which I term “a surprising instance of the power of the devil.” It includes the occurrences of three days. This you brought as a proof of my enthusiasm. I answer, * Vol. L. pp. 295, 296, of the present Edition.--EDIT. “The very words that introduce this account,” prove it is no instance of enthusiasm; meaning by this account, (as I suppose is plain to every reader,) the following account of Mrs. Jones. You reply, “It is not this account, which you had thus intro duced, but another, and a very different one, of what hap pened a day or two before.” Sir, it is the whole account of Mrs. Jones which I thus introduce; and not another, not a very different one. And I attribute the agony which she (Mrs.

1. What you urge on the head of enthusiasm also, I think, “deserves my most serious consideration.” You may add, “and presumption.” I let it drop once more; because I do not love tautology; and because I look upon presumption to be essential to enthusiasm, and, consequently, contained therein. I will therefore weigh what you advance concerning it, and explain myself something more at large. “I am to examine,” you say, “how far you have cleared your self of enthusiasm. . My account of this you set down, making as many alterations and omissions as there are lines.” (Page 120.) Perhaps more; for Inever designed to recite the whole, but only the material part of it. “If you did not wholly ap prove of it, why would you not let me know what you disliked in it?” Because I do not love many words. Therefore when the argument stood thus, “He that does this is an enthusiast; but you do this; ” I was generally content with answering the second proposition, and leaving the first as I found it. “I laid this charge against you and the Methodists in gene ral; between you every part of the character has been verified.” I answer for one; let the rest answer for themselves, if they have not better employment. That the question between us may be the more fully under stood, I shall briefly compare together, (1.) Your remarks. (2.) My answer. (3.) Your reply; though still I cannot promise to repeat your words at length. 2. You remark, “Though you would be thought an enemy to enthusiasm and presumption, yet in both you are far from being inferior to the Moravians, or indeed to any others.” (Page 60.) Strong assertions! Not inferior to any others? not to the French Prophets, or John of Leyden “(1.) Enthu siasm is a false persuasion of an extraordinary divine assist ance, which leads men to such conduct as is only to be justified by the supposition of such assistance.” I answer, “Before this touches me, you are to prove (which I conceive you have not done yet) that my conduct is such as is only to be justified by the supposition of such assistance.” (Page 406.) You reply, “This, I think, is proved in the preceding tract.” (Page 120.) I think not. Let men of candour judge.

Suppose then we were to contract the question, in order to make it a little less unwieldy. We will bound our inquiry, for the present, within a square of three or four miles. It may be certainly known by candid men, both what has been and what is now done within this Ristance; and from hence they may judge of those fruits else where, which they cannot be so particularly informed of. Inquire then, “Which are greater, the numbers of serious men, perplexed and deluded by these Teachers, or of notorious sinners brought to repentance and good life,” within the forest of Kingswood? Many indeed of the inhabitants are nearly as they were; are not much better or worse for their preach ing; because the neighbouring Clergy and Gentry have suc cessfully laboured to deter them from hearing it. But between three and four hundred of those who would not be deterred are now under the care of those Preachers. Now, what num ber of these were serious Christians before? Were fifty? Were twenty? Were ten? Peradventure there might five such be found. But it is a question whether there could or no. The remainder were gross, open sinners, common swearers, drunkards, Sabbath-breakers, whoremongers, plunderers, rob bers, implacable, unmerciful, wolves and bears in the shape of men. Do you desire instances of more “notorious sinners” than these? I know not if Turkey or Japan can afford them. And what do you include in “repentance and good life?” Give the strictest definition thereof that you are able; and I will undertake, these once notorious sinners shall be weighed in that balance, and not found wanting. 8. Not that all the Methodists (so called) “were very wicked people before they followed us.” There are those among them, and not a few, who are able to stop the boasting of those that despise them, and to say, “Whereinsoever any of you is bold, I am bold also:” Only they “count all these things but loss, for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus.” But these we found, as it were, when we sought them not.

Not that all the Methodists (so called) “were very wicked people before they followed us.” There are those among them, and not a few, who are able to stop the boasting of those that despise them, and to say, “Whereinsoever any of you is bold, I am bold also:” Only they “count all these things but loss, for the excellency of the knowledge of Christ Jesus.” But these we found, as it were, when we sought them not. We went forth to “seek that which was lost;” (more eminently lost;) “to call” the most flagrant, hardened, desperate “sinners to repentance.” To this end we preached in the Horsefair at Bristol, in Kings wood, in Newcastle; among the colliers in Staffordshire, and the tinners in Cornwall; in Southwark, Wapping, Moorfields, Drury-Lane, at London. Did any man ever pick out such places as these, in order to find “serious, regular, well-disposed peo ple?” How many such might then be in any of them I know not. But this I know, that four in five of those who are now with us were not of that number, but were wallowing in their blood, till God by us said unto them, “Live.” Sir, I willingly put the whole cause on this issue: What are the general consequences of this preaching? Are there more tares or wheat? more “good men destroyed,” (that is the pro per question,) or “wicked men saved?” The last place where we began constant preaching is a part of Wiltshire and Somerset shire, near Bath. Now, let any man inquire at Rhode, Brad ford, Wrexall, or among the colliers at Coleford, (1.) What kind of people were those “before they followed these men?” (2.) What are the main doctrines they have been teaching for this twelvemonth? (3.) What effect have these doctrines upon their followers? What manner of lives do they lead now?

that they do not spring from the heart? Suppose these were “exalted degrees of strictness,” is your Lordship absolutely assured that we practise them only “to make our way into weak minds and fickle heads?” Where is the proof that these “pretences to greater sanctity,” (as your Lordship is pleased to phrase them,) are mere pretences, and have nothing of reality or sincerity in them? My Lord, this is an accusation of the highest nature. If we are guilty, we are not so much as moral Heathens. We are monsters, not only unworthy of the Christian name, but unfit for human society. It tears up all pretences to the love of God and man; to justice, mercy, or truth. But how is it proved? Or does your Lordship read the heart, and so pass sentence with out any proof at all? O my Lord, ought an accusation of the lowest kind to be thus received, even against the lowest of the people? How much less can this be reconciled with the apos tolical advice to the Bishop of Ephesus: “Against a Presbyter receive not an accusation, but before two or three witnesses;” and those face to face. When it is thus proved, “them that sin, rebuke before all.” Your Lordship doubtless remembers * I continued this about two years. the words that follow : (How worthy to be written in your heart!) “I charge thee, before God, and the Lord Jesus Christ, and the elect angels, that thou observe these things without preferring one before another, doing nothing by partiality.” (1 Timothy v. 19-21.) IV. 16. “They mislead the people into an opinion of the high merit of punctual attendances on their performances, to the neglect of the business of their stations.” (Ibid. p. 26.) My Lord, this is not so. You yourself, in this very Charge, have cleared us from one part of this accusation. You have borne us witness, (ibid. p.

But I must draw to a conclusion. Your Lordship has, without doubt, had some success in opposing this doctrine. Very many have, by your Lordship’s unwearied endeavours, been deterred from hearing at all; and have thereby probably escaped the being seduced into holiness, have lived and died in their sins. My Lord, the time is short. I am past the noon of life, and my remaining years flee away as a shadow. Your Lordship is old and full of days, having past the usual age of man. It cannot, therefore, be long before we shall both drop this house of earth, and stand naked before God: No, nor before we shall see the great white throne coming down from heaven, and Him that sitteth thereon. On his left hand shall be those who are shortly to dwell in everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels. In that number will be all who died in their sins; and, among the rest, those whom you pre served from repentance. Will you then rejoice in your success? The Lord God grant it may not be said in that hour, “These have perished in their iniquity; but their blood I require at thy hands !” I am Your Lordship's dutiful son and servant, LoNDoN June 11, 1747. REVEREND SIR, TULLAMoRE, May 4, 1748. I HAVE at present neither leisure nor inclination to enter into a formal controversy; but you will give me leave just to offer a few loose hints relating to the subject of last night's conversation: 1. Seeing life and health are things of so great importance, it is, without question, highly expedient that Physicians should have all possible advantages of learning and education. 2. That trial should be made of them, by competent judges, before they practise publicly. 3. That after such trial, they be authorized to practise by those who are empowered to convey that authority. 4. And that, while they are preserving the lives of others, they should have what is sufficient to sustain their own. 5. But supposing a gentleman, bred at the University in Dublin, with all the advantages of education, after he has undergone all the usual trials, and then been regularly authorized to practise : 6.

Did you ever read so much as the three first Homilies? I beg of you, Sir, to read these at least, before you write again about the doctrine of the Church of England. And would it not be prudent to read a few of the writings of the Methodists before you undertake a farther confutation of them? At present you know not the men, or their communication. You are as wholly unacquainted both with them and their doctrines, as if you had lived all your days in the islands of Japan, or the deserts of Arabia. You have given a furious assault to you know not whom ; and you have done it, you know not why. You have not hurt me thereby; but you have hurt yourself, perhaps in your cha racter, certainly in your conscience. For this is not doing to others “as you would they should do unto you.” When you grow cool, I trust you will see this clearly; and will no more accuse, in a manner so remote from fairness and candour, Reverend Sir, Your servant for Christ’s sake, To FonMoN CASTLE, August 24, 1758. IN the preface to your Sermon, lately printed, you men tion your having received my former letter, and add, that “if the proofs you have now brought do not satisfy me as to the validity of your former assertions; if I am not yet convinced that such positions are held by people who pass under the denomination of Methodists, and will signify this by a private letter, I shall have a more particular answer.” I desire to live peaceably with all men; and should therefore wish for no more than a private answer to a private letter, did the affair lie be tween you and me. But this is not the case: You have already appealed to the Archbishop, the University, the nation. Before these judges you have advanced a charge of the highest kind, not only against me, but a whole body of people. Before these, therefore, I must either confess the charge, or give in my answer. But you say, “I charge blasphemy, impiety, &c., upon the profession of Methodism in general.

But you say, “I charge blasphemy, impiety, &c., upon the profession of Methodism in general. I use no personal reflections upon you, nor any invective against you, but in the character of a Methodist.” That is, you first say, “All Methodists are pickpockets, rebels, blasphemers, Atheists; ” and then add, “I use no reflections upon you, but in the character of a Methodist;” but in the character of a pickpocket, blasphemer, Atheist. None but ! What can you do more? But this, you say, is the practice of all honest men, and a part of the liberty wherewith Christ hath made you free. Nay, surely there are some honest men who scruple using their oppo ments in this manner. At least, I do: Suppose you was an Atheist, I would not bring against you a railing accusation. I would still endeavour to “treat you with gentleness and meek ness,” and thus to “show the sincerity” of my faith. I leave to you that exquisite “bitterness of spirit, and extreme viru lence of language,” which, you say, is your duty, and term zeal. (Preface, p. 5.) And certainly zeal, fervour, heat, it is. But is this heat from above? Is it the offspring of heaven, or a smoke from the bottomless pit? O Sir, whence is that zeal which makes you talk in such a manner to his Grace of Canterbury? “I lay before you the disposition of an enemy who threaten our Church with a gene ral alteration or total subversion; who interrupt us as we walk the streets,” (Whom? When? Where?) “in that very dress which distinguishes us as servants of the state,” (altogether servants of the state?) “in the now sad capacity of Ministers of the falling Church of England. Such being the prostrate, miserable condition of the Church, and such the triumphant state of its enemies, none of the English Priesthood can expect better security or longer continuance than the rest. They all subsist at mercy. Your Grace and those of your order will fare no better than those of our own.” Sir, are you in earnest? Do you really believe Lambeth is on the point of being blown up?

In the tenth you say, “The Methodists act on the same plan with the Papists; not, perhaps, from compact and design; but a similar con figuration and texture of brain, or the fumes of imagination, producing similar effects. From a commiseration of horror, arising from the grievous corruptions of the world, perhaps from a real motive of sincere piety, they both set out with warm pretences to a reformation.” Sir, this is an uncommon thought, --that sincere piety should arise from the “configuration and texture of the brain l” as well as, that “pretences to a refor mation” should spring from “a real motive of sincere piety l’’ 4. You go on : “Both commonly begin their adventures with field-preaching.” (Enthusiasm, &c., p. 11.) Sir, do you condemn field-preaching toto genere, as evil in itself? Have a care! or you (I should say, the gentleman that assists you) will speak a little too plain, and betray the real motives of his sincere antipathy to the people called Methodists. Or do you condemn the preaching on Hannam-Mount, in particular, to the colliers of Kingswood? If you doubt whether this has done any real good, it is a very easy thing to be in formed. And I leave it with all impartial men, whether the good which has in fact been done by preaching there, and which could not possibly have been done any other way, does not abundantly “justify the irregularity of it.” (Page 15.) 5. But you think I am herein inconsistent with myself. For I say, “The uncommonness is the very circumstance that recommends it.” (I mean, that recommended it to the colliers in Kingswood.) And yet I said, but a page or two before, “We are not suffered to preach in the churches; else we should prefer them to any places whatsoever.” Sir, I still aver both the one and the other. I do prefer the preaching in a church when I am suffered: And yet, when I am not, the wise providence of God overrules this very cir cumstance for good; many coming to hear, because of the uncommonness of the thing, who would otherwise not have heard at all. 6.

O, for a plain reason,-to make it look like two instances of enthusiasm, otherwise it could have made but one at the most. But you cannot make out one, till you have proved that these directions were by immediate revelation. I never affirmed they were. I now affirm they were not. Now, Sir, make your best of them. You add, “Let me mention a few directions coming by way of command: Mr. Wesley says, “I came to Mr. Dela motte's, where I expected a cool reception; but God had pre BISHOP LAVINGTON. l I pared the way before me.’” (Page 69.) What, by a com mand to Mr. Delamotte P Who told you so P Not I, nor any one else, only your own fruitful imagination. 27. Your next discovery is more curious still: That “itinerants order what they want at a public-house, and then tell the landlord that he will be damned if he takes anything of them.” (Page 69.) I was beating my brain to find out what itinerant this should be; as I could not but imagine, some silly man or other, probably styling himself a Methodist, must somewhere or other have given some ground for a story so punctually delivered. In the midst of this, a letter from Cornwall informed me, it was I: I myself was the very man, and ac quainted me with the place, and the person to whom I said it. But as there are some particulars in that letter (sent without a name) which I did not well understand, I transcribe a few words of it, in hopes that the author will give me fuller information : “As to the Bishop's declaring what the landlord of Mitchel says, in respect to your behaviour, I do not at all wonder at the story.” The Bishop's declaring ! Whom can he mean? Surely not the Right Reverend Dr. George Lavington, Lord Bishop of Exeter ! When, or to whom, did he declare it? at Truro in Cornwall? or in Plymouth, at his Visitation ? to all the Clergy who were assembled before God to receive his pastoral instructions? His Lordship of Exeter must cer tainly have more regard to the dignity of the episcopal office! 28.

p. 219.) Sir, do I here “summon my opponents to the bar of judg ment?” So you would make me do, by quoting only that scrap, “I cite you all, before ‘the Judge of all the earth!’” You then add, with equal charity and sincerity, “Here you have the true spirit of an enthusiast, flushed with a modest assur ance of his own salvation, and the charitable prospect of the damnation of others.” O Sir, never name modesty more ! Here end your laboured attempts to show the “uncharitable spirit” of the Methodists; who, for anything you have shown to the contrary, may be the most charitable people under the Sun. 30. You charge the Methodists next with “violation and contempt of order and authority;” (Section xviii. p. 124;) namely, the authority of the governors of the Church. I have answered every article of this charge, in the Second and Third Parts of the “Farther Appeal,” and the “Letter to Mr. Church.” When you have been so good as to reply to what is there advanced, I may possibly say something more. What you offer of your own upon this head, I shall consider without delay:-- “Women and boys are actually employed in this ministry of public preaching.” Please to tell me where. I know them not, nor ever heard of them before. You add, what is more marvellous still, “I speak from per sonal knowledge, that sometimes, a little before delivering of the elements at the communion, three or four Methodists together will take it into their heads to go away; that sometimes, while the sentences of the offertory were reading, they have called out to the Minister who carried the bason, reproaching him for ask ing alms of them; that sometimes, when the Minister has deli vered the bread into their hands, instead of eating it, they would slip it into their pockets.” Sir, you must show your face, before these stories will find credit on your bare asseveration. “Yet they are surprised,” you say, “that every man in his senses does not, without the least hesitation, join them.” Sir, I am surprised (unless you are not in your senses) at your advancing such a barefaced falsehood. 31. You go on: “Under this head may, not improperly, be considered their undutiful behaviour to the civil powers.” What proof have you of this?

Who fanaticized his own followers, and de prived them of their senses? Whose societies (by his own con fession) run over in shoals to Moravianism forty or fifty at a time? Would they have split upon this rock, if they had not been first Methodists? Lastly: Where is the spawn of Mora vianism so strongly working as in the children of Methodism?” Sir, you run very fast. And yet I hope to overtake you by and by. “Mr. Wesley,” you say, “has preached against the Moravians, since he quarrelled with them.” Sir, I never quarrelled with their persons yet: I did with some of their tenets long ago. He “gives them a box on the ear with the one hand, and embraces them with the other.” That is, I embrace what is good among them, and at the same time re prove what is evil. “Who first brought over this wicked generation?” Not I, whether they be wicked or not. I once thought I did; but have since then seen and acknow ledged my mistake. “Who made a Moravian his spiritual guide?” Not I; though I have occasionally consulted several. “Who fanaticized his own followers, and deprived them of their senses?” Not I. Prove it upon me if you can. “Whose societies (by his own confession) run over in shoals to Mora vianism, forty or fifty at a time?” Truly, not mine. Two and-fifty of Kingswood society ran over to Calvinism, and, a year before, part of Fetter-Lane society gradually went over to the Moravians. But I know none of ours that went over “in shoals.” They never, that I remember, gained five at a time; nor fifty in all, to the best of my knowledge, for these last ten years. “Would they” (of Fetter-Lane) “have split on this rock, if they had not first been Methodists?” Undoubtedly they would; for several of them had not first been Methodists. Mr. Viney, for instance, (as well as several others,) was with the Germans before ever he saw me. “Lastly: Where is the spawn of Moravianism working so strongly as in the children of Methodism?” If you mean the errors of Moravianism, they are not working at all in the generality of the children of Methodism; the Methodists To BISBOP LAVINGTON. 47 in general being thoroughly apprized of, and fully guarded against, them.

But you might now suppose I was at a convenient distance. However, I will not plead this as an excuse for taking no notice of your last favour; although, to say the truth, I scarce know how to answer it, as you write in a language I am not accustomed to. Both Dr. Tucker, Dr. Church, and all the other gentlemen who have wrote to me in public for some years, have wrote as gentlemen, having some regard to their own, whatever my character was. But as you fight in the dark, you regard not what weapons you * The Letter thus subscribed was published at Cork, on May 30th last. use. We are not, therefore, on even terms; I cannot answer you in kind; I am constrained to leave this to your good allies of Blackpool and Fair-Lane.* I shall first state the facts on which the present controversy turns; and then consider the most material parts of your performance. First. I am to state the facts. But here I am under a great disadvantage, having few of my papers by me. Excuse me therefore if I do not give so full an account now, as I may possibly do hereafter; if I only give you for the present the extracts of some papers which were lately put into my hands. 1. “THoMAs Jones, of Cork, merchant, deposes, “That on May 3, 1749, Nicholas Butler, ballad-singer, came before the house of this deponent, and assembled a large mob : That this deponent went to Daniel Crone, Esq., then Mayor of Cork, and desired that he would put a stop to those riots; asking, at the same time, whether he gave the said Butler leave to go about in this manner: That Mr. Mayor said, he neither gave him leave, neither did he hinder him : That in the evening Butler gathered a larger mob than before, and went to the house where the people called Methodists were assembled to hear the word of God, and, as they came out, threw dirt and hurt several of them.

Mayor said, he neither gave him leave, neither did he hinder him : That in the evening Butler gathered a larger mob than before, and went to the house where the people called Methodists were assembled to hear the word of God, and, as they came out, threw dirt and hurt several of them. “That on May 4, this deponent, with some others, went to the Mayor and told what had been done, adding, “If your Wor ship pleases only to speak three words to Butler, it will all be over:” That the Mayor gave his word and honour there should be no more of it, he would put an entire stop to it: That, not withstanding, a larger mob than ever came to the house the same evening: That they threw much dirt and many stones at the people, both while they were in the house, and when they came out: That the mob then fell upon them, both on men and women, with clubs, hangers, and swords; so that many of them were much wounded, and lost a considerable quantity of blood. “That on May 5, this deponent informed the Mayor of all, and also that Butler had openly declared there should be a greater mob than ever there was that night: That the Mayor promised he would prevent it: That in the evening Butler did bring a greater mob than ever: That this deponent, hearing the * Celebrated parts of Cork. ThE REV. M.R. BAILY. 67 Mayor designed to go out of the way, set two men to watch him, and, when the riot was begun, went to the ale-house, and inquired for him : That the woman of the house denying he was there, this deponent insisted he was, declared he would not go till he had seen him, and began searching the house: That Mr.

“DANIEL SULLIVAN is ready to depose farther, “That, from the sixteenth of May to the twenty-eighth, the mob gathered every day before his house: That on Sunday, 28, Butler swore they would come the next day, and pull down the house of that heretic dog; and called aloud to the mob, ‘Let the heretic dogs indict you: I will bring you all off without a farthing cost.’ “That, accordingly, on May 29, Butler came with a greater mob than before: That he went to the Mayor and begged him to come, which he for some time refused to do; but after much importunity, rose up, and walked with him down the street: That when they were in the midst of the mob, the Mayor said aloud, ‘It is your own fault for entertaining these Preachers: If you will turn them out of your house, I will engage there shall be no more harm done; but if you will not turn them out, you must take what you will get: That upon this the mob set up an huzza, and threw stones faster than before; that he said, ‘This is fine usage under a Protestant Government If I had a Priest saying mass in every room of it, my house would not be touched:” That the Mayor replied, ‘The Priests are tolerated, but you are not; you talk too much: Go in, and shut up your doors l’ That, seeing no remedy, he did so; and the mob continued breaking the windows and throwing stones in till near twelve at night. “That on May 31, the said Sullivan and two more went and informed the Mayor of what the mob was then doing: That it was not without great importunity they brought him as far as the Exchange: That he would go no farther, nor send any help, though some that were much bruised and wounded came by: That some hours after, when the mob had finished their work, he sent a party of soldiers to guard the walls. 5. “John StockDALE deposes farther, “That on May 31, he withothers was quietly hearing the word of God, when Butler and his mob came down to the house: That as they came out, the mob threwshowers of dirt and stones: That many were hurt, many beat, bruised, and cut; among whom was TIIL REV, Mr. BAILY.

“ANN WRIGHT, of Cork, deposes, “That on or about the 12th of June, as this deponent was in her own house, Butler and his mob came before her door, calling her and her family heretic bitches, and swearing he would make her house hotter than hell-fire: That he threw dirt and stomes at them, hit her in the face, dashed all the goods about which she had in her window, and, she really believes, would have dashed out her brains, had she not quitted her shop, and fled for her life. “MARGARET GRIFFIN, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 24th of June, as this deponent was about her business, Butler and his mob came up, took hold on her, tore her clothes, struck her several times, and cut her mouth; that after she broke from him, he and his mob pursued her to her house, and would have broken in, had not some neigh bours interposed: That he had beat and abused her several times before, and one of those times to such a degree, that she was all in a gore of blood, and continued spitting blood for several days after. “JAcoB CoNNER, clothier, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 24th of June, as he was employed in his lawful business, Butler and his mob came up, and, without any manner of provocation, fell upon him: That they beat him till they caused such an effusion of blood as could not be stopped for a considerable time: And that he verily believes, had not a gentleman interposed, they would have killed him on the spot. 9. “ANN HUGHEs, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 29th of June, she asked Nicholas Butler, why he broke open her house on the 21st: That hereon he called her many abusive names, (being attended with his usual mob,) dragged her up and down, tore her clothes in pieces, and with his sword stabbed and cut her in both her arms. “DANIEL FILTs, blacksmith, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 29th of June, Butler and a riotous mob came before his door, called him many abusive names, drew his hanger, and threatened to stab him: That he and his mob the next day assaulted the house of this deponent with drawn swords: And that he is persuaded, had not one who came by prevented, they would have taken away his life. 10.

10. “MARY FULLER, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 30th of June, Butler, at the head of his mob, came between nine and ten at night to the deponent’s shop, with a naked sword in his hand; that he swore he would cleave. the depomont's skull, and immediately made a full stroke at her head; whereupon she was obliged to fly for her life, leaving her shop and goods to the mob, many of which they hacked and hewed with their swords, to her no small loss and damage. “HENRY DUNKLE, joiner, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 30th of June, as he was standing at the widow Fuller’s shop window, he saw Butler, accompanied with a large mob, who stopped before her shop: That after he had grossly abused her, he made a full stroke with his hanger at her head, which must have cleft her in two, had not this deponent received the guard of the hanger on his shoulder: That presently after, the said Butler seized upon this depo ment: That he seized him by the collar with one hand, and with the other held the hanger over his head, calling him all manner of names, and tearing his shirt and clothes: And that, had it not been for the timely assistance of some neigh bours, he verily believes he should have been torn in pieces. “MARGARET TRIMNELL, of Cork, deposes, “That on the 30th of June, John Austin and Nicholas Butler, with a numerous mob, came to her shop: That, after calling her many names, Austin struck her with his club on the right arm, so that it has been black ever since from the shoulder to the elbow : That Butler came next, and with a great stick struck her a violent blow across the back: That many of them then drew their swords, which they carried under their coats, and cut and hacked her goods, part of which they threw out into the street, while others of them threw dirt and stones into the shop, to the considerable damage of her goods, and loss of this deponent.” 11. It was not for those who had any regard either to their persons or goods, to oppose Mr. Butler after this.

Butler after this. So the poor people patiently suffered whatever he and his mob were pleased to inflict upon them, till the Assizes drew on, at which they doubted not to find a sufficient, though late, relief. Accordingly, twenty-eight depositions were taken, (from the foul copies of some of which the preceding account is mostly transcribed,) and laid before the Grand Jury, August 19. But they did not find any one of these bills. Instead of this, they made that memorable presentment which is worthy to be preserved in the annals of Ireland to all succeeding generations: “We find and present Charles Wesley to be a person of ill fame, a vagabond, and a common disturber of His Majesty’s peace; and we pray he may be transported. “We find and present James Williams,” &c. “We find and present Robert Swindle,” &c. “We find and present Jonathan Reeves,” &c. “We find and present James Wheatly,” &c. “We find and present John Larwood,” &c. “We find and present Joseph M'Auliff,” &c. “We find and present Charles Skelton,” &c. “We find and present William Tooker,” &c. “We find and present Daniel Sullivan,” &c. 12. Mr. Butler and his mob were now in higher spirits than ever. They scoured the streets day and night; frequently hallooing, as they went along, “Five pounds for a Swaddler’s head!”* their chief declaring to them all, he had full liberty now to do whatever he would, even to murder, if he pleased; as Mr. Swain, of North Abbey, and others are ready to testify. 13. The Sessions, held at Cork on the 5th of October fol lowing, produced another memorable presentment. “We find and present John Horton to be a person of ill fame, a vagabond, and a common disturber of His Majesty’s peace; and we pray that he may be transported.” But complaint being made of this above, as wholly illegal, it vanished into air. 14. Some time after, Mr. Butler removed to Dublin, and began to sing his ballads there. But having little success, he returned to Cork, and in January began to scour the streets again, pursuing all of “this way,” with a large mob at his heels, armed with swords, staves, and pistols. Com plaint was made of this to William Holmes, Esq., the present Mayor of Cork.

Com plaint was made of this to William Holmes, Esq., the present Mayor of Cork. But there was no removal of the thing complained of; the riots were not suppressed: Nay, they not only continued, but increased. 15. From the beginning of February to the end, His Majesty’s peace was preserved just as before; of which it may be proper to subjoin two or three instances, for the information of all thinking men -- “WILLIAM JEwBLL, clothier, of Shandon Church-Lane, deposes, “That Nicholas Butler, with a riotous mob, several times * A name first given to Mr. Cennick, from his first preaching on those words: “Ye shall find the babe wrapped in swaddling clothes, lying in a manger.” assaulted this deponent’s house: That particularly on the 23d of February, he came thither with a large mob, armed with clubs and other weapons: That several of the rioters entered the house, and swore, the first who resisted, they would blow their brains out: That the deponent’s wife, en deavouring to stop them, was assaulted and beaten by the said Butler; who then ordered his men to break the deponent's windows, which they did with stones of a considerable weight. “MARY PHILIPs, of St.

“MARY PHILIPs, of St. Peter's Church-Lane, deposes, “That on the 26th of February, about seven in the evening, Nicholas Butler came to her house with a large mob, and asked where her husband was: That as soon as she appeared, he first abused her in the grossest terms, and then struck her on the head, so that it stunned her; and she verily believes, had not some within thrust to and fastened the door, she should have been murdered on the spot.” It may suffice for the present to add one instance more -- “ELIZABETH GARDELET, wife of Joseph Gardelet, Corporal, in Colonel Pawlet’s regiment, Captain Charlton’s company, deposes, “That on February 28, as she was going out of her lodgings, she was met by Butler and his mob : That Butler, without any manner of provocation, immediately fell upon her, striking her with both his fists on the side of the head, which knocked her head against the wall: That she endeavoured to escape from him; but he pursued her, and struck her several times in the face: That she ran into the school-yard for shelter; but he followed, and caught hold of her, saying, ‘You whore, you stand on consecrated ground,’ and threw her with such force across the lane, that she was driven against the opposite wall: That when she had recovered herself a little, she made the best of her way to her lodging; but Butler still pursued, and overtook her as she was going up the stairs: That he struck her with his fist on the stomach; which stroke knocked her down backwards; that falling with the small of her back against the edge of one of the stairs, she was not able to rise again: That her pains immediately came upon her, and about two in the morning she miscarried.” 16. These, with several more depositions to the same effect, were, in April, laid before the Grand Jury. Yet they did not find any of these bills | But they found one against Daniel 74 LETTER. To Sullivan, the younger, (no Preacher, but a hearer of the people called Methodists,) who, when Butler and his mob were dis charging a shower of stones upon him, fired a pistol, without any ball, over their heads.

Stockdale's house, till the drums beat, and the Mayor's sergeants beckoned to them; on which they drew up, and began the attack. The Mayor, being sent for, came with a party of soldiers. Mr. Stockdale earnestly desired that he would disperse the mob, or at least leave the soldiers there to protect them from the rioters. But he took them all away with him; on which the mob went on, and broke all the glass and most of the window-frames in pieces. 22. Wednesday, 23. The mob was still patrolling the streets; abusing all that were called Methodists; and threat ening to murder them, and pull down their houses, if they did not leave “this way.” Thursday, 24. They again assaulted Mr. Stockdale's house, broke down the boards he had nailed up against the windows, destroyed what little remained of the window-frames and shutters, and damaged a considerable part of his goods. Friday, 25, and again on Saturday, 26, one Roger O'Ferrall fixed up an advertisement at the public Exchange, (as he had also done for several days before,) that he was ready to head any mob, in order to pull down any house that should dare to harbour a Swaddler. 23. Sunday, 27. I wrote the following letter to the Mayor: “MR. MAYoR, “AN hour ago I received A Letter to Mr. Butler, just reprinted at Cork. The publishers assert, ‘It was brought down from Dublin to be distributed among the society. But Mr. Wesley called in as many as he could.” Both these assertions are absolutely false. I read some lines of that letter when I was in Dublin, but never read it over before this morning. Who the author of it is, I know not. But this I know; Inever called in one; neither concerned myself about it; much less brought any down to distribute among the society. “Yet I cannot but return my hearty thanks to the gentle 'men who have distributed them through the town. I believe it will do more good than they are sensible of For though I dislike its condemning the Magistrates and Clergy in general, (several of whom were not concerned in the late proceedings,) yet I think the reasoning is strong and clear; and that the facts referred to therein are not at all misrepresented, will sufficiently appear in due time. “I fear God and honour the King.

Some who have a little share of reason, think they are capable both of speaking and writing good sense. But if they are not, if they cannot write or read, they can save souls from death; they can, by the grace of God, bring sinners from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God. 7. But they “made a woman plunder her poor old husband, and another absent herself from her husband and children.” (Pages 24, 25.) Pray, what are their names; where do they live; and how may one come to the speech of them? I have heard so many plausible tales of this kind, which on examina tion vanished away, that I cannot believe one word of this till I have more proof than your bare assertion. 8. So far I have been pleading for others. But I am now called to answer for myself. For “Theophilus and John Wes ley,” say you, “seem to me the same individual person.” (Page 4.) They may seem so to you; but not to any who knows either my style or manner of writing. Besides, if it had been mine, it would have borne my name: For I do not love fight ing in the dark. But were not “a great number ’’ of those books “brought from Dublin, to be dispersed throughout the city?” Not by me; not by my order, nor to my knowledge. However, I thank you again for dispersing them. 9. But “while charity stands in the front of Christian graces, the author of such a book can have none of that grace. For you must allow the vulgar to think.” (Page 26.) Mal-a propos enough, a lively saying; but for any use it is of, it may stand either in the front or rear of the sentence. The argument itself is something new. A man knocks me down: I cry, “Help! help! or I shall be murdered.” He replies, “While charity stands in the front of Christian graces, the author of such a cry can have none of that grace.” So now you have shown to all the world “the uncharitable and consequently unchristian spirit of Methodism.” What! because the Methodists cry out for help, before you have beat out their brains? What grimace is this !

The precise mean ing of the term is, “a new birth unto righteousness,” an in ward change from unholy to holy tempers. You go on : “This grace our Lord here calls, ‘entering into the kingdom of God.’” If so, his assertion is, “Except a man be born again,--he cannot” be born again. Not so. What he says is, Except a man experience this change, he cannot enter into my kingdom. 4. You proceed: “Our holy Church doth teach us, that-- by the laver of regeneration in baptism, we are received into the number of the children of God-This is the first part of the new birth.” What is the first part of the new birth P baptism? It is the outward sign of that inward and spiritual grace; but no part of it at all. It is impossible it should be. The outward sign is no more a part of the inward grace than the body is a part of the soul. Or do you mean, that regeneration is a part of the new birth ? Nay, this is the whole of it. Or is it the “laver of regeneration ” which is the first part of it? That cannot be; for you suppose this to be the same with baptism. 5. “The second part, the inward and spiritual grace, is a death unto sin, and a new birth unto righteousness.” What 1 Is the new birth the second part of the new birth? I appre hend it is the first and second part too: And surely nothing could have prevented your seeing this, but the ardour of your spirit, and the impetuosity with which you rush along and trample down all before you. Your manner of writing reminds me of an honest Quaker in Cornwall, whose words I would recommend to your consideration. Being consulted by one of the Friends, whether he should publish a tract which he had read to many in private, he replied, “What! Art thou not content with laying John Wesley on his back, but thou must tread his guts out too?” 6. So much for your account of the new birth.

Let us see what a picture you draw of them in this state, both as to their principles and practice. You begin with a home stroke: “In the Montanist you may behold the bold lineaments and bloated countenance of the * This accommodated quotation from Persius may be thus rendered:--“As if you had the most intimate knowledge of ns.”-EDIT. 100 LETTER. To Methodist.” (Page 17.) I wish you do not squint at the honest countenance of Mr. Venn, who is indeed as far from fear as he is from guile. But if it is somewhat “bloated,” that is not his fault; sickness may have the same effect on yours or mine. But to come closer to the point: “They have darkened re ligion with many ridiculous fancies, tending to confound the head, and to corrupt the heart.” (Page 13.) “A thorough knowledge of them would work, in every rightly-disposed mind, an abhorrence of those doctrines which directly tend to distract the head, and to debauch the heart, by turning faith into frenzy, and the grace of God into wantonness.” (Pages 101, 102.) “These doctrines are unreasonable and ridiculous, clashing with our natural ideas of the divine perfections, with the end of religion, with the honour of God, and man’s both present and future happiness. Therefore we pronounce them ‘filthy dreamers, turning faith into fancy, the gospel into farce; thus adding blasphemy to enthusiasm.” (Pages 66,68.) Take breath, Sir; there is a long paragraph behind.

It is likewise discerned by internal signs,--both by the witness of the Spirit, and the fruit of the Spirit; namely, “love, peace, joy, meekness, gentleness; ” by all “the mind which was in Christ Jesus.” 11. You assert, Fourthly, “They speak of grace, that it is as perceptible to the heart as sensible objects are to the senses; whereas the Scriptures speak of grace, that it is conveyed imperceptibly; and that the only way to be satisfied whether we have it or no, is to appeal, not to our inward feelings, but our outward actions.” (Page 32.) We do speak of grace, (meaning thereby, that power of God which worketh in us both to will and to do of his good pleasure,) that it is “as perceptible to the heart” (while it comforts, refreshes, purifies, and sheds the love of God abroad therein) “as sensible objects are to the senses.” And yet we do not doubt, but it may frequently be “conveyed to us imperceptibly.” But we know no scripture which speaks of it as always conveyed, and always working, in an imperceptible manner. We likewise allow, that outward actions are one way of satisfying us that we have grace in our hearts. But we cannot possibly allow, that “the only way to be satisfied of this is to appeal to our outward actions, and not our inward feelings.” On the contrary, we 104 LETTER. To believe that love, joy, peace, are inwardly felt, or they have no being; and that men are satisfied they have grace, first by feel ing these, and afterward by their outward actions. 12. You assert, Fifthly, “They talk of regeneration in every Christian, as if it was as sudden and miraculous a conver sion as that of St. Paul and the first converts to Christianity, and as if the signs of it were frightful tremors of body, and convulsive agonies of mind; not as a work graciously begun and gradually carried on by the blessed Spirit, in conjunction with our rational powers and faculties; the signs of which are sincere and universal obedience.” (Page 33.) This is part true, part false. We do believe regeneration, or, in plain English, the new birth, to be as miraculous or super natural a work now as it was seventeen hundred years ago.

Had you only taken the trouble of reading one tract, the “Appeal to Men of Reason and Religion,” you would have seen that a great part of what you affirm is what I never denied. To put this beyond dispute, I beg leave to transcribe some passages from that treatise; which will show not only what I teach now, but what I have taught for many years. I will afterward simply and plainly declare wherein I as yet differ from you: And the rather, that if I err therein, you may, by God’s assistance, convince me of it. I. 1. “Justification sometimes means our acquittal at the last day. (Matt. xii. 37.) But this is altogether out of the present question; that justification whereof our Articles and Homilies speak, meaning present forgiveness, pardon of sins, and, consequently, acceptance with God; who therein ‘declares his righteousness’ (or mercy, by or) “for the remission of the sins that are past; saying, ‘I will be merciful to thy unrighteousness, and thine iniquities I will remember no more.” (Rom. iii. 25; Heb. viii. 12.) “I believe the condition of this is faith. (Rom. iv. 5, &c.) I mean, not only, that without faith we cannot be justified; but also, that as soon as any one has true faith, in that moment he is justified. “Good works follow this faith, but cannot go before it: (Luke vi. 43:) Much less can sanctification, which implies a continued course of good works, springing from holiness of heart. But it is allowed, that entire sanctification goes before our justification at the last day. (Heb. xii. 14.) “It is allowed, also, that repentance, and ‘fruits meet for repentance, go before faith. (Mark i. 15; Matt. iii. 8.) Repent ance absolutely must go before faith; fruits meet for it, if there be opportunity. By repentance, I mean conviction of sin, pro ducing real desires and sincere resolutions of amendment; and by “fruits meet for repentance, forgiving our brother; (Matt. vi. 14, 15;) ceasing from evil, doing good; (Luke iii. 8, 9, &c.;) using the ordinances of God, and, in general, obeying him according to the measure of grace which we have received. (Matthew vii. 7; xxv. 29.) But these I cannot as yet term good works; because they do not spring from faith and the love of God.” (Farther Appeal. Vol. VIII. pp. 46, 47.) 2.

Neither will anything like this follow from the Apostle's. saying to the Corinthians, “Though I had all faith, so as to remove mountains, and have not charity, I am nothing.” This only proves that miracle-working faith may be where saving faith is not. 8. To the argument, “St. Paul says, “Abraham was justified by faith,’” you answer, “St. James says, “Abraham was justi fied by works.’” (Page 24.) True: But he neither speaks of the same justification, nor the same faith, nor the same works. Not of the same justification; for St. Paul speaks of that justi fication which was five-and-twenty years before Isaac was born; (Genesis;) St. James, of that wherewith he was justified when he offered up Isaac on the altar. It is living faith whereby St. Paul affirms we are justified: It is dead faith whereby St. James affirms we are not justified. St. Paul speaks of works antecedent to justification; St. James, of works consequent upon it. This is the plain, easy, natural way of reconciling the two Apostles. The fact was manifestly this: (1.) When Abraham dwelt in Haran, being then seventy-five years old, God called him thence: He “believed God,” and He “counted it to him for righteousness; ” that is, “he was justified by faith,” as St. Paul strenuously asserts. (2.) Many years after Isaac was born, (some of the ancients thought three-and-thirty,) Abraham, showing his faith by his works, offered him up upon the altar. (3.) Here the “faith” by which, in St. Paul's sense, he was justified long before, “wrought together with his works;” and he was justified in St. James’s sense, that is, (as the Apostle explains his own meaning,) “by works his faith was made perfect.” God confirmed, increased, and perfected the principle from which those works sprang. 9.

3. “The next mark of the celestial wisdom is, it is ‘gentle, and easy to be entreated;’ compliant and even obsequious to all men.” And how does it appear that...I am wanting in this? Why, he is “a severe condemner of his fellow-citizens, and a severe exactor of conformity to his own observances.” Now, the proof: (1) “He tells us this in the very appellation he assumes.” (Page 192.) Nay, I never assumed it at all. (2.) But “you say, ‘Useless conversation is an abomination to the Lord.’ And what is this, but to withstand St. Paul to the face?” Why, did St. Paul join in or condemn useless conversation? I rather think he reproves it. He condemns as oatpos Aoyos, “putrid, stinking conversation,” all that is not good, all that is not “to the use of edifying,” and meet to “ministergracetothehearers.” (Eph. iv. 29.) (3.) Mr. Wesley “resolved never to laugh, nor to speak a tittle of worldly things;” (page 198;)--“thoughothers may, nay, must.” Pray add that, with the reason of my so resolving, namely, that I expected to die in a few days. If I expected it now, probably, I should resume the resolution. But, be it as it may, this proves nothing against my being both gentle, and easy to be entreated. (4) “He says, Mr. G- was a clumsy, overgrown, hardfaced man.” (Page 194.) So he was. And this was the best of him. I spare him much in saying no more. But he is gone; let his ashes rest. (5) “I heard a most miserable sermon, full of dull, senseless, im probable lies.” It was so, from the beginning to the end. I have seldom heard the like. (6.) “‘The persecution at St. Ives’” (which ended before I came; what I saw I do not term persecution) “‘was owing to the indefatigable labours of Mr. H. and Mr. S., gentlemen worthy to be had in ever lasting remembrance.’ Here he tells us, it is his purpose to gibbet up the names of his two great persecutors to everlast ing infamy.” (Page 195.) These gentlemen had occasioned several innocent people to be turned out of their livelihood; and others to be outraged in the most shocking manner, and beat only not to death. My purpose is, by setting down their names, to make others afraid so to offend.

the Spirit of God. I make no doubt but it was Satan tearing them as they were coming to Christ.” (Page 236.) “Now, these were the very symptoms which he had before ascribed to the Spirit of God.” (Page 237.) Never in my life Indeed some of them I never met with before. Those outward symptoms which I had met with before, bodily agitations in particular, I did not ascribe to the Spirit of God, but to the natural union of the soul and body. And those symptoms which I now ascribe to the devil, I never ascribed to any other cause. The Second proof of my prevarication or hypocrisy is therefore just as conclusive as the First. 3. Now for the Third: “Mr. W. before spoke contemptu ously of orthodoxy, to take in the Sectaries. But when he would take off Churchmen, then orthodoxy is the unum necessa rium.”* Did I ever say so? No more than, in the other extreme, speak contemptuously of it. “Yes, you say, ‘I de scribed the plain, old religion of the Church of England, which is now almost everywhere spoken against under the new name of Methodism.” Very well; and what shadow of prevarication is here? May I not still declare the plain, old religion of the Church of England, and yet very consistently aver, that right opinion is a very slender part of it? 4. The next passage, I am sorry to say, is neither related with seriousness nor truth: “We have seen him inviting perse cution.” Never; though I “rejoiced,” in the instance alleged, at having an opportunity of calling a multitude of the most abandoned sinners to repentance. What is peculiarly unfair, is, the lame, false account is palmed upon me, by “So he himself tells the story.” I must therefore tell the story once more, in as few words as I can: “Sunday, August 7, 1737. I repelled Mrs. W. from the communion. Tuesday, 9. I was required by Mr. Bailiff Parker to appear at the next court. Thursday, 11. Mr. Causton, her uncle, said to me, ‘Give your reasons for repelling her before the whole congregation.” I answered: “Sir, if you insist upon it, I will. But I heard no more of it. Afterward he said, (but not to me,) ‘Mr. W.

I need only add a remark or two on the pleasantry of my censurer. “He had recourse, as usual, to his revelations. “I consulted my friends, whether God did not call me to England.” (Page 242.) Not by revelations; these were out of the question; but by clear, strong reasons. “The Magistrate soon quickened his pace, by declaring him an enemy to the public peace.” No; that sense less assertion of Mr. C. made me go neither sooner nor later. ‘The reader has seen him long languish for persecution.” 146 LETTER. To Tn E What, before November, 1737? I never languished for it, either before or since. But I submit to what pleases God. “To hide his poltroonery in a bravado, he gave public notice of his apostolical intention.” (Page 243.) Kind and civil I may be excused from taking notice of what follows. It is equally serious and genteel. “Had his longings for persecution been without hypocrisy.” The same mistake throughout. I never longed or professed to long for it at all. But if I had professed it ever since I returned from Georgia, what was done before I returned could not prove that profession to be hypocrisy. So all this ribaldry serves no end; only to throw much dirt, if haply some may stick. Meantime, how many untruths are here in one page | (1.) “He made the path doubly perplexed for his followers. (2.) He left them to answer for his crimes. (3.) He longed for persecution. (4.) He went as far as Georgia for it. (5.) The truth of his mission was questioned by the Magistrate, and (6.) decried by the people, (7.) for his false morals. (8.) The gospel was wounded through the sides of its pretended Mission ary. (9.) The first Christian Preachers offered up themselves.” So did I. “Instead of this, our paltry mimic.” (Page 244.) Bona verbal Surely a writer should reverence himself, how much soever he despises his opponent. So, upon the whole, this proof of my hypocrisy is as lame as the three former. 5. “We have seen above, how he sets all prudence at defi ance.” None but false prudence. “But he uses a different language when his rivals are to be restrained.” No; always the same, both with regard to false prudence and true. “But take the affair from the beginning.

Nor is it credible, that so many of them would combine together with a view of deceiving others; the greater part being men who feared God, as appeared by the general tenor of their lives. Thus, in the case of John Haydon: This thing was not contrived and executed in a corner, and in the presence of his own family only, or three or four persons prepared for the purpose. No; it was in an open street in the city of Bristol, at one or two in the afternoon; and, the doors being open from the beginning, not only many of the neighbours from every side, but several others, (indeed, whosoever desired it,) went in, 156 LETTER. To The till the house could contain no more. Nor yet does the account of my own illness and recovery depend, as you suppose, on my bare word. There were many witnesses both of my disorder on Friday and Saturday, and my lying down most part of Sun day; (a thing they were well satisfied could not be the effect of a slight indisposition;) and all who saw me that evening, plainly discerned (what I could not wholly conceal)that I was in pain; about two hundred of whom were present when I was seized with the cough, which cut me short, so that I could speak no more; till I cried aloud, ‘Lord, increase my faith ! Lord, confirm the word of thy grace!' The same persons saw and heard, that at the instant I changed my posture, and broke out into thanksgiving; that quickly after, I stood upright, (which I could not before,) and showed no sign either of sickness or pain. “Yet I must desire you well to observe,Thirdly, that my will, or choice, or desire, had no place either in this, or any case of this kind, that has ever fallen under my notice. Five minutes before, I had no thought of this. I expected nothing less. I was willing to wait for a gradual recovery, in the ordinary use of outward means. I did not look for any other cure, till the moment before I found it. And it is my belief, that the case was always the same with regard to the most real and undoubted miracles.

6. I am sensible, in speaking on so tender a point as this must needs be, to those who believe the Chris tian system, there is danger of a warmth which does no honour to our cause, nor is at all countenanced by the Revelation which we defend. I desire neither to show nor to feel this, but to “speak the truth in love,” (the only warmth which the gospel allows,) and to write with calmness, though not indifference. There is likewise a danger of despising our oppo ments, and of speaking with an air of contempt or disdain. I would gladly keep clear of this also; well knowing that a diffidence of ourselves is far from implying a diffidence of our cause: I distrust myself, not my argument. O that the God of the Christians may be with me! that his Spirit may give me under standing, and enable me to think and “speak as the oracles of God,” without going from them to the right hand or to the left November 30, 1756. BEFoRE we attempt to account for any fact, we should be well assured of the fact itself. First, therefore, let us inquire what is the real state of mankind; and, in the Second place, endeavour to account for it. I. First, I say, let us inquire, What is the real state, with regard to knowledge and virtue, wherein mankind have been from the earliest times? And what state are they in at this day? I. 1. What is the state, (to begin with the former branch of the inquiry,) with regard to knowledge and virtue, wherein, according to the most authentic accounts, mankind have been from the earliest times? We have no authentic account of the state of mankind in the times antecedent to the deluge, but in the writings of Moses. What then, according to these, was the state of mankind in those times? Moses gives us an exact and full account: God then “saw that the wickedness of man was great, and that every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually.” (Gen. vi.

Now, how is this to be accounted for, that, in so long a tract of time, no one nation under the sun has been able, by whole some laws, or by any other method, to remove this grievous evil; so that, their children being well educated, the scale might at length turn on the side of reason and virtue? These are questions which I conceive will not easily be answered to the satisfaction of any impartial inquirer. But, to bring the matter to a short issue: The first parents who educated their children in vice and folly, either were wise and virtuous themselves, or were not. If they were not, their vice did not proceed from education; so the supposition falls to the ground: Wickedness was antecedent to bad education. If they were wise and virtuous, it cannot be supposed but they would teach their children to tread in the same steps. In mowise, therefore, can we account for the present state of mankind from example or education. 2. Let us then have recourse to the oracles of God.

The second scripture you cite is Gen. iii., from verse 7 to 24. (Pages 9, 10.) On this you observe: Here “we have some consequences of our first parents’ sin before God judged them; some appointed by his judicial sentence; and some which happened after that sentence was pronounced.” (Page 11.) “Immediately upon their transgression, they were seized with shame and fear. Guilt will always be attended with shame. And a state of guilt is often in Scripture expressed by being naked. Moses ‘saw that the people were naked; for Aaron had made them naked to their shame among their enemies.” (Exod. xxxii. 25.)” Certainly, naked does not mean guilty here; but either stripped of their ornaments, (xxxiii. 5, 6) or of their swords, or their upper garment. “Thy nakedness shall be uncovered; yea, thy shame shall be seen.” (Isaiah xlvii. 3.) (Page 12.) Here also nakedness does not mean guilt; but is to be taken literally, as mani festly appears from the words immediately preceding: “Make bare the leg, uncover the thigh, pass over the rivers.” (Verse 2.) And, “Blessed is he that watcheth and keepeth his gar ments, lest he walk naked, and they see his shame.” (Rev. xvi. 15.) The plain meaning is, lest he lose the graces he has received, and so be ashamed before men and angels. “Their fear is described: “Adam and his wife hid them selves from the presence of the Lord God among the trees of the garden. (Gen. iii. 8.) They had no such fear while they were innocent; but now they were afraid to stand before their Judge.” (Page 13.) This is all you can discern in the Mosaic account as the consequence of our first parents’ sin, before God judged them. Mr. Hervey discerns something more. I make no apology for transcribing some of his words: “Adam violated the precept, and, as the nervous original expresses it, “died the death.’ He before possessed a life incomparably more excellent than that which the beasts en joy. He possessed a divine life, consisting, according to the Apostle, “in knowledge, in righteousness, and true holi ness.’ This, which was the distinguishing glory of his na ture, in the day that he ate the forbidden fruit was extinct. “His understanding, originally enlightened with wisdom, was clouded with ignorance. His heart, once warmed with heavenly love, became alienated from God his Maker.

You affirm, (6.) “The consequences of Adam’s sin answer those of Christ's obedience; but not exactly: ‘Not as the offence, so is the free gift. For if through the offence of one many be dead, much more the grace’ (or favour) ‘of God and the gift” (the benefits that are) ‘by grace, which is by one mail Jesus Christ, hath abounded unto many.’ (Verse 15.) That is, he hath in Christ bestowed benefits upon man kind, far exceeding the consequences of Adam’s sin; in erect ing a new dispensation, furnished with a glorious fund of light and truth, means and motives.” (Pages 43,44.) This is true; but how small a part of the truth ! What a poor, low account of the Christian dispensation 1 You go on: “‘Not as it was by one that sinned, so is the gift : For the judgment was by one offence to condemnation; but the free gift is of many offences unto justification;' (verse 16;) that is, the grace of God in Christ discharges mankind from the consequences of Adam’s one offence.” Does it en tirely discharge them from these consequences? from sorrow, and labour, and death, which you affirmed a while ago to be the only consequences of it that affect his posterity? It “also sets them quite to rights with God, both as to a conformity to the law and eternal life.” Is not this allowing too much? Is it well consistent with what you said before? “In the 19th verse, the Apostle concludes the whole argument: “As by one man’s disobedience many were made sinners, so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous.’” (Page 29, et seq.) “Were made sinners,” you aver means only, “were made mortal.” If so, the counterpart, “made righteous,” can only mean, “made immortal.” And that you thought so then, appears from your citing as a parallel text, “In Christ shall all be made alive;” which you had be fore asserted to mean only, “shall be raised from the dead.” 14.

“In the 19th verse, the Apostle concludes the whole argument: “As by one man’s disobedience many were made sinners, so by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous.’” (Page 29, et seq.) “Were made sinners,” you aver means only, “were made mortal.” If so, the counterpart, “made righteous,” can only mean, “made immortal.” And that you thought so then, appears from your citing as a parallel text, “In Christ shall all be made alive;” which you had be fore asserted to mean only, “shall be raised from the dead.” 14. “Hence it followeth, First, that the abounding of God’s grace, and the blessing by that grace, doth not respect the consequences of Adam’s sin, hath no reference to his transgression, but to the grace of God, and the obedience of Christ.” (Page 45.) “The abounding of God’s grace,” you inform us, “has reference to the grace of God.” Most sure: But this does not prove that it has no reference to the con sequences of Adam’s sin. If we gain more blessing by Christ than we lost by Adam, it is doubtless abounding grace. But still it has a reference to Adam’s transgression, and the con sequences of it. It is over these that it abounds; therefore it has a manifest respect to them. “It followeth, Secondly, that in the 18th and 19th verses the Apostle considers the effects of Christ's obedience only so far as they answer to, and reverse the consequences of, Adam’s disobedience; the additional benefits flowing there from having been mentioned apart in the 15th, 16th, and 17th verses.” (Page 46.) In those verses the Apostle does un doubtedly show how the blessing by Christ abounded over the curse by Adam. But what then? How does this prove that the 18th and 19th verses do not respect all the benefits mentioned before? Without question they do: They are a general conclusion, not from one, but all the preceding verses. “Again observe, that the ‘justification to life’ is such a justification as comes upon all men.” (Page 47.) It may in some sense; but does it in fact? According to your sense of it, it comes upon none.

By the obedience of one, many are made righteous.” (Verses 15, 18, 19.) “Thus the Apostle shows the parity between the effects of Adam’s sin, and of Christ's righteousness. Only in two instances he shows that the effect of the latter vastly exceeds the effect of the former: “(1.) It removes many sins, besides that one sin of Adam, which so affected all his posterity: “If through one offence many be dead, much more the grace of God by Jesus Christ hath abounded to many. The judgment was by one to con demnation; but the free gift is of many offences unto justifi cation.” (Verses 15, 16.) “(2.) Christ raises believers to a far happier state than that which Adam enjoyed in paradise: “Much more they who receive abundanceof grace, and of the gift of righteousness, shall reignin life by one, Jesus Christ.” (Verse 17.)” (Jennings's Vindication.) 17. Your paraphrase on the text, (Taylor’s Doctrine, &c., pp. 55-64) being only a repetition of what you had said over and over before, does not require any separate consideration. Only I must observe a few mistakes which have not occurred before: (1) “The resurrection is the first and fundamental step in the gospel salvation.” (Page 64.) No; “He shall save his ; people from their sins;” this is the first and fundamental step. (2.) You have very grievously mistaken the meaning of four texts in John vi. : “This is the Father’s will, that, of all which he hath given me, I should lose nothing, but should raise it up again at the last day.” (Verse 39) “This is the will of Him that sent me, that everyone that seeth the Son, and believethon him, should have everlasting life: And I will raise him up at the last day.” (Verse 40.) “No man can come to me except the Father draw him: And I will raise him up at the last day.” (Verse 44.) “Whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood hath eternal life; and I will raise him up at the last day.” (Verse 54.) Now, you cite all these texts as relating to the general resurrection, whereas not one of them relates to it at all. They are all promises made to true believers only; and relate wholly and solely to the resurrection of the just. 18.

But this does not amount to a natural propensity to sin.” (Page 186.) But is not pride sin Is not idolatry sin? And is it not idolatry, to “love the creature more than the Creator?” Is not revenge sin? Is it not sin to “look upon a woman,” so as “to lust after her?” And have not all men a natural pro pensity to these things? They have all, then, a natural propensity to sin. Nevertheless, this propensity is not necessary, if by necessary you mean irresistible. We can resist and conquer it too, by the grace which is ever at hand. This propensity to pride, to revenge, to idolatry, (call it taint, or anything,) cannot be pleasing to God, who yet in fact does permit that it should descend from Adam to his latest posterity. And “we can neither help nor hinder” its descending to us. Indeed we can heap up plausible argu ments to prove the impossibility of it: But I feel it, and the argument drops. Bring ever so many proofs that there can be no such thing as motion: I move, and they vanish away. “But nature cannot be morally corrupted, but by the choice of a moral agent.” (Page 187.) You may play upon words as long as you please; but still I hold this fast: I (and you too, whether you will own it or no) am inclined, and was ever since I can remember, antecedently to any choice of my own, to pride, revenge, idolatry. If you will not call these moral corruptions, call them just what you will; but the fact I am as well assured of, as that I have any memory or under standing. “But some have attempted to explain this intricate affair.” (Page 188.) I do not commend their wisdom. I do not attempt to explain even how I, at this moment, stretch out my hand, or move my finger. One more of your assertions I must not pass over “It is absurd to say, infection is derived from Adam, independent of the will of God; and to say, it is by his will, is to make him the author of the pollution.” (Page 189.) We answer: It is not derived from Adam, independent of the will of God; that is, his permissive will. But our allow ing this, does not make him the author of the pollution.

It makes no difference as to the ground of our faith, whether a doctrine was delivered by Christ himself, or by his Apostles; and whether it be written in any of the four Gospels, or of the divine Epistles. There is only this difference: The Epistles were wrote after the resurrection and ascension of Christ; therefore, after the full commencement of the gospel dispensation; whereas the discourses of Christ recorded in the Gospels were delivered before the gospel dispensation was properly begun; therefore we are to look for the peculiar doctrines of Christ rather in the Epistles than in the Gospels. However, Christ did speak of this, and referred to it more than once, during his personal ministry, particularly in his discourse with Nicodemus, and Matt. xxiii. But it is not surprising that he did not speak so largely of redeeming us from sin, original or actual, by the price of his blood, before that price was actually paid, as the Apostles did afterward. He considered the littleness of their knowledge, with the violence of their prejudices; therefore we have no cause to be surprised that no more is said on this head in those discourses which Christ delivered before his death. But to us he has told it plainly, and we do find the doctrines of original sin, and redemption from it by Jesus Christ, distinguished emphatically in almost every page of the inspired Epistles.” (Jennings’s Vindication, page 116, &c.) To sum up this: 1. Christ speaks very sparingly of many things, whereof his Apostles have spoken largely. 2. Yet he does speak of the corruption of our nature, (which St. Paul expressly tells us is derived from Adam,) particularly in the 23d of St. Matthew, and the 3d of St. John. 3. Wherever he speaks of “saving that which was lost,” he in effect speaks of this; espe cially Matt. xviii. 11, where he mentions “little children” as lost; which could not be by actual sin. 4. There was the less need of our Lord’s speaking much on this head, because it was so fully declared in the Old Testament, and was not questioned by any of those false teachers against whom he was chiefly concerned to warn his disciples.

“Had they stood, can we think any of them would have died; much less every one of them? And, especially, that half the human race should have been doomed to die before seven years old? before they reach the tenth part of the present age of man, or have done anything in life worth living for?” (Page 57.) “But let us proceed to other miseries that attend us, and hasten us down to the grave:-- “Think next of the multitudes that are racked day and night by the gout and stone, the colic and rheumatism, and all man ner of acute and painful diseases; and then say, Would a mer ciful God have contrived these torments for sinless creatures? Think of the dismal scenes of war and bloodshed that have by times overspread all nations. Cast your thought on a field of battle, where thousands of men are destroyed like brute beasts, and perish by sharp and bloody strokes, or by the fatal engines of death. See thousands more lie on the cold ground, with their flesh and limbs battered and torn, wounded and panting in extreme anguish, till the murmuring soul takes its flight. Are these the signals of their Maker’s love, and of his image in which they were created?” (Page 58.) “Think of the numbers that are swallowed up in the mighty waters, by the rage of stormy winds and seas; review the mul titudes which have been swept away by the pestilence, or con sumed by the tedious agonies of famine.

17.) This is a plain proof of the corruption of nature; forasmuch as those that have not actually sinned have their share of these sor rows; yea, and draw their first breath weeping. There are also graves of the smallest as well as the largest size; and there are never wanting some in the world, who, like Rachel, are ‘weeping for their children, because they are not.’ “(2.) How early does this corruption of nature appear ! It is soon discerned which way the bias of the heart lies. Do not the children of fallen Adam, before they can go alone, follow their father’s footsteps? What pride, ambition, curiosity, vanity, wilfulness, and averseness to good, appear in them ! And when they creep out of infancy, there is a necessity of using ‘the rod of correction, to drive away the foolishness that is bound in their heart.” “(3.) Take a view of the out-breakings of sin in the world. ‘The wickedness of man is yet great in the earth. Behold the bitter fruits of corrupt nature ! ‘By swearing, and lying, and killing, and stealing, and committing adultery, they break out,’ (like the breaking forth of waters,) “and blood toucheth blood. The world is filled with all manner of filthi ness, wickedness, and impiety. And whence is this deluge of sin on the earth, but from the breaking up of the fountains of the great deep, “the heart of man,’ out of which ‘proceed adulteries, fornications, murders, thefts, covetousness, wicked ness?’ Ye may, it may be, thank God, that ye are not in these respects ‘like other men: And you have reason; for the corruption of nature is the very same in you as in them. “(4.) Cast your eye upon those terrible convulsions the world is thrown into by the wickedness of men. Lions prey not on lions, nor wolves on wolves; but men bite and devour one another. Upon how slight occasions will men sheathe their swords in one another's bowels | Since Cain shed Abel's blood, the world has been turned into a slaughter-house. And the chase has been continued, ever since Nimrod began his hunting; as on the earth, so in the seas, the greater still devouring the lesser.

I do not mean by misrepresenting his sentiments; (though some of his profound admirers are positive that you misunderstand and murder him throughout;) but by dragging him out of his awful obscurity; by pouring light upon his venerable darkness. Men may admire the deepness of the well, and the excellence of the water it contains: But if some officious person puts a light into it, it will appear to be both very shallow and very dirty. I could not have borne to spend so many words on so egre gious trifles, but that they are mischievous trifles: IIae nuga seria ducent In mala.t This is dreadfully apparent in your own case, (I would not speak, but that Idare not refrain,) whom, notwithstanding your * The example is pleasing.--EDIT. # This quotation from Horace is thus translated by Boscawen : *These trifles serious mischief brecd.”-EDIT, uncommon abilities, they have led astray in things of the greatest importance. Bad philosophy has, by insensible degrees, paved the way for bad divinity: In consequence of this miserable hypothesis, you advance many things in reli gion also, some of which are unsupported by Scripture, some even repugnant to it. II. Some of these I shall now mention with the utmost plainness, as knowing for whom, and before whom, I speak. And, 1. You deny the omnipotence of God. You say: “As no seeing eye could be created unless there was, antecedent to it, a natural visibility of things,” (Why not? Why might not visible things be created at the same instant with it?) “so no creature could come into any natural life, unless such a state of nature was antecedent to it.” (Page 60.) “All that God does is, and must be, done in and by the powers of nature.” (Page 135.) What then did it avail that, as you elsewhere say, God was before nature? He not only could not then do all things, but he could do nothing till nature existed. But if so, how came nature itself, this second eternal, to exist at all? “There cannot possibly be any other difference between created beings, than arises from that out of which they were created.” (Page 60.) Why not? Who will stay the hand of the Almighty, or say unto him, What doest thou?

“The fourth property is fire; the fifth, the form of light and love;” (what is the form of love? and are light and love the same thing?) “the sixth, sound or understanding;” (the same thing doubtless!) “the seventh, a life of triumph ing joy.” Is then “a life of triumphing joy,” “that which brings the three and three properties into union?” If so, how is it “the result of that union?” Once more: “Attraction is an incessant working of three contrary properties,--drawing, resisting, and whirling.” That is, in plain terms, drawing is incessant drawing, resist ance, and whirling. Such is the philosophy which Jacob received by immediate inspiration; (to mention only the first principles of it;) and by which he is to explain all religion, and the whole revela tion of God! 1. As to his divinity, I object, First, to the very design of explaining religion by any philosophy whatever. The Scrip ture gives us no direction, no, nor any permission, so to do. I object, much more, to the execution of his design; the attempting to explain it by that base, unmeaning, self contradictory jargon, which is as far remote from all true, genuine philosophy, as it is from the Scripture itself. 2. But be the foundation as it may, he builds no super structure upon it, but what we knew before, either with regard to internal or external holiness. We knew before, “Neither circumcision availeth anything, nor uncircum cision, but faith that worketh by love.” And what does he teach us by all his hard, uncouth words, more than this plain truth ? We knew before that we “must be born again; ” inwardly changed from all evil tempers to all good; “from an earthly, sensual, devilish mind, to the mind that was in Christ Jesus.” And what more does he teach us on this head, by all his vain, precarious, mystical philosophy? We knew before that “the loving God with all our heart, and the loving our neighbour as ourselves, is the fulfilling of the law, the end of the commandment,” the sum of all reli gion. And what has he told us more than this, in all his nineteen volumes?- We knew before that the whole of religion is, a heart and life totally devoted to God. Has he told us, or can he tell us, any thing more?

Should he beckon the man on the red horse to return, and say, "Sword, go through this land;" can we complain he gave us no warning Did not the sword first bereave abroad; and did we not then see it within our borders Yet the merciful God said, "Hitherto shalt thou come, and no further;" he stopped the invaders in the midst of our land, and turned them back again, and destroyed them. Should he send the man on the pale horse, whose name is Death, and the pestilence destroy thousands and ten thousands of us; can we deny that first he warned us by the raging mortality among our cattle So, if we provoke him to lay waste our earth, and turn it upside down, and overthrow us, as he overthrew Sodom and Gomorrah; shall we not have procured this unto ourselves Had we no reason to expect any such calamity; no previous notice; no trembling of the earth before it clave; no shock before it opened its mouth Did he set no examples of so terrible a judgment before our eyes Had we never heard of the destruction of Jamaica, or Catania, or that of Lima, which happened but yesterday If we perish at last, we perish without excuse; for what could have been done more to save us